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이 글은 19세기 말~20세기 초 서울 도심에서 동교지역 왕릉에 이르는 공간들이 전통적 혹은 근대적 정치의 장으로서 변화되어 가는지 살펴본 것이다. 동교지역에는 왕릉이 있었기에, 고종과 순종시대를 거쳐 식민지 시기에 이르기까지 능행이나 왕실의 장례식을 위해 행차가 이르던 곳이었다. 18세기 이래로 국왕의 도성 안팎으로의 행차가 이루어지는 공간은 국왕이라는 최고의 지배자와 피치자들이 만나며 소통하는 정치적 장으로서 자리잡았다. 이러한 전통은 고종의 치세 전반기에 국정을 주도하려는 의지와 함께 되살아났다. 고종대 후반에도 격변하는 정세 속에서도 동교지역으로의 능행은 지속되었다. 여전히 능행의 과정은 백성들과 소통할 수 있는 기회였지만, 18세기 이래 관행 이상을 뛰어넘는 새로움을 찾을 수는 없었다. 명성황후의 장엄한 장례식 후 고종의 능행은 홍릉(洪陵)에 집중되었고, 동릉으로의 행행은 거의 중단되었다. 홍릉의 정치적 중요성은 도심에서 홍릉까지 자동으로 왕복하는 전차를 통해 더욱 강화되었다. 1900년대로 들어오면서 황실의 장례식에까지 새로운 문명이 스며들고 있었다. 황태자비의 장례식에 외국 공사관의 귀빈들이 초청되었고, 발인의식이 시작된 궁궐 문 밖에서는 쇼팽의 장송곡이 연주되었다. 이 시기 국가적 의례를 통해 표현되는 정치의 새로움은 그 내용에서보다 형식에서 두드러졌다. 1907년 고종의 양위로 황제가 교체되었지만, 새 황제는 더 이상 의례를 통해 자신의 정치적 지향을 정당화할 수 없었다. 의장(儀仗)과 시위(侍衛)의 전면적인 개편으로 정기적으로 거행되는 능행에서 위엄의 상징들을 내보일 수 없었다. 순종은 백성들 앞에 더 많이 더 많은 곳에서 모습을 분명하게 드러냈지만, 배후에 존재하던 또 다른 제국의 야욕만이 부상될 뿐이었다. 식민지 시기, 고종과 순종, 마지막 두 황제의 장례식에서 조선인들은 조선 민족을 정치공동체의 단위로 여기고 스스로 정치적 운명을 결단할 수 있는 권리를 요구했다. 20세기 초 동교의 옛 길은 군주제의 마지막 통치자들을 영영 이별하며, 새롭게 억압하며 길들여질 것을 요구하는 낯선 권력에게 저항하며 정치적으로 각성해나가는 장이 되었다.

Examined in this article, is how the space that existed between the center of the city and the royal mausoleums located in the Donggyo area was established as a political space, either in the premodern period or the modern period, during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. There were royal mausoleums standing in the Donggyo area, so during the reigns of kings Gojong and Sunjong and even in the colonial period, royal trips were made to the place to either visit the mausoleums or attend royal funerals held there. Since the 18th century, the places on the path of royal trips outside the palace made by kings were established as political places, where the ruler and the ruled had the opportunity to communicate with each other. The tradition was resurrected with Gojong’s own will to take control of the government, during the early half of his reign. And even during the latter half of his reign, royal trips to the mausoleums of the Donggyo area continued as well. Such trips still managed to serve as windows for mutual communication between the king and the subjects. Yet there wasn’t anything essentially new either, compared to the convention that had been established since the 18th century. Gojong’s wife Myeongseong, who died(murdered) as a queen, was honorably restored as an empress, with a grand ceremony(funeral ritual) which was held three years after her death. After the funeral, Gojong’s trip to the mausoleums tended to concentrate upon visiting the Hongreung mausoleum, and trips to the Dongreung mausoleum nearly ceased. The political importance of Hongrueng was even more emphasized with the implementation of an electric rail car that commuted from the center of the city to the Hongreung mausoleum. Coming into the 1900s, even the funerals of the imperial family started to witness and embrace aspects of new cultures and civilizations. Honored guests of foreign legations were invited to the funeral of the crown princess, and Chopin’s requiem was played outside the palace gate when the ritual of carrying the coffin began. New facets of politics demonstrated through national(state) rituals were more than apparent in formats rather than contents. Gojong abdicated from the seat of emperor in 1907, yet the new emperor was no longer able to have his own political aspiration legitimately recognized by others through rituals. The format of the cortege and guards was entirely modified, and it became difficult to display the sheer authority of the emperor through regular trips to the mausoleums. Sunjong made himself available in front of the public more often and in more various places, yet the shadow of another empire looming behind him with a greedy motive, was more than idly present and also strongly felt. During the colonial period, the Joseon people, recognizing the Korean race as a political community, asked for a right to decide and determine their own political fate, in the occasion of funerals for the last two emperors of the dynasty, Gojong and Sunjong. In the early days of the 20th century, the old road to Donggyo became a place where people bade farewell to their late rulers, and where people shared a new realization of their own obligation, to resist alien oppression which asked the Korean people’s compliance and obedience.

본 논문은 한양의 동교 지역에 위치했던 단묘들이 근대를 거치며 어떠한 의미 변화를 가지게 되었는지를 탐구하였다. 조선이 건국되면서 한양 도성 주변의 교 지역에는 길례의 중사와 소사에 해당하는 여러 단묘들이 설치되었는데, 서교에는 단묘가 존재하지 않았고 남교와 동교에 주로 제사처들이 위치하였다. 그러나 이들 단묘들은 실제 사람들의 인식이나 국가 사전의 운용에서 등질적인 의미를 가지고 있지는 않았다. 조선 후기에 동교 지역에서 특히 의미가 있었던 단묘는 선농단을 들 수 있는데, 선농단은 권농의 의미, 태평성대의 표상, 민과 함께 하는 의례라는 등의 중층적인 의미를 가졌고, 영조대 이후 친경의례가 부활되면서 상당한 의미를 가질 수 있었다. 한편 임진왜란의 와중에 명 장수의 요청에 의해 비로소 건립된 관왕묘는 국가 사전 체제에서의 위상은 불분명했음에도 불구하고 조선 후기에 상당히 중요한 의미를 가졌다. 관왕묘 역시 복합적인 의미를 가지고 있어서, 동관왕묘는 선조대 설립 당시 풍수 비보적인 이유로서 현재 입지에 자리잡게 되었다는 내력을 가지고 있었으나 이후에는 대명의리론을 상징하는 한편, 병자호란을 기념하는 이중적인 의미를 띠었다. 이와는 달리 민간에서는 무속적인 차원에서 관우 신앙이 확산되며 음사가 활발하게 행해져서 고종대에 이르면 북관왕묘와 서관왕묘까지 건설된다. 이처럼 선농단과 동관왕묘는 조선 시기 복합적이고 중층적인 의미를 담고 있었는데, 일제 시기를 거치며 이러한 의미들 중 일부만이 남거나 왜곡되었다. 선농단과 적전을 중심으로 한 친경의례는 순종대에 행해지며, 일본에 의해 태평성대가 도래하였으며 근대 산업의 진작이라는 측면에서 농업을 장려하는 의미로서 행해졌다. 그러나 민간에서 이는 후에 순종을 기념하는 사건으로 기억되었다. 이후 이곳의 공식적인 의례는 중단되었지만, 선농단 주변의 향나무를 중심으로 민간의 기곡 의례가 행해지기도 하였다. 동관왕묘의 중층적 의미 중 풍수적 측면이나 대명의리론의 측면은 일찍이 단절되었으나, 민간 신앙의 측면은 여전히 활발하였으며, 남관왕묘와 달리 사적으로 지정되기도 하였다. 그런데 이러한 지정에는 이를 통해 임진왜란을 기념하고 중국의 속국이었던 조선을 ‘독립’시킨 일본을 기념하려는 의도가 바탕이 되었다. 이처럼 단묘와 같은 상징체계는 설립자의 다양한 의도와 함께 이와 반드시 일치하지는 않는 수용자의 태도가 중층적 의미를 빚어내는데, 이는 식민지화 같은 급격한 권력관계의 변화에도 불구하고 일시에 변화하는 것이 아니다. 동교의 단묘들 역시 이러한 중층적 의미 중 일부는 연속되고, 일부는 단절되었으며 일부는 왜곡되며 현재까지 그 의미의 흔적을 남기고 있다.

Examined in this article, is how the meanings of the altars & shrines located in the Donggyo area(the east suburb) of the Hanyang capital were changed during Korea’s modern period. With the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, several altars & shrines enlisted as objects of middle- and minor-level ‘Gil-ryae’memorial services(for ‘happy and auspicious occasions’) were established in the‘ Gyo’area of the outskirt of the capital. They were mostly placed in Namgyo(the south suburb) and Donggyo, and not in the Seogyo area(the west suburb). And they each occupied unique symbolic meanings, in the minds of the people and in the operation of the national system of memorial services. In the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty, the altar that had a special meaning among Donggyo area altars was the Seonnong-dan altar(the altar for good crop). Seonnong-dan stood for multiple meanings, such as encouraging agricultural production, symbolizing a peaceful and prosperous time, as an object of rituals joined by the public. And since king Yeongjo’s reign, the Chin’gyeong ritual(the cultivating performances by the King himself ) was resurrected, and the meaning of Seonnongdan was reinforced once again. The Gwanwang-myo shrine was established during the war with the Japanese(which broke out in 1592) at the request of generals in the Ming army. Its position inside the national system of memorial services was unclear at first, yet it came to have a very important meaning in the latter half period of the Joseon dynasty. Its meaning was complex, as Dong-Gwanwang-myo was originally established in its position during king Seonjo’s reign for certain Fengshui(geomantic) reasons to aid the energy surrounding the area, yet later came to symbolize the spirit of the era, which was to remain true to the Joseon’s moral obligation to Ming, and to also commemorate the war that started in 1636 by the Qing dynasty’s invasion of Joseon. And in the meantime the people continued to honor Master Gwanu(關羽) in certain Shaman fashions, and such unofficial occasions of honoring led to the construction of the Buk- and Seo-Gwanwang-myo during king Gojong’s reign. Seonnong-dan and Dong-Gwanwang-myo held a variety of multi-layered meanings during the Joseon dynasty period, yet most of them were lost while some of them survived in a distorted fashion during the Japanese occupation period. The Chin’gyeong ritual was demonstrated in Seonnong-dan and the Jeokjeon site(籍田: a field for ritual) during king Sunjong’s reign, yet such ritual was held to encourage people to more strongly engage in agricultural production which was considered part of the modern industrial development in a peaceful time that was made possible by no other than the Japanese authorities. But the public also remembered such rituals in commemoration of king Sunjong. Later, official rituals were ceased, yet civilians sometimes held certain prayers for successful production in agriculture to the aromatic trees surrounding Seonnong-dan. Dong-Gwanwang-myo’s Fengshui(geomantic) meaning and its nature of symbolizing Joseon’s moral obligation to Ming were lost fairly early on, yet its charm as part of a public folklore belief was still very much alive, and unlike Nam-Gwanwang-myo it was even designated as a historical site. Yet such designation was also engineered by the Japanese authorities, which had been propagating that it ‘liberated’Joseon from being a subordinate entity of China. By such designation, the Japanese wanted to commemorate the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, and honor themselves for bringing‘ liberation’to Joseon. Altars & shrines, as symbolic figures which reflected particular intentions of the people who established them, often came to harbor various meanings of the public which were not necessarily compatible with or similar to the original agendas that were behind the construction in the first place. Yet even turbulent and radical shifts in power, such as the colonization of Korea by the Japanese, did not bring immediate changes to their meanings. Donggyo area’s altars & shrines show us that. Some of their meanings survived, some of them were vanished, and some of them were distorted, to continue to live even today.

In this essay I am supposed to consider how the image of Cheongnyangni is described in korean modern literature. During colonial period(1910-1945) Cheongnyangni was one of the well-known suburbs of Gyeongseong(Keizo), and literary writers such as Lee Gwang-Soo, Na Do-Hyang, Chae Man-Sik and Kim Gi- Rim wrote episode related with Cheongnyangni in their novels or essays. We can see the good example in Mujeong(The Pitilessness). And the image or imaginative place of Cheongnyangni, as we can see in Mujeong, is reproduced repeatedly in literary texts produced during colonial period. In literary texts Cheongnyangni is represented as the place of taking a walk, amusement and enjoyment. Especially the buddhist temples in and around Cheongnyangni such as Cheongnyang-sa, Yeongdo-sa are imaginated as the place of secret meetings or the place of depravity. These images are strengthened gradually and after all Cheongnyangni is regarded as the place of uncleanliness. But we should know that images are different from realities. The images of Cheongnyangni with which we are seemed to be familiar were formed, produced and circulated both historically and socially. In order not to be swayed by the negative images of the past we have to look into the process of image-making more deeply. And then we will embody new images based upon realities of Cheongnyangni.

한국을 대표하는 매매춘 1번지 ‘청량리 588“을 비롯하여 지금까지 유곽과 매매춘을 다루는 많은 문헌들의 공통점은 유곽을 시ㆍ공간으로 보는 관점보다는 성매매 행위에 큰 관심을 갖고 연구되어 왔다. 유곽이라는 제한된 공간에서 윤락여성들에 의해 지탱되는 유곽공간의 시ㆍ공간적 특성은 윤리도덕주의에 의해 침묵되어진다. 그러나 ‘청량리 588’이라는 물리적 공간은 그 속에서 살아가는 인간행위의 도덕적ㆍ윤리적 잣대로만 볼 수 없다. 물론 매춘(성매매)이 우리사회에서는 법적ㆍ제도적으로는 불법이기 때문에 ’사회악‘으로 인식되어 있다. 그러나 ’청량리 588‘ 뿐 아니라 미아리88(텍사스촌), 천호동 텍사스촌 등 우리 주변에 많은 집창촌이 있고 사회의 묵인하에 버젓이 영업이 이루어지고 있다. 그러므로 그곳은 우리사회의 역사적이고 사회적인 구성물이다. 그곳은 ‘돈’이 남는 ‘장사’였고, 그래서 한국사회가 지난 반세기 동안 이루어 온 고도성장과 깊은 관계가 있으며 지금도 그곳에서 벌어지고 있는 개발과 철거의 논리에는 ‘돈과 권력’이 작용하고 있다. 그러므로 중요한 것은 ‘청량리 588’, ‘미아리 텍사스’, ‘기지촌’ 등 우리 주위에 수없이 산재해 있는 유곽의 존재가 시ㆍ공간 속에서 점유되어 온 역사와 방식에 대한 설명이 필요하다는 것이다. 그래서 성매매특별법과 서울시의 부도심개발시책으로 인해 무작정 길거리로 내쪽기고 있는 그들의 삶을 우리 사회가 역사적으로 돌이켜 보고 대안을 찾아야 한다는 것이다. 따라서 이 연구는 반세기 동안 물리적 ‘공간’을 구체적으로 점유하고, 그래서 ‘번지 있는’ 성매매 여성 집결지로 존재해 왔던 ‘동대문 밖’ 청량리 588유곽의 역사를 시계열적으로 살펴보면서 공간에 담긴 그 역사적ㆍ사회적 의미를 탐색해 보고자 한다. 물론 ‘청량리 588’ 유곽의 시ㆍ공간적 역사성과 사회성이 공간의 존재여부를 정당화시키는 것은 아니다. 그러나 이러한 역사성과 사회성을 무시하고 ‘청량리 588’을 말한다면 그것은 늘 케케묵은 공창과 사창의 논쟁, ‘암적 존재-사회 악’과 ‘필요악’이라는 논쟁을 불러일으킬 따름이다.

Most researches on red-light districts and prostitution have been mainly interested in the prostitution itself rather than the spatiotemporal characteristics of red-light districts. The red-light districts are very limited space maintained by female prostitutes. In fact, its spatiotemporal characteristics have been veiled under the gravity of moralism. However, the actual space of 'Chung Rang Lee 588'(Oh-Pal-Pal) cannot be described nor understood by moral or ethical measuring on the behaviors of men and women who are dwelling in Chung Rang Lee 588'. The Chung Rang Lee 588' is a historical and social construction in the South Korean society. It has been a 'business' for 'money', and strongly impacted by the rapid economic growth realized in South Korea. Still in Chung Rang Lee 588, there is tough breath of money and power in the name of the urban redevelopment. Therefore, it is important to explain the history of how red-light districts such as 'Chung Rang Lee 588', 'Mia-Ri Texas', 'Giji-Chon' have been scattered and have occupied a part of our everyday life environments. To explore its spatiotemporal and social meaning, this study examines the history of Chung Rang Lee 588' which has actually occupied the geographically space 'outside Dongdaemun' for last half century, and which has been an assembly area of female prostitutes with an officially registered address in South Korea. Of course, the history and social nature of the red-light district of 'Chung Rang Lee 588' does not justify its spatial legitimacy. If we try to study 'Chung Rang Lee 588' ignoring its history and social nature, it is obvious that the study will only lead to stimulate some typical and outdated debates such as on licensed/unlicensed prostitution and on prostitution as necessary evil/social crime.

Borrowing by the government policy in the 16th century became a common housing type of farmers coming into the city in the 17th century. The housing supply method of the military, a class of farmers coming into the city received Gongdae(public sites) including Mohwagwan(慕華館) and Taepyoongwan(太平館) from their unit such as Hunryun-dogam(訓鍊都監) or Au Young Chung(御營廳). Therefore, their dwelling sites were prepared collectively through Gongdae(公垈) borrowing, differently from other farmers coming into the city. This finally became the cause of formation of regional dwelling sites in the Hanseongbu. The soldiers who came up to the city in the 17th century resided by borrowing private sites(personal Gadae) besides the national Gongdae. However, since the private-site borrowing could be sued easily, differently from Gongdae borrowing, it was on shaky ground where they could lose their place of residence. Borrowers who leased private sites had to receive an Iban(立案) thoroughly because they could lose the right of the leased land without the Iban when they were sued for Gadae(家垈). With poor housing conditions, borrowers were in the unstable situation where the leased land could be taken away as an aspect of pillaging by a powerful or loyal family in Hanseongbu with the owner residing in the provinces. In particular, in case of private-site borrowing differently from Gongdae borrowing, there were many cases of legal action so that borrowers had to clearly recognize and confirm if the land was owned by and who was its owner. As to the period of lease, Gongdae borrowing was almost permanent while privatesite borrowing was flexible except that the owner went down into the country. Also, borrowers paid a certain amount to their owner as taxes. While paying in a lump-sum like a today’s deposit money, they paid once a year as seen through a case that they paid taxes yearly. The government’s protection measures about such borrowers didn’t appear in the late Joseon Dynasty. A borrower or a tenant only got a tax refund when the owner’s house had a trouble, which turned out that their property right was under protection to some extent. The method to secure the residence right about borrowing could not but receive the government’s Iban stating the dwelling period or conditions of borrowing. However, even in this case the borrower had to clearly recognize details of Gadae to lease, the location of resident households, and its ownership since when both litigant parties received the Iban, the party who first issued the Iban could win a lawsuit.

본 논문은 19세기에 창작된 소설 중 서울을 공간적 배경으로 하고 있는 작품들을 대상으로 하여 작품 속에 반영된 당대 향락상의 면모를 살피고 그것이 지니는 의미를 규명하고자 마련되었다. 분석 대상으로는 19세기의 서울을 시공간적 배경으로 하는 <절화기담>과 <포의교집>, <게우사>, <이춘풍전> 등이 선택되었다. 이 시기 서울을 소재로 하는 소설들에서 두드러지게 발견되는 것은 전 사회적으로 만연한 유흥풍조와 사치의 추구이다. 한편으로는 이러한 향락적 분위기에 힘입어 이전 시기까지 금기시되었던 성과 사랑에 대한 자유분방한 표현들이 가능해졌다. 이러한 변모 양상은 도시화와 상업화의 물결 속에 근대화가 촉진되었던 19세기 서울의 과도기적 모습을 반영하는 것이다. 즉 기존의 유교적 이념에 강제되었던 억압들을 벗고 개아적 본성을 추구하려는 근대적 인간형의 등장과 경제적이고 실리적인 가치를 중시하는 세태는 새로운 시대를 예고하는 요소들로서 주목되지만 그 이면에 물신주의와 도덕적 가치 기준 부재 등의 문제를 안고 있다는 점에서 신구 문물과 가치관이 혼재되었던 19세기의 시대적 고민을 반영하는 것이라 하겠다.

This paper researched on the pleasure-seeking state with the spacial background of Seoul in the 19th century Korean classical novels, and examined the meaning of it. The pertinent novels are <Julhwagidam(折花奇談)>, <Pouigyojip(布衣交集)>, <Gewoosa(게우사)> and <Yichoonpoongjun(李春風傳)>. In the aspect of subject, this research has a essential interest in three points: 19th century, Seoul, pleasure-seeking state, which are worthy of note as the important factors representing peculiarity of transferential time toward the modern age. Those found out saliently in the 19th century Korean classical novels with a subject matter of Seoul, are the trend of pleasure and the pursuit of extravagance in social prevalence. On the one hand, jumping on this atmosphere it was possible to express liberally sex and love that had been put a taboo. This transfigured appearance reflects the transient picture of Seoul in the 19th century, promoted modernization in the waves of urbanization and commercialization. Through these novels, we can confirm Social conditions of Seoul in 19th cerntury, which appeared a type of the modernistic human being escaping from existing Confucian repression and trying to pursue nature of individuality, and put much value on the utility. These aspects could be worthy of note heralding a time, at the back of them, however, there are some problems such as fetishism, moral anarchy. This transient confusing situation reflects agony of the times in the 19 century, mixed old and new civilization and values.

한강 서부의 주요 나루터인 楊花津은 서울이 조선 왕조의 수도가 된 이후부터 勝景地로 각광받았다. 조선 후기에는 魚物 거래의 중심지로서 京江商業 발달에 일익을 담당한 곳이기도 했다. 그러나 개항 이후 楊花津의 자연 풍광은 큰 변화 없이 유지되었으나 인문 지리적 요소는 크게 변했다. 자연 풍광이 크게 변화하지 않았다는 것 자체가 ‘근대화의 격변’이 비켜갔음을 의미하는바, 일제 강점기에 양화진 주변은 ‘쇠퇴하는 곳’에 불과하였다. 1925년의 을축대홍수는 인위적 방치로 인한 쇠퇴를 극단화한 자연 재해였다. 1930년대 이후 일제가 대륙 침략 정책의 일환으로 조선공업화 정책을 추진하면서 양화진 주변은 비로소 ‘개발’의 세례를 받기 시작했다. 철도가 놓이고 도로가 개설되었으며, 발전소가 건설되었다. 편리해진 교통 덕에 ‘風光野色이 近郊第一’이라는 옛 명성도 되찾았다. 그러나 이 때의 양화진은 이미 과거의 양화진과 달랐다. 양화진 주변에는 외국인 묘지, 경성중앙방송국, 당인리발전소, 영등포 공장 지대 등의 인위적 풍광이 덧붙여졌다. 전쟁 경기에 편승한 식민지 근대화의 경험이, 양화진에 새로운 ‘장소성’을 만든 것이다.

Yanghwajin, one of core ferry on western riverside of Han river, has been the best sightseeing resort since the founding of Joseon dynasty. And it was the main commercial point on the riverside in the latter Joseon period. Since the opening of ports, the natural scenes of Yanghwajin have continued, but it's human-geographic elements have changed significantly. The constancy of natural scenes means that the sudden changes of modernization passes the Yanghwajin and it's environs. So this area was a region of decline. The Greatflood in 1925 have deepened the decline of this area. After 1930s, Japanese imperialists have aggressed into China, and they have begun to develop Korea as a supply base for aggressive war. Yanghwajin and its environs also have begun to receive the baptism of colonial industrialization. Construction of railways, excavation of roads and building of a power plant have recovered the reputaion of Yanghwajin as the best point of sightseeing on the suburbs in Seoul. However, Yanghwajin at that time was not the same place at past. Around the Yanghwajin the new places have located, such as a graveyard for foreigners, Seoul central broadcasting station, Danginri power plant, Yongdeungpo industrial zone. The experience of colonial modernization which took advantage of economic condition of war, makes new sitespecificity on Yanghwajin.