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Gyeongungung was the palace where the king Gojong had stayed since February in 1897 when he returned from the Russian official residence. The palace had have its position as the emperor’s residence since Gojong ascended the throne in October, 1987 until he stepped down from the throne in 1907. Gyeongungung was the matrix and the central stage of Daehan Empire and it shared its fortune with the emperor Gojong. But, Gyeongungung was very different from Gyeongbokgung and Changdeokgung which had been constructed and used in Joseon dinasty in that its site is not square but shapeless, the traditional Korean buildings and the modern western ones are jumbled together there, and the foreign official sites and buildings are located inside the palace and so on. These distinctive features of Gyeongungung showed the harsh reality of Daehan Empire and Gojong that were holding back an urge just for their existence. Gojong escaped secretly to the Russian official residence and restored his safety and authority of a king. He stayed there for about a year and returned to Gyeongungung in February, 1897. The reason why he selected Gyeongungung as the place of returning and he delayed his returning was that Russian guards of the palace were not dispatched. To get rid of his insecurity, Gojong couldn’t help returning to Gyeongungung which was near to the Russian official residence and was surrounded by a lot of western official residences such as Great Britain, America and so on; and he just waited for the training of the palace guards by Russian drillmasters. In October, 1897, Gojong went to Wongudan from Gyeongungung, performed the enthronement ceremony of the emperor and declared the foundation of Daehan Empire. The way Daehan Empire and Gojong chose for their existence was to protect the empire from invasions of imperialistic nations including Japan by showing off its aspects as an independent state and a modern nation while adopting the traditional methods of East-Asian nations with emperors and western modern methods and maintaining the balance of power of the Great Powers. The most important thing was a palace in order to show off its status as an empire at home and abroad. They had to hasten to repair a palace because Gyeongungung barely had the stately buildings before Gojong returned to Gyeongungung. From 1900, when the regime of Daehan Empire started to take root, the project to expand a palace accelerated. Then in 1902, when Junghwajeon was complete, Gyeongungung could stand as a stately palace where emperor reside and perform the official work. However, it was not long before most major buildings were burned down to the ground due to a big fire in April, 1904. Even though there were confusions inside and outside of the empire after Russo-Japanese wars and difficulties in national budget at those times, Gojong could not leave Gyeongungung, so he immediately ordered to reconstruct the palace. Since then, Gojong was forced to step down his throne in 1907, and accordingly Gyeongungung lost its status as the empire palace, forced to change its name into Deoksugung. It virtually meant the end of Daehan Empire.

Gyeongungung(慶運宮) was used as a temporary palace when all of the other palaces were destroyed during the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. When Empress Myeongseong(明成皇后) was murdered by a Japanese in 1895, King Gojong(高宗) took refuge in the Russian legation on February 1896 and started to reconstruct Gyeongungung. He resided only in Gyeongungung and did not make any official visits to other palaces, since he returned to Gyeonungung on February 1897. He continued to reside in Gyeonungung renamed as Deoksugung(德壽宮) even after his forced abdication and the enthronement of Sunjong(純宗) as an emperor in 1907; when the main palace was changed to Changdeokgung(昌德宮). The reconstruction and use of Gyeongunggung around the Gwangmu(光武) era of the Daehan Empire(大韓帝國) are divided into three periods. The first period was from August of 1896 to January 1901, which formed an overall structure of a palace. At this time, main constructions were a building for enshrining the body of Empress Myeongseong, the main residence of Gojoing, Hamgnyongjeon(咸寧殿) and also the official assembly hall of the king and the servants, Junghwajeon(中和殿). At first, Inhwamun gate(仁化門) was built on the south and later on the main gate of Daeanmun(大安門). Finally, high walls surrounding the palace were built. During the second period, the throne hall(法殿) was constructed, which was to perform various kinds of ceremonies of showing royalty to sovereignty. This building was named as Junghwajeon and the former Junhwajeon hall was renamed as Jeukjodang(卽祚堂). Therefore, Gyeongungung was equipped with various functions of a palace. However, on April 1904, fire broke out in Hamnyeonjeon destroying the main buildings of Gyeongungung and losing many important functions of a palace. During the third period, Gojong resided in the area of Suokheon(漱玉軒) and main buildings of the palace were restored. For the restoration, many laborers and materials were employed and main buildings such as Junghwajeon and Hamnyeongjeon were reconstructed with surrounding gates and finally the main gate of Daeanmun. In this period, Japan, with the victory in the Russo-Japanese war, started to make a stronger pressure on the Daehan Empire and forced Korea to sign a treaty to deprive Korea of her diplomatic and military sovereignty. In the end, Gogong was forced to abdicate and the next emperor, Sunjong was moved to Changdeokgung. Then, the function of Gyeongungung as a main palace was terminated and Gyeongungung was turned into a residence of the former emperor, Gojong, and renamed as Deoksugung. The construction and reconstruction of Gyeongungung were conducted during the political turmoils and subsequently much in haste. Therefore the overall organization of the palace is in short of a comprehensive design and the size of buildings are rather small. There was no Junggungjeon(中宮殿), the residence of a queen, due to the absence of a queen after the death of Empress Myeongseong. Unlike other palaces, there were no mountains behind the palace and thereby the absence of a back garden(後苑). Furthermore, the number of buildings for offices were also very small, which were usually located inside or near the palace to serve the king nearby. Compared to such shortage of the main functions, the ritual place for commemoration and funerals and the storage for books and management of information were installed in Gyeongungung. In addition, the western style of buildings which were used as a banquet place for the diplomats resident in Seoul were newly constructed. This distinct change was possible, since the Daehan Empire started to make free diplomatic ties with other countries, not tied to traditional China-centered diplomacy. Gyeonungung palace was the only resident palace of Gojong during the era of Gwangmu(光武), the time of the Daehan Empire when many efforts were made to build new kinds of diplomatic ties with Western countries and to keep independence of the Empire, unfortunately only to be colonized by Japan. This palace went trough many changes and distortions during the Japanese colonial period and afterwards. Nevertheless, this palace preserves many priceless traces which evoke and represent the history of the time.

The purpose of this study is to observe Yangkwan or Western Style Buildings in the Ky ng’un Palace during the Great Han Empire. In this study, I focused on Tont kj n and S kchoj n. And I also considered Kwanmunkak in the Ky ngbok Palace as a precedent. For relative study, I also surveyed the Rokkumeikan in Japan, the ‘Iolani Palace in Hawaii, and the Ho Kham or Golden Palace in Laos. In this study I found that Tont kj n and S kchoj n were used as reception hall for foreign envoys, guest hall for national guests, royal ceremonies hall, daily spaces for royal families. And I also knew that Yangkwan or Western Style Buildings in non-european countries are closely related with directions and policies of modernization. Therefore, the idea that constructions of Yangkwan destroyed the Ky ng’un Palace is excessively one sided. Rather, constructions of Yangkwan cleary demonstrated the belief that innovations must be based on established foundations. That is the ideal of the Great Han Empire, Kubon sinch’am.

This study is aimed at shedding light on the historical status and socio-cultural aspects of the Korean Empire in the light of the structuring and changing of the road system centered on Taepyeongro(新橋通; new traffic) and Sogongno—central parts of the city improvement project in the Daehan Empire(大韓帝國)—, and in the light of locating, constructing, and demolishing Wondgudan Altar( 丘壇), a symbolic representation of the emperor. Having not existed in the Chosun Dynasty era, Taepyeongro was a newly built thoroughfare on which Shingyo(新橋; a new bridge) was establish in the Daehan Empire period. This was made to connect itself with Gyeongbokgung Palace(景福宮) which were the central area of old streets, and to make kyeongwungung(慶運宮) the imperial palace. What’s more, the historic symbolism of this street enhanced due to the funeral parade of Empress Myeongseong(明成皇后). Sogongro(小公路) led to Wongudan where imperial inauguration was held and to Daegwanjeong(大觀亭) which served as a diplomatic space. Because this street was located in the vicinity of Gyeongwungung, it reconstructed the new modern spaces of the city. Sogongro was planned to pass by Wongudan and Daegwanjeong, but it was not originally included in the radial road system plan surrounding Gyeongwungung. This can be postulated considering that this street was constructed gradually in the process of arranging northwest micro lots from Wongudan adjacent to Gyeongwungung, and groups of Japanese people which were established around Jingogae(泥峴), an uphill pass, extended their territory to adjacent Namdaemunro(南大門路), and the name changed into Janggokchenjeong(長谷川町), and so the street gained new meanings and became a street with duplicated codes. And again, Sogongro did pass not in front of Daeanmun(大安門), but in front of Podeokmun(布德門), northwest gate of Gyeongwungung, and the square present now in front of the City Hall was the result of Japanese town planning. Taepyeongro also got to have a new meaning different from its original intention, to be linked with Gyeongbokgung and to change the Daehan Empire’s identity and its central space, because of the construction of Gyeongseongbucheong(京城府廳) and of the road maintenance project from Hwangtohyeon(黃土峴) to the front of Daeanmun to Namdaemun(南大門). As for Wongudan, it meant symbolically the opening of the Daehan Empire period, which was located at the center of the city which had been the southern detached palace. This altar was also a representative architecture of the era in its spatial construction. Originally Wongudan was an altar for offering to heaven, consisting of three-storied round altar, Wongudan area with round and square shaped walls surrounding the altar, and finally Hwanggungwu(皇穹宇) area which was adjoined to Wongudan through three gates and had both east and west corridor for ancestral tablet with both bounded by round walls respectively. This altar is supposed to be similar to the Altar of Heaven in China. In the eastern part, Seokgogak(石鼓閣Seokgojeon) area to enshrine Seokgo(stone drums) was established to commemorate Emporor Gojong’s 40 years of reign, which was not completed. This way Wongudan served as a symbolic spatial representation of the era. This, however, was gradually and thoroughly damaged due to the change of the owner of power: in the Wongudan area, the Railroad Chosun Hotel was built to make quarters for important visitors who were to visit the competitive exhibition of monuments held in Gyeonbokgung to celebrate five years of municipal administration; Seokgogak was transferred to the bell tower in Bakmunsa(博文寺); and Gwangseonmun (光宣門), the front gate of Seokgogak was moved to the front gate of Dongbonwonsa(東本願寺), a Japanese Temple. In modern times, damaging the historic spot still continued because of lack of appreciation of history and culture. For example, some part of the area was cut off, and accessory buildings of Wongudan including the front door and the ritual chamber were sold. As stated above, though the construction of Wongudan, symbolic for the emperor and the city improvement project in the Daehan Empire, was intended to set up a modernized independent country in the radical change of social order in and out of the country and to establish the national system, the present Wongudan, however, stands shading different meanings together with the original intention caused by the colonial rulership. Even though it is now quite hard to physically reconstruct the historic site and meaning, the local significance and historical status should be recovered in no time.

During the Daehan Empire when Gyeongungung Palace was the center of the national politics, many national symbols were invented and institutionalized. The national symbols of the time did not just remain within the world view of the Chinese civilization/barbarism which took China as the center of the world but they were gradually changed relevant to the world view of International Law based on the interactions among many nations. At that time, many devices representing the changed status of the ruler of Joseon from the king to the emperor were developed and institutionalized. The most prominent example is the construction of Wongudan( 丘壇) where the sacrifice for heaven and the coronation ceremony of the Korean emperor were performed. What is more, in order to represent the newly changed status of Gyeongungung as a main residence for the emperor, new buildings such as Junghwhajeon Hall were constructed and the symbol of sovereignty was also changed from phoenix to twin dragons. While in Geunjeongjeon Hall of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the main residence of Joseon dynasty, a pattern of phoenix had been inscribed as a symbol for sovereignty, however, twin dragons came to be sculptured on the King’s path of the stone steps outside Junghwhajeon and on the ceiling inside the building, which are the symbol only allowed for the emperor. The representation of royal seals(御寶) also changed from the shape of a turtle to that of a dragon, which changes were nevertheless bound to the world view of Chinese civilization/barbarism. At the same time, Joseon began to make diplomatic ties with other countries such as US, UK and Germany and started to feel the need to make national symbols relevant to the relations based on International Law. Therefore, national symbols such as a national flag were invented. The national flag was firstly made in 1883, which was later on used for the visits of diplomatic missions, diplomatic documents and passports representing the Daehan Empire both within Korean peninsula and oversea. The national flag was more frequently employed from the late 1890’s for the march of the Emperor Gojong and Court Banquet within the palace replacing the flag of dragons, the former symbol of sovereignty. Moreover, the national flags were hung all around the city in the festive days such as the Emperor’s Birthday. This frequent use of the national flag as representation of the nation would lead to the formation of a new idea on the nation and the state. The juxtaposition of the traditional and the Western in the institutionalization of national symbols for sovereignty was a strategy of the Daehan Empire to deal with the changes within and outside Korean peninsula.

Citizens in Gyeongseong(Seoul) had a ambivalence of expectation and anxiety in the flowering stage of modern civilization. Especially their dual attitude was more clear to trains and trams than others. It was a kind of jouissance that paid some suffering for pleasure. This ambivalence is closely connected with esthetic attitude of sublimity. The sublime object is a great power of civilization such as speed of train. Then, ambivalent paradox of sublimity is to be a important clue that can explain what is Korean(Chosun) distinctive of colonial modernization. Repeating of urban experience in everyday life weakens sublime intense of citizens. In that, there was attached national other-awareness, new urban civilization is not ours. It symbolized imperial power. However its changed sublime object from power of civilization to nation-state ideology. It was formed into ideological sublimity of subject, which against of invasion of empires. This sublime ideology was made by ambivalent psychological process to receive positive effects of civilization, while it also reject imperial power.

Fifteen years have passed since local autonomy was reintroduced in Korea. Four mayors directly elected by Seoul citizens served only one term each. This study aims to explore the continuity and change in Bukchon policy over the last ten years (1999-2009), and find out the answer to the following question: Does the new mayor continue or change the former mayor’s policy in the era of local autonomy? This study surveyed official documents, reports and texts of speeches, and interviewed government officials, professionals and resident representatives who participated in the planning and implementation process of the Bukchon policy. The study then analyzed the continuity and change in the Bukchon policy in four aspects: policy status, planning and the legal system, organization and manpower, and projects and budgets. In addition to the literature review, a Delphi survey of the participants in the planning and implementation process of the Bukchon policy was also conducted. The survey analysis showed the following conclusions: First, every time Seoul city has a new mayor, the Bukchon policy is changed because the new mayor had his own will, pledge and policy priority different from that of the former mayor. The goal of the Bukchon policy was changed from preservation of the residential area to invigoration of tourism. The status of the organization in charge and manpower also changed several times. Second, the Bukchon policy underwent many changes after a new mayor was elected. In spite of this, the Bukchon policy has continued as a whole. Although the changes were remarkable at the early stages of the new mayor’s term, the policy returned to its condition, and occasionally, the policy was rather strengthened after the new mayor’s mid-term. Third, although the Bukchon policy continued without interruptions, it was not consistent. Good examples of this include the change in the goals of policy, change of the competent authority from Housing Bureau to Culture Bureau and its return to Housing Bureau, and several changes in the organization in charge. In the era of local autonomy, there is, and will be, a lot of room for change in the Bukchon policy as long as the mayor changes. Accordingly, an institutional framework is needed in order to continue the Bukchon policy and keep it constant. It is necessary to implement the Bukchon policy consistently according to a long term plan which has a legal force, or enact the Bukchon Ordinance that clearly stipulates the goals and basic principles of the Bukchon policy. This should be discussed in depth in further studies.