Earticle

This primary study aimed to accumulate fundamental data for overall consideration of the architectural activities had occurred in KyungSung(京城) of modern times. Basically, 984 articles of general-news column in Chosen-To-Kenchiku(朝鮮と建築) were investigated for analyzing the movements of modern architectures, published in Korea by a party of Japanese engineers(朝鮮建築會) from 1922 to 1945. In briefly, the architectural activities ocurred since early 1920’s, starting from constructing kinds of government offices within downtown areas of the city, and reached to a prosperity of modern architectures by private building contractors in 1930’s, constructing business and merchant buildings, hotels, movie theaters, restaurants, kisaeng houses(演舞場), cafes and so on. In this zenith, Korean owners and architects also participated in these movements as well as Japanese did. Moreover, the urban planning of KyungSung discussed from early 1920’s carried out in 1930’s, and it accelerated these movements for the architectural activities to expand the stage to the areas newly incorporated into the city, developing new residential and industrial dictricts, especially Yeongdeungpo(永登浦) and the neighborhood. This important data of the study will be helpful for succeeding studies to understand the entire aspect of modern architectures in Seoul, and can be advanced to comparative studies with other regions of Korea for the future.

This article deals with the Ky ngs ng Hokuk Sinsa [Seoul National Patriotic Shrine], which was built by the Japanese colonial government in Seoul, Korea during the wartime period. After the outbreak of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937, many military personnel were killed in the war. Since the Korean volunteers were able to joined the Japanese military units in 1938, Koreans were included in the death roll. Japanese government decided to change the Sh konsha [Temple for the War Dead] into the Hokuk Sinsa (National Patriotic Shrine) in Japan Proper so that the colonial government in Korea decided to construct new shrines for the war dead in the Namsan [South Mountain], Seoul and Nanam, the northeastern city for 20th and 19th Divisions each. The former, with the government and “civil contribution,” was completed in late 1943 while the latter was still incomplete at the end of the war. The shrine was used for the memorial service for the war dead, for caring the military relatives, and for the inculcation of the wartime spirit. However, the site was restricted to the military usage so that the postwar Korea did not have to memorize the wartime symbol. After the Korean liberation from Japan in August 1945, with the influx of the refuges from North Korea, North Koreans, especially Northwesterners occupied this site for dwellings, erected many makeshift buildings, and bargained with the Seoul Metropolitan Government in order to secure their stay. With the help of North Korean christians, the site was secured for the Northwesterner’s dwellings and for christian schools such as the Soong i Women’s School and Soongsil Men’s School. This aptly symbolize the regime change from the Japanese militaristic to Christian/anti-communist postwar Korean regime.

This study aims to examine the Urban Planning Framework of Beijing“( the framework”) devised during the Japanese occupation(1937-1945), and the city construction executed according to the framework, as well as the impact of this initiative on other urban plans in the subsequent period. The framework was devised by the Urbanization Bureau(都市局) of the Ministry of Construction(建設總署), an affiliated organization of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China(中華民國臨時政府), the puppet government of North China. The Japanese Northern China Area Army exercised a significant behind-the-scene influence on this scheme. The planners of the framework, who were invited by the Japanese military to carry out the mission, were participants in the Harbin urban planning in the Manchukuo(滿洲國). Behind the framework were a fast growing number of Japanese population, and an intention to separate Japanese residential areas from Chinese. The then media reports say that in 1938, the year after the Japanese occupation of China, the first draft of the framework had been completed along with relevant researches. The framework defined Beijing as the hub city of politics and military, as well as a tourist city, and it focused on the construction of a new town. This new town was intended for the Japanese residents, as evinced in the development methods and the utilization of construction achievements. Among major reasons for the formulation of construction plans focus on new town in Beijing and North China region, in addition to existing cities, the city’s size, the duration of occupation, and the timing for plans had to be considered important. Also, the framework obviously defined quarters and zoning, emphasized the securing of green areas, and adopted the park system concept; the plans for green areas and parks were intended not only for relaxation and tourism, but also for air defense. Further, the state led efforts to devise and implement the framework, characterizing the scheme. Urban construction achievements during the occupation period can be identified through the Beiping Municipal Government’s investigations. The municipal government made a negative evaluation of the framework, and at the same time, it tried to inherit new town construction achievements such as expropriated lands, road networks, and buildings.

This study aims to see how people perceive the scale of Gangnam. By drawing boundaries of Gangnam on the map, people, intentionally or unintentionally, reveal their cognitive scale of Gangnam. However, it is not identical. It differs from individuals depending on their experiences related to Gangnam, especially whether they reside inside or outside of Gangnam. Outside residents tend to understand Gangnam as more general term by referring built environment or land price because of the lack of intimate mental relation, whereas insiders tend to understand Gangnam as their living-world according to their spatial identity of ‘myself ’ or ‘ourselves’. Thus, mental imagination on Gangnam is to be understood as an outcome of making boundaries between me/others or the desire of inclusion and exclusion.

My research is the place which lost concept in conservation policies. The principal thesis is that conservation policies, excessive focusing on tourism, have transformed the place commercially. I support this thesis through critical analyses in four areas, Bukchon(北村), Insadong(仁寺洞) which are included in conservation area and Donamdong(敦岩洞), Seochon(西村) which are not yet included in. I argue that the urban conservation policy is a place policy that is based on the publicity. Although the economic benefits of place-industrial approach made prosperity in conservation areas, most of inhabitants felt alienation from the place. Increasing price of land, moved to away of inhabitants, gentrification, overran shopping street are often observed in conservation area. It have been witnessed the dogmatic approach of conservation policy. Besides, the government, which is responsible to make policy, is not considered native what they really need. In the case of Tosokchon(土俗村), where is in Seochon, I witness the place has synergy effects in matching traditional food and house. Another case of Peter Bartholomew's house, where is in Donamdong, I witness Han-Ok's(韓屋) potential power to survive spontaneously through reinterpretation of Han-Ok. In recent years, inhabitants of Dongsomundong(東小門洞)-6ga, where the demonstration took place opposed to the redevelopment of areas, win at the sue to revoke a designation of conservation area. The inhabitants struggle to preserve Han-Ok spontaneously. Minimizing damage of residents caused by economic development should be become major concern in conservation policy. For this, the conservation policies in the city need to take broader sense of 'the place' and 'the publicity'. In addition to, the government has a program for continuous monitoring of policy in conservation areas. Continuous monitoring of policy in conservation areas is not a choice, but a prerequisite for sustainable policies. Whether the policies succeed or not, the life, it lasts in the place.

This paper addresses the study of Mapo community in Seoul and its ritual group based on Young-Dang(영당) in the era of Han Empire. Young-Dang is a ritual building in a regional community that was built in 1903 in Mapo-dong. In those days, there were many shops including a shop of selling rice. And there lived various people whose jobs were merchants, employees, transporter, general worker, government officials, and so on. Merchants in Mapo maintained relations with Kung-Bang(궁방) such as Myunglae-Gung(명례궁) and formed close relationship with the royal family after Great Han empire. Young-Dang in Mapo was built for fire prevention and commercial prosperity. And, it was built with the help of those who had close relationship with the royal family. The process of building Young-Dang and rituals at Young-Dang provided with chances to organize Mapo community. Rituals every year united merchants, and hardened the foundation of community in Mapo. Leading members in Yong-Dang founded through building it the network of officials, store owners, merchants, and community residents. And, they wanted to show their loyalty to Great Han empire, and provided symbolic privilege for the representative officials through rituals. So, they were guaranteed in return the stable maintenance, security, and prosperity of the community.

The Gyeong’un palace(慶運宮) commenced its service initially as a facility known as the ‘Jeong’reung-dong Haeng’gung(貞陵洞行宮),’ which was originally designed as a temporary residence for the traveling king. Later it served as a ‘temporary palace’ for King Seonjo for a while, when he returned from his brief evacuation of the capital due to the breakout of the war with the Japanese in the 1590s. This facility was only meant as a temporary living place for the king, but with king Seonjo’s prolonged stay at this place, it began to serve as a fully functional palace. After the war, it was simply fiscally unsound to rebuild the old palace, so Seonjo decided to enlarge this Haeng’gung residence, and create a special section(別殿) and then transform the entire facility into an I'gung(離宮) palace. King Gwang’hae-gun, who were staying at this place as well since his enthronement, decided to move over to the recently completed Changdeok palace(昌德宮) which had been going through a renovation since the ending days of Seonjo. At the occasion, he bestowed a formal title of Gyeong’un palace(慶運宮) to the place where he had been staying, and ordered all the offices that had been serving the kings during their stay be maintained. Gwang’hae-gun made it official that until the Gyeongbok palace(景福宮) was reconstructed, Gyeong’un palace(慶運宮) would continue to serve as an I’gung(離宮) palace. Later he returned to this place even with the objection of the vassals, and stayed there until the seventh year of his reign. It seems like he wanted to show the public and the government that Gyeong’un palace was being actively used just like the new Main palace(法宮) Changdeok palace.