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Gaegyeong in Koryeo had the multilayered main lines of city planning, so downtown was formed in the middle of the capital castle. Hangyeong in Joseon sat in a north-south straight line between Gyeongbokgung palace and Namdaemun gate and it pursued a uni-fied main line like China, but its downtown was formed in the middle of the capital city by making multilayered main lines. The capital city of Gaegyeong had 25 gates. The capital city of Hangyeong had 8 gates, which followed the system of a feudal lord state. Gaegyeong pursued its convenience and communication, but Hangyeong followed its named place and had the exclusive tendency. The Grand Palace of Gaegyeong consisted of the palace system of imperial state. The front gate of Imperial Castle was the east gate, Gwanghwamun. This had a profound effect on the city system of Gaegyeong. Gyeongbokgung palace of Hangyeong had three gates in a southerly direction in front of audience hall according to the palace system of a feudal lord state. Main rituals of Grand Palace in Gaegyeong were held in the various facilities, while those of Gyeongbokgung in Hangyeong were concentrated in Geunjeongjeon and Geunjeongmun. Gaegyeong was the capital of the Buddhist nation, Koryeo. So a lot of Buddhist temples were built inside and outside of the capital city. Besides Gaegyeong had various facilities of Confucianism and Taoism. Gukjagam(Seonggyungwan) was the place which various knowledges were taught in. Confucius shrine of Gukjagam was located in front of lecture hall during the early Koryeo, but Confucius shrine of Seonggyungwan was behind lecture hall at the end of the Koryeo. Hangyeong managed several Buddhist temples inside the capital city in the early Joseon, but the Buddhist temples nearly disappeared inside the capital city in the middle and late Joseon. Sogyeokseo, a Taoism facility disappeared after the Japanese Invasion. In Seong-gyungwan of Hangyeong, Confucius shrine was located in front of the lecture hall and general knowledges except Confucianism were ruled out. By this, Hangyeong became the only capital city of Confucianism in East Asia.

Seoul the capital of Korea has been developed alongside with Gyeonggi Province. ‘Gyeonggi(京畿)’ means ‘Seoul(京) and its nearby(畿)’, was named so called Wang-gi(王畿), Gijeon(畿甸) and Ginae(畿內) etc. Having been originated from Ancient Chinese feudalistic dynasty, it had been King’s royal district to save the capital where King lives in and to help its function. Korean Gyeonggi system had been the formal system since 1108 A.D. in Koryeo period(9th year of Hyunjong’s rule). From that time on, the outside area of Gaegyeong(開京) has been called ‘Gyeonggi’. Gaegyeong as the capital of Gyeonggi was reorganized into Hanyang(漢陽) as the capital and its nearby. Hanyang as the capital of Gyeonggi had had more other modification, and finally organized into the current form since King Sejong’s time. Hanyang had been called Gyeongseong(京城) in modern times of Korea, and has retitled Seoul since the independence of 1945. Likewise, it has been ruled by Chosun government setting Gyeonggi district apart around King’s residence Seoul as long tradition. Consequently Gyeonggi has not just been the important position in terms of Politics, Economy, Military and Culture field with the ones of Seoul, but also functions still as Gyeonggi district. I expect it will give us the point to understand the historical capitalization and each capital city itself commonly - Korea, China, Japan and Vietnam etc. After all, the identification of Seoul are three. Confucian character since establishment of Chosun dynasty, Western European modernity character(近代性) from Japanese rule and modified Western character(contemporary western) from America. It seems impor-tant to revaluate confucian identification(儒敎的 近代性) of Seoul as its benefit and limit correctly and to acknowledge each two western modernity character the task for nowadays.

Beginning with the Koryŏ Dynasty’s independent stance from China in King Taejo’s entreaty in the “Ten Rules” that “the culture and etiquette of our country need not be the same,” King Kwangjong established a new reign era and made Kaesŏng the imperial capital. King Sŏngjong held rites for a good harvest to heaven while establishing the funeral ora-tion as the emperor’s own writing. As per custom of establishing oneself as emperor, writ-ings addressed to the king from his subjects were designated as memorials, and expressions in songs performed at banquets and rites reflected this change. In the first line of “The Wind Entering the Pines,” the expression “The Son of Heaven of the Land of the East” shows its status as imperial literature. The Koryŏ Dynasty was able to establish an emperor and reign era as China was not unified during this period, but its systems and terminology were changed to that of a tribu-tary state in 1264 as a “son-in-law” nation of the Yuan. No longer able to write an imperial literature, Ch’oe Hae compiled the fifteen volumes of The Four-Six Writings of Easterners in 1338. Despite Koryŏ’s political fall to the Yuan, Ch’oe’s intent to establish these writings as part of an imperial literature can be seen in that many of them were addressed to Koryŏ emperor, who performed rites as the son of Heaven, from his subjects. As Kaesŏng contained many temples as the capital of a Buddhist state, while the build-ing of Buddhist temples was banned in Hanyang, the capital of a Confucian state. In con-trast to the gates of Hanyang named after the Confucian virtues of humanity, righteous-ness, propriety, and wisdom, the gates of the imperial capital Kaesŏng were named after the geomantic figures of the Scarlet Phoenix and Black Tortoise. While Kaesŏng’s wards had titles such as Purple Cloud Ward and Buddha Ward, these differed from Hanyang’s wards named after Confucian virtues such as Bright Etiquette Ward. Writings from the Festival of the Eight Vows also depict a different festival atmosphere from that of Hanyang. Han-yang’s scholars wrote poems while traveling or residing in Buddhist temples, but Kaesŏng’s scholars met and wrote poems regularly in Buddhist temples. As their private homes had no gardens, gardens in temples became spaces for meetings and literature. In “The Wind Entering the Pines,” the words “Buddha and Heaven help” are changed to “God and Heav-en help” in the Akchanggasa in the transition from a Buddhist to a Confucian state. As Kaesŏng was a free city untouched by the teachings of Confucius, its frequent deal-ings with foreigners is reflected in its freewheeling literature. The “Song of Yesŏng River” laments the pain of a wife stolen by a foreigner, while the “Turkish Bakery,” depicts a Koryŏ woman earnestly desiring a foreigner, examples which clearly show the difference in the literary climate of Hanyang and Kaesŏng. The song and dance performances by cross-dressing ladies in the Koryŏ court was also a sight not seen in Hanyang. The differences between Kaesŏng, the capital of a self-designated imperial and Buddhist Koryŏ state, and Hanyang, the capital of the loyal tributary Confucian “serving the great” Chosŏn are reflected as such in literature.

Byeol-seo(別墅) is a term indicating a building which was built in a separate place from the main house. In this paper I studied the case of the bureancrats who owned and man-aged the Byeol-seo(別墅) during the transition from Goryeo dynasty to Joseon dynasty. In some cases they managed the Byeol-seo(別墅) or garden as the place of freshening themselves up from the difficulties which made from political problems. Especially such a political relations with the management of Byeol-seo(別墅) are supervied during the tran-sition from Goryeo dynasty to Joseon dynasty. Also in some cases Byeol-seo(別墅) functioned in the realistic aspect. For example dur-ing the Transition from Goryeo dynasty to Joseon dynasty, it was increased that the bu-reaucrats leave for the countryside and reside there for a long time. With this tendency it is observed that Byeol-seo(別墅) was built in long distance from Gae-gyung(開京). But since the new kingdom Joseon’s the bureancrats became stable, gradually they built the Byeol-seo(別墅) in the new capital Han-yang(漢陽). This means that the tendency of building Byeol-seo(別墅) was related with status of the bureancrats.

The World Heritage system has been significantly influenced by 40 years of history since UNESCO put in place the World Heritage Convention in 1972. As of 2014, a total of 1,007 World Heritage Sites are listed: 779 cultural, 197 natural, and 31 mixed proper-ties. Of the 779 cultural properties, 185 are fortress and city wallshttp://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Culture, which exceeds a quarter of cultural properties. In Korea, Hwaseong Fortress and Namhansanseong were designated UNESCO World Heritage in 1997 and 2014 while Seoul Hanyang City Wall is part of the Tentative List in order to qualify for inclusion in the List. The most critical factors to decide whether Seoul City Wall is qualified for World Heritage properties is to explain how properly it meets the requirement of six criteria for cultural heritage. This study desires to find the Outstanding Universal Value(OUV) of Seoul Hanyang City Walls for registration as the World Heritage. To achieve it, the study reviewed a chang-ing process of 6 Criteria of OUV specified in 1980’s Operational Guideline, and analyzed registration tendency and OUV criteria of previously listed World Heritage fortresses and city walls. Especially, with regard to the types of a large-scale city walls which are similar with Seoul City Walls, this study drew an implication for Seoul City Walls by comparing between domestic proposals on OUV criteria and ICOMOS evaluation results. As a result of analysis, implications for registration strategy of Seoul City Walls are as follows. 1) Criteria 1 and 6 whose acception rate is low are not recommendable, and criteria 2, 3, 4, and 5 are the proper categories to explain Seoul City Walls’ Outstanding Universal Value. 2) Based on criterion 2 which emphasizes interchange of human values, it is necessary to emphasize that Seoul City Wall inherited remarkable tradition of Korean Peninsula and its geopolitical characteristics on constructing cities by using natural topography wisely, being influenced by Chinese Confucianism and feng shui. 3) In case of criterion 3, it is necessary to emphasize that Seoul City Wall is a heritage maintaining most part of its original shape although Seoul City Wall experienced 500 years of the capital in Joseon Dynasty followed by over 100 years of post-Josean era; Japanese imperialism, Korean War, the rapid urbanization, and threats from new development. In addition, it is necessary to explain that all of the written documents of square stone and castle gate are the clear evidence that show the civilization and cultural tradition of the time. 4) Based on criterion 4, it is necessary to emphasize that Seoul City Wall is, in com-parison with Chinese fortresses on the flat land, a unique ensembles of construction technologies that built the city walls and roads by using natural topography such as mountains and hills. 5) Concerning criteria 5 and 6, deeper discussion is needed for which criterion (or both) to be selected, and strategic judgement whether focusing on as many criteria or strate-gically selected criteria while explaining the value of Seoul city wall. 6) Most importantly, it is necessary to see it in global citizens’ perspectives and to de-scribe it in ICOMOS and World Heritage Committee’s view.

Examined in this article is how Grand king Taejo(太祖) and the sitting king Jeongjong(定宗) came to stay in Gaeseong, due to a capital transfer decided and imple-mented by Jeongjong himself, who was enthroned as a result of the first rebellion of the princes. Also examined is how the power and status of king Taejong(太宗), who newly rose to power because of the second rebellion of the princes, was affected by Taejo’s movements and locations, as well as how the relationship among all three figures continued to fluctu-ate. Right after his enthronement, Jeongjong returned the capital to Gaeseong, with the intention of preventing any more political turmoil from happening, but Founder king Taejo did not agree with that decision. In a gesture of protest, Taejo refused to stay at Suchang-gung(壽昌宮) where Jeongjong was staying, and chose to stay at the Chudong Bon’gung(楸洞本宮) instead, to put a distance between his son and himself. After the sec-ond rebellion of the princes, Taejo helped his other son Taejong consolidate his(Taejong’s) new power, and released Chudong Bon’gung. Then he secured a new title(Deoksu-gung[德壽宮]) for his earlier residence, which was in front of the Sung’in-mun(崇仁門) gate, and re-initiated his political activities by greeting foreign envoys visiting Joseon. After King Taejong was enthroned, the Suchang-gung palace where Jeongjong was stay-ing was incinerated by a fire, and Chudong Bon’gung where Taejong was staying after Taejo released it to him, continued to be repaired as the Main palace(正宮), and was finalized as new the Gyeongdeok-gung(敬德宮) palace.

The “front road of the Gwanghwamun Gate(光化門前路)” refers to the road that begins with the Gwanghwamun Gate, which was the main gate of the Gyeongbokgung Palace, and ends with the Unjongga(雲從街) street in the south. On the east and west sides of the road, stood important offices of the Joseon government, which included the Euijeongbu(議政府) office, the Six ministries(六曹), the Hanseongbu(漢城府) capital authorities and the Saheonbu(司憲府) monitoring office. These offices were officially des-ignated as ‘offices outside the palace(闕外各司)’, but they were closely connected with the other in-palace offices(闕內各司), which were in charge of serving and guarding the king. The front road of the Gwanghwamun gate was a road that led to the inside of the Gyeong-bokgung Palace, and where the king could meet his subjects. In the early days of king Gojong’s reign, there were some significant changes made to this front road of the Gwanghwamun Gate. Since the breakout and conclusion of the war with the Japanese in the 1590’s, the offices positioned along this road had been maintain-ing their outward appearance and basic functions, but the war left all these offices with many internal problems. So, in the early days of king Gojong’s reign, renovation projects for these offices went underway. First, the Euijeongbu office, which previously had no resource to repair some of its destroyed structures despite the fact that it was standing right in front of the Gwanghwamun Gate, went through a complete overhaul. Second, the Gyeongbokgung Palace was reconstructed, under the supervision of Gojong’s father Re-gent Heungseon Daeweongun(興宣大院君), who used this project as a method to enlarge his influences. Third, the Three Military Headquarters(三軍府) were newly established at the late Yejo(Ministry of Rituals 禮曹) site. The Headquarters were not yet fully devel oped in institutional terms, but was established nonetheless as a military counterpart to the civil Euijeongbu office. The project continued for many years, but did so in a most concentrated fashion be-tween the second and fifth years of Gojong’s reign. Dowager queen Shinjeong(神貞), who was overseeing the governance of the country in the early years of Gojong’s reign, led the project, and high ranking officials supported it, but in the end, the real driving force behind the project, who set the agenda and pushed it through, was Gojong’s father Heung-seon Daeweongun. At the time, various law codes such as 󰡔Daejeon Hoitong(大典會通)󰡕 and 󰡔Yukjeon Jorye(六典條例)󰡕 were revised, and the overall operations of the government were en hanced as well. The Bibyeonsa(備邊司) office was absorbed into the Gongsasaek(公事色) office inside Euijeongbu, and an enlarged[合設] Euijeongbu body, the highest office inside the Joseon government in ultimate charge of governance, was established. And the reconstructed Gyeongbokgung Palace also led to the revitalization of other offices located outside the palace (and in front of the Gwanghwamun Gate), in an impressive display that showed how things were being changed and enhanced in the early days of king Gojong’s reign.