Earticle

This study focused on the change and the formation of the urban tissue of urban housing area(Don-am district in Seoul). Donam district was developed into residential sites by japanese colonial government in 1936. In 1930’s Japanese colonial government planed to develop 10 residential sites around Seoul. Among the planed 10 residential areas, Donam district was the first constructed site with Yeongdeungpo district which was composed with the residental and industrial area. At that time some interesting facts about the supply of residential area were a lack of the infrastructure. Japanese colonial government didn’t get a enough time and a fund to prepare a infra structure(Water supply facilities, a road, a public transportation etc.) for the new residential area such as Danam district in 1930’s. Because in the late 1930’s Japan started the war against china(1937). Furthermore, the population of urban areas went on increasing. So the japanese government begun the development of the residential site in Seoul. Donam district was a countryside which usually was a fruit farm in 1930’s. There was no street for the car inside Donam district. In this countryside, Japanese government supplied housing blocks and streets(1937-41). However the water and electric supply seemed to begin after a while the houses constructed. So the residents complained the lack of the infrastructure(water, electricity and the public transportation). As previously stated, There are two kinds of curious issues about Donam district. First one was a the infrastructure and the other is the building for the residence. So this study struggled to make clear the relation of infrastructure and housing in those days. In the colonial period, the modern management system was introduced into the housing industry and the urban fabric of Seoul had been transformed rapidly. The new housing type(Urban Hanok) which based on the conventional housing type had been evolved in this context. The attention of this study is to grasp and analyze the relationship of urban housing and the infrastructure in a housing area. For this purpose, this study has payed attention to the relationship between the housing area tissue, the infrastructure and a type of urban housing(Specially Urban Hanok). The results of this research are as followings; 1)The point of time to supply water, electricity and the road construction for the public transportation(the street car and the Bus) in Donam district was late, because the supply plan of residential sites by Japanese government was progressed in haste and the economy condition was not good at that time 2)There were four housing types in Donam district(1940-1960). Urban Honok, Munwha housing, Youngdan housing and Tomak housing 3) Urban hanok in Don-am was different the other urban hanok in Seoul. Urban Hanok in Donam was affected from the change of urban tissue(forms and characters of housing block)

This paper aims to examine the development of Culture Villages in Eastern Keijyo(Seoul) during the Japanese colonial period. The number of population increases rapidly, the area of Seoul enlarged and the influx of foreign house culture into Korea occurred in earnest with the concept of Culture House in the 1920s. The 'Big Keijyo' project began to make a progress in eastern Keijyo. In addition, people could have a lot of experience on foreign culture and get the latest fashion through exhibitions, department stores and mass media. The concept of Culture House flowed into Korea under the rule of Japanese Imperialism. Culture houses were introduced as "Ideal House" and "Brand-New House" though media like magazines and newspaper. Exhibitions such as the 1922 Culture House Drawing Exhibition and the Culture House Display in the 1929 Joseon Exposition were held in Seoul and introduced people what was a Culture House. Many Culture Houses were erected with Culture Village developments named "Suburbs" around the boundary of Seoul. Culture Villages were planned into the high-class residential area, providing piped water, gas, and roads and went up for sale at a high price and introduced as "Ideal Residential Area" and "Love Nest". The first Culture Village was developed in the part of Eastern Keijyo and it was a start to make a boom for the development of Culture Villages around Keijyo. Culture Villages changed the image of Eastern Keijyo. There were a lot of mud huts and graves before developing Culture Villages in Eastern Keijyo. Culture Villages having brand-names like such-and-such 'garden', 'villa', 'height', 'hill' or 'village', however, were developed and came into the spotlight and introduced as fascinating places for the high-class. But the poor quarters had to be cleared away to make "Ideal Residential Area". The poor people had to be deprived of living space and expel from the city. Sakuragaoka, one of Culture Villages in eastern Keijyo, was made as a Ideal City before the expansion of the city limits in the late 1930s and an example for the subsequent residential area around the city. Eventually, Culture Villages began as an experiment stand for Japanese with the background of the reality of a colony. The concept of Culture House, having the social power and novelty, showed a dark turn of a colony and left the independent image of house on Korean people while it had a disproportionately large impact on changes of Korean urban housing. In the amid of the change, there was Eastern Keijyo.

The purpose of this article is to examine the service of electric car(電車) which had been introduced in 1899, and the role of it in a daily life as well that had been changed by the progress of urbanization with opened railways, particularly focused on the electric car line of Cheongryangni and Wangsimni. The Cheongryangni line with the last stop of Empress Mungsung`s tomb, Hongreung(홍릉), was symbolic meaning of inspiring anti-Japanese sentiments as well as the beginning of modern transportation. But under the Japanese Imperialism, the symbolic meaning of the first electric car line was becoming faint, and moreover as the Empress Mungsung`s tomb was moved to Geumgok(金谷) by the state funeral of King Ko-jong(고종) in 1919, the significance of this line was faded out. According to this situation, the electric car had been becoming the urban transportation system connecting the downtown and the suburbs. The electric car of this line was penetrating Dongdaemun(동대문) in the initial period. Yet after the Committee of disposal of castle wall(성벽처리위원회) which had been formed along with the forced abdication of Ko-jong, had removed the castle wall of Namdaemun(남대문), the Cheongryangni line was operated on the north route of Dongdaemun since 1911. The Wansimni Line opened in 1914, was operated all along on the bounds of Gwanghuimun(광희문) with removed of the northern wall. By the active establishment and extension of electric car line in the 1910’s, it was getting easier for passengers to approach to the downtown. Therefore the role of suburb electric car lines was growing up. At that time the population in the suburbs was expanded rapidly by settlers from various local regions. For the accessibility to the downtown where riches in more jobs, was developed an important condition, the area near the downtown was densely populated. As the role of electric car was getting important, the commuters in the suburbs continually maintained the extension, double lines, and abolition of the fare system by scope. These demands were realized in the 1930’s, with the double lined Cheongryangni and Wangsimni, establishment of Donamdong(돈암동) line, and fare system of one scope by 5jun(錢). On the one hand the electric car had been an daily life to the residents on the suburbs, but on the other hand the electric car’s extensive role had been arisen as the joining transportation means to the people coming up downtown by railway from local districts. When the Kyongwon(경원) railway was first established at Yongsan- Cheongryangni scope in 1911 before the railroad track was totally opened, the Cheongryangni electric car line and Wangsimni line were extended to the rail station of Cheongryangni and Wangsimni respectively. This function of urban transportation is not different from today’s ones which the residents and local district populations move to the downtown by subway and bus, only the change of vehicle, to commute or for leisure activities. That the electric car had already been existed in walled city before one century ago, is the most important element that the spatial field of Seoul was expanded. Because this electric car that had been the ‘leg’ of citizens of Seoul by half-century ago, was operated from downtown to Cheongryangni through Dongdaemun, we still remembers the first route of electric car was ‘Cheongryangni=Hongreung’ line.

Urban renewal is a process, which improves quality of life in cities and addresses disparities caused by urban development at the local level. Yet cities have also become increasingly integrated at the global level. The competition between them influences the way a particular city reacts to pressures and opportunities of globalization. Urban renewal is therefore often instrumentalized by political elites and private investors for improvement of global status of a particular city, which may in turn result in undesired social, economic, environmental or political outcomes at the local level. Seoul is no exception in this regard. This paper deals with the urban renewal in Wangsimni, an old neighbourhood east of the downtown Seoul, in order to study how policies of globalization are related to urban renewal, how such policies constrain everyday life in cities, and how the citizens respond to challenges caused by urban renewal. In the conclusion we argue that local culture has been a major source of responses to urban renewal in Wangsimni, although in this particular case the actual outcomes of those responses were far from desired. Urban renewal in Wangsimni namely seems closer to developmentalism, characteristic for Seoul in the past, than to anticipated sustainable development of Seoul in the future.

본 논문은 조선 태조비 神德王后 康氏의 능인 貞陵의 건설에 담긴 정치사적 의미를 世子의 위상 강화라는 관점에서 분석한 것이다. 강씨는 조선의 개국과 함께 왕비로 즉위하였으며, 그의 사후 태조는 그가 창업을 도왔다는 것을 강조하였다. 또한 성내에 정릉을 건설하고 흥천사를 지었는데, 이는 강씨 사후 세자 芳碩의 위상을 확증하기 위한 것이었다. 태조와 공신들은 왕비의 자식으로 후계자를 삼고자 했으나 형 芳蕃은 고려 왕실과 혼인한 까닭에 배제되고, 어린 방석이 세자에 책봉되었다. 하지만 장성한 다른 아들들이 있는 상황에서 강씨가 서거하자 어린 세자의 입지를 확립하는 것이 절실하였다. 이에 法宮 바로 앞에 정릉을 건설함으로써 세자가 왕비의 아들임을 환기시키고자 하였다. 태조는 당초 도성 밖 안암동에 능지를 물색해 두었다가 도성 안으로 바꾸었다. 정릉과 흥천사는 경복궁에서 바라보이는 남단의 오른쪽 구릉에 건설되었는데, 이러한 공간 구조는 육조거리에서 정무를 보는 신료와 백성들에게 신덕왕후의 존재를 가시화하고자 하는 것이었다. 흥천사에 3층의 사리전을 세운 것도 이러한 태조의 의도를 잘 보여주는 것이다.

Examined in this article is, the political meaning of the construction of a mausoleum named Jeongreung/貞陵for founder King Taejo’s wife Shindeok Wanghu/神德王后Gang/康氏, and such meaning is reviewed in terms of the king’s own efforts of reinforcing the authority of his crown prince son. With the foundation of the Joseon dynasty, Taejo’s wife Gang was immediately named Queen. After her death, recognizing her contributions, Taejo openly emphasized the fact that she had been very instrumental in the foundation of the dynasty. He also ordered the construction of the Jeongreung mausoleum inside the capital, and also had the Heungcheon-sa/興天寺temple opened, all in order to solidify crown prince Bangseok/芳碩’s position, after his mother Queen Gang passed away. King Taejo and his meritorious vassals intended from the very beginning to name one of Queen Gang’s own sons as the successor to Taejo. In the process, the older one Bangbeon/芳蕃was decided not to be chosen, as he was married to a female from the Goryeo royal family. Instead, the younger one Bangseok was named as crown prince. But even after the official naming, it was imperative to establish an authority for the young crown prince, because there were other older brothers as well born from Taejo’s first wife. And the absence of Queen Gang made the issue all the more a top priority for the people guarding the crown prince. So, the Jeongreung mausoleum was constructed right in front of the palace, in order to remind everyone that the crown prince was the son of the once sitting Queen. At first, King Taejo arranged a site for the mausoleum at Anam-dong outside the capital, yet he changed his plan and brought the mausoleum inside the capital. The Jeongreung mausoleum and the Heungcheon-sa temple were both constructed on the hillside right to the Namdan altar which could easily be seen from the Gyeongbokgung/景福宮palace. Such positioning was meant to remind the vassals and the public of the presence of Queen Shindeok. A three-storied Sarira shrine/舍利殿was also placed at Heungcheon-sa, to serve the same purpose.

본 논문에서는 안기양이 남긴 회계장부를 분석함으로써 20세기초 서울 쇠고기 시장의 구조를 고찰하였다. 안기양은 왕실 및 서울 주민을 포함하는 수요층에 쇠고기를 판매한 현방 상인이다. 서울 시장의 쇠고기 거래의 전형적 관행은 외상 거래였다. 특히 현방과 왕실(수진궁) 간의 거래는 대규모였으며, 양측에 의해 주기적으로 정산되는 형태로 납품액, 결제액, 외상액이 관리되고 있었다. 쇠고기 시장의 주요 공급자인 현방은 19세기 중엽 23-3처였던 데 비하여, 20세기 초에는 두 배 이상으로 증가하였다. 이는 갑오개혁 결과, 이전에 국가에 의해 부여받았던 특권을 상실하고, 동시에 국역의 의무로부터 해방된 결과로 판단된다. 하지만 왕실과의 거래에서는 늘어나는 부채를 상환받기 어려운 억압적 구조 하에 여전히 놓여 있었다. 쇠고기 시장의 수요자는 주로 단골 고객들이었으며, 현방 상호간의 거래도 이루어지고 있었다. 주요 수요자였던 왕실(수진궁)은 다양한 부위의 쇠고기를 정기적으로 구입하였으며, 주로 제수용으로 소비하였다. 본 논문에서의 기초적 분석을 토대로 향후 쇠고기 상인의 경영실태에 대한 본격적인 연구를 진행할 것을 기약한다.

This paper mainly analysed daily account books of a butcher, An Ki-yang. He was a merchant who sold beef to Seoulites including Royal family. We come to know about the structure of beef market in Seoul during 1902-1908 from analysis of these account books. Typical type of traditional transaction between beef sellers and buyers was on credit. Especially in the transaction between An Ki-yang and Sujin-gung (one of Royal family procurement agencies) they made an entry in books from both sides to make sure an accurate account, because the size of credit sales to Sujin-gung was huge. The supply side of beef market in Seoul consists of Hy nbangs which were shops selling beef to consumers. In the early 20th century, there were 50 or more shops (or merchants) in Seoul whereas the number had been 23 or 24 in the mid-19th century. At that time, butcher's had no privilege or burden officially, but actually they had difficulties to collect bills from consumers, especially Royal families. The demand side of beef market in Seoul is made up of regular consumers who visited a butcher's frequently. This relationship can be said as patronized connections. Consumers including Royal family bought so many kinds of parts of beef. Royal family consumed beef to perform sacrificial rites periodically.

The art market in the modern sense was formed in Korea during the Japanese colonial period. In order to get a start on the analysis of the birth and structure of the modern art market in Korea, a study of the antique art collection fever of the 1930s Seoul and its background is needed. This paper, after first examining the Seoul art market and the major collectors during the Japanese colonial period, attempts to analyze the collection of Bak Chang-hun, a medical doctor and one of the representative art collectors of the period, and the auctions through which he sold his collection. A renowned medical doctor of the Japanese colonial period, Bak Changhun was a prominent figure who participated actively in civic society. He was also one of the leading antique art collectors of the era. Bak Chang-hun sold all of his art collection through auctions in 1940 and 1941. Among the art collectors of modern Korea, it is unprecedented for anyone to dispose of one’s complete collection through an auction, let alone through two auctions, as Bak Chang-hun had done. The auctioning of Bak’s collection, therefore, is recorded as an important “event”in the history of Korean antique art market. It is deemed that the biggest reason for Bak Chang-hun’s selling all of his collection and taking economic profit, unbefitting the reputation of a great art collector, was his lack of firm will and purpose as an art collector. The significance of Bak Chang-hun’s life as an antique art collector can be found in his role as a type of model in terms of antique art collection and dispersion in modern Korea.