Earticle

고려시대에는 지방행정 제도와 본관제를 통해 지역 간의 위계질서를 구성하였으며, 그 위계의 가장 정점에 수도 개경이 위치하였다. 개경의 이러한 우월적 지위는 사람들의 생활 속에서 어 떻게 나타났을까? 고려 전기에 지방 사람들이 서울에 올라가 사는 것, 즉 상경(上京)은 자유롭 게 이루어졌을까? 이 논문은 이러한 의문에 답함으로써 위계적 공간 질서 속에서 수도 개경의 위상을 밝히려는 것이다. 먼저, 고려 전기 상경의 사례를 찾아서 상경하는 사람들의 신분과 상 경 목적을 조사하였으며, 고려시대의 독특한 형벌제도인 귀향형(歸鄕刑)을 통해 상경의 의미를 재음미해보았다. 귀향형이란 말 그대로 향리(鄕里) 즉, 본관으로 돌려보내는 형벌이므로 그 대 상은 당연히 서울에 사는 사람이었고, 서울에서 추방하는 것이 형벌이라면 역으로 서울로 올라 가는 상경은 특별한 의미를 갖는 것이라고 생각했기 때문이다. 고려 전기에 지방 사람들의 상경은 매우 제한적인 범위에서 이루어졌다. 사료에서 확인되기로 는 지방 향리의 상경종사(上京從仕)가 거의 대부분이었다. 여기에는 과거를 통한 상경 출사(出 仕) 이외에 기인(其人)을 거쳐 중앙 관청의 이속(吏屬)이 되는 경우, 선군(選軍)을 거쳐 경군(京 軍)이 되는 경우, 그리고 승려가 상경하는 경우 등이 있었다. 이렇게 상경한 사람들은 호적을 개경으로 옮기고 ‘왕경인(王京人)’이 되었으며, 이 지위는 자손에게 세습되었다. 향리 계층 아래의 일반민들이 자유롭게 상경할 수 있었는지는 자료의 부족으로 여전히 밝히지 못하였다. 다만, 일반민의 상경 문제는 고려시대의 독특한 형벌인 귀향형을 통해 추적해보았다 . 귀향형은 본관지로 유배하는 형벌이지만, 이것이 일반 유배형과 다른 의미를 갖는 이유는 왕 경인의 지위를 박탈하는 데 있었다. 그랬기 때문에 관리가 아닌 사람도 왕경인이라면 귀향형의 적용 대상이 되었다. 귀향형의 적용 대상은 범법자 본인에 그치지 않고, 왕경인의 지위를 공유 하고 있는 가족에까지 미침으로써 선대 또는 당대에 이룬 상경의 성과를 무효화했다는 점에서 중형에 속했다. 그렇다면 귀향의 대척점에 있는 상경은, 상경한 사람들이 왕경인으로서 특혜를 누릴 수 있었음을 의미하며, 따라서 특정 계층에게만 허용되었을 가능성이 크다고 할 수 있다. 결국 고려시대의 개경은 계서적 지방제도 및 본관제에 의해 예외적이고 초월적인 위상을 보장 받았고, 신분제적 규제를 통해 지방민들의 상경을 제한함으로써 그 위상을 유지했다. 그러나 고려 후기에는 이러한 독점이 이완되고 개경의 인구가 증가하였다. 그 원인은 본관제가 제대로 유지되지 못했기 때문이기도 하지만, 보다 근본적으로는 지방민들의 상경 욕구를 억제하지 못 했기 때문이었다, 즉, ‘독점과 차별’을 특징으로 하는 전근대 한국의 수도성(首都性)은 지방으 로부터의 상경을 억제하는 방향으로 나타났지만, 역설적으로 상경을 유인하는 결과를 초래함 으로써 수도 인구가 계속해서 증가하게 되었던 것이다.

With a local administrative system, and the “Bon’gwan” practice, the Goryeo authorities formed a hierarchy structure that would define the relationship between the capital city and other local regions. Needless to say, Gae’gyeong, the capital city of Goryeo, was at the top of that chain. How would such superior position have been reflected in people’s lives? And were the [local] people free to visit and also establish a residence inside Gae’gyeong, in other words free to “Sang’gyeong(上京),” in the early half period of the dynasty? By answering these questions, we would be able to determine the status of Gae’gyeong, in terms of the administrative hierarchy that existed throughout the Korean peninsula at the time. To that end, in this article, all the examples of local people ‘visiting’ the capital in this period are surveyed in details. Their social background[social class] and the reasons behind their visits are all categorized. Also examined is the Goryeo period’s unique punishment called ‘sentence to return home[歸鄕刑],’ in order to define the meaning of ‘Sang’gyeong’ from an opposite angle. It was a punishment designed to send an individual literally ‘back home,’ to one’s home town, which was referred to as “Bon’ gwan.” People who were subject to such punishments were naturally the ones who were away from their hometowns, and living in the capital. The fact that deportation from the capital was considered as a punishment shed some light on how ‘joining’ the capital would have been ‘specially’ considered at the time. In the early half period of Goryeo, only a limited range of people seem to have been allowed to visit and join the capital. According to historical records, mostly local clerks( “Hyang’ri, 鄕吏”) were the ones who came to the capital and served as governmental officials. They either applied to the competitive national examination system and successfully passed it, or enlisted themselves as Gi’in(其人), served the government and then officially became clerks(吏屬) inside governmental offices. In some cases they were mobilized as soldiers(選軍) and then officially drafted as members of the Central Army(京軍), or moved to the capital even as Buddhist priests. People who moved over to the capital also had their personal census information transferred to the capital region as well, and officially became ‘Capital residents(王京人).’ This status was even inherited to their offsprings. And as an exception, local clerks coming to the capital for ‘away studies’ would have left their census information where they were, and only resided in the capital temporarily. Whether or not people below the “Hyang’ri” level were able to freely move over and join the capital is hard to determine due to absence of relevant data. But we can seek an indirect answer to that question by examining the aforementioned ‘sentence to return home.’ It was a punishment to send someone back to its ‘Bon’gwan,’ but was unlike any other punishments, as it was a sentence that deprived someone of its prior status as a “Capital citizen.” People living inside the capital, governmental official or not, were subjectable to this punishment. And the punishment did not end with the offender itself. Family members who shared such status as capital citizens had to share the punishment as well. In other words, it was a punishment that nullified the achievement(earning the right to move over and join the capital) established either in the last or present generation. Considering all this, the opposite of this sentence, the privilege to join the capital, was to be enjoyed by only a limited group of people, people who belonged to a specific social class. The Gae’gyeong capital was granted an exceptional and superior status maintained by an administrative hierarchy that engulfed the entire Korean peninsula, as well as a unique “Bon’gwan” practice that linked individuals and houses to specific regions. And the local population was under social stratification which did not allow them to freely move over and join the capital, which also maintained the exclusively dignified status of the capital. But in the latter half period of Goryeo, such situation was weakened and the size of Gae’gyeong population continued to grow, partially because the Bon’gwan system was breaking down, but more substantially because the government was no longer able to regulate the local people’s desire to join the capital. We can say that the premodern capital cities’ monopolistic and discriminative nature tended to bar local residents from joining them, but ironically such nature itself continued to invite the very people they were pushing away.

封建制는, 협소한 의미로는 수령을 파견하여 전국을 직접 지배하는 군현제와 대비하여 종친이 나 공신을 제후로 분봉하는 체계를 지칭하지만, 현실속에서는 이미 漢대 이후로 재현되지는 않 았다. 그러나 봉건제는 천자와 제후의 분봉, 九州의 五服制(혹은 九服制), 王畿와 藩屛, 國과 野 등으로 상상되며 理想으로서 힘을 가지고 있었다. 이 글에서는 개념어들과 당대인들의 인식을 통해 이러한 봉건제적 이상이 首都라고 하는 공간적 축을 바탕으로 천하 질서 속에서 재현되었 음을 규명하였다. 천하 질서인 오복(혹은 구복)은 천자가 거처하는 중심으로부터 동심원적으로 퍼져 나가며 관계 가 소원해지고 차등적으로 구획되는 공간이었다. 이는 남송대 이래 작은 규모의 王畿를 직접 통치하는 천자와 자기 구역을 맡아 다스리는 제후들이 결속한 분권적 정치 형태와 평화로운 文 治의 세계를 구성하는 질서로 이념화되었다. 고려-조선 초 시기에는 이러한 차등적이나 자율적인 공간 속에서 자국의 위치를 설정하여 제후 국으로서의 장소를 마련하려 하였다. 원간섭기에도 당대의 儒臣들은 천하의 질서를 文治의 평 화로운 세계 속에서 봉건의 질서로 구현되는 것으로 묘사하려고 하였다. 이러한 이들의 노력과 지향은 明 건국 후에 더욱 구체화되었으며, 위태로운 기간을 지나 안정화될 수 있었다. 문치의 질서 속에서 제후는 자기 영역을 자율적으로 통치하고 그 수도는 자기 단위 문치의 중 심이며, 이는 다시 천자의 수도로 결속된다. 각 국가의 정치권력을 표상하는 수도는 그러한 질 서의 중심으로 표상되는 동시에 그 질서를 지지하는 축이었다. 그 중심의 가치는 보편적이고 절대적이되, 도처에 편재(ubiquitous) 할 수 있었다. 이는 華夷의 세계가 구별되면서도 가치의 실현이라는 점에서는 어느 곳이건 華가 될 수 있는 가능성을 여는 것이었다. 제후의 수도들과 천자의 수도라는 다층적인 중심들은 엄밀한 질서에 따라 결속된다. ‘禮’는 그 런 의미에서 문명이 구현되는 형식이자 방법이었다. 조선이 국가 의례를 통해 엄밀하게 예치의 질서를 구축하려고 한 것은, 힘에 의한 형세가 아니라 가장 이상적인 禮를 통해 德에 기반한 문 치를 실현하려는 열망 때문이었다. 그 결과 완성된 체제는 사실상 역대의 경전과 주석에서도 추수하지 못하고 있었던 현실에 적용한, 새로운 역사적 실험이었다.

A classical enfeoffment system(封建制) is known to have been a system in which royal family members or meritorious vassals actually ‘ruled’ certain regions, which had been bestowed to them earlier by the Emperor. It was unlike the Gun/Hyeon system, in which local prefects were dispatched from the central to other regions, as representatives of the central government. In reality the classical enfeoffemnt system was not employed, at least to the letter, since the days of the Ancient Han(漢) days. The idea behind the system, however, had a powerful influence upon other areas of administration as it was still being regarded as the ideal system. The idea was composed of various elements that would keep the appeal of the system, in the eyes of the subjects and not to mention the leaders: such as the relationship between the Emperor and the feudal lords, universe’s(九州) 5-class(五服) Mourning Attire system(or the 9-class Mourning Attire system[九服]), the Royal vicinity(王畿) and Outlying Safeguards(藩屛), as well as the Central(國) and the Surrounding zone(野). Examined in this article are all these concepts, as well as the perceptions the people had back then, in order to determine how feudal ideals were reflected in medieval capitals. This world of universal order was a world that would have many other smaller worlds inside, all spreading outward in a concentric fashion, yet sharing the same center where the Emperor was living. Distance from the central would dictate the level of relationship that region enjoyed with the central, and also the central’s potential treatment of the region. Due to such environment, since the Southern Sung era, a notion of a decentralized political structure, composed of both the Emperor who directly ruled a relatively small center(王畿) and feudal lords in charge of their own regions, both pursuing a peaceful civil governing, was ideologically established. Both the Goryeo dynasty, and the Joseon dynasty in its early days, tried to establish their own status in their realms, which represented not only discrimination (from the center) but also autonomy (in their own realm). Even with the advent of the Mongol Yuan empire, and its intervention in Korean affairs, the Goryeo Confucian scholars at the time intended to describe their own status and the world as a peaceful regime and a stabilized order. Their efforts and aspiration continued to hone with the advent of Ming. Within the purview of civil ruling, feudal lords governed their respective realms autonomously, and the capital became the symbol and center of such governing, which would ultimately all tie into the main capital of the Emperor himself. Capital cities, the embodiment of political power of individual states, were regional centers that characterized such senior order, and also pillars which sustained it. Such a way was universal, and also absolute, and at the same time ubiquitous, as the capitals could exist in multiple places. The world of the civilized and the world of the barbarians were different, but there was always a room for the latter to transform itself into the former. The capitals of the lords and capitals of the Emperor were virtually centric positions placed on different levels of a hierarchic order. ‘Protocols(禮),’ or any set of conduct codes for that matter, served as a format or method that would allow a civilization demonstrate itself. Through the task of devising a series of dynastic ritual codes, Joseon wanted to establish a governance based upon protocols and codes of conduct. It shows that Joseon was not interested in creating a power base that would allow itself to rule the people with force. It shows that it was really trying to create a benevolent governance based upon ideals. The result was a governing model that even the Confucian classical texts would not dare suggest, a model that took both reality and ideals into account, so that it would become a new experiment in dynastic governing.

전통시대 수도는 국왕이 거주하며 중앙의 핵심 관서들이 존재하는 곳으로서 다른 지역과 차별 적인 지위를 지녔다. 그러한 수도에 지방 사람들이 올라오는 것을 ‘상경’이라 한다. 조선이 건국된 후 지방에서 한양에 올라와 벼슬길에 나아가는 방법은 문·무과를 포함한 ‘科擧’ 가 가장 일반적인 통로였다. 과거를 통한 상경은 가장 보편적이고 합리적인 방법인 만큼 조선 전시기 동안 이루어졌다. 조선 사회는 임진·병자 양란을 겪으면서 전란의 후유증을 극복하기 위해 의리와 명분을 중시하 는 방향으로 나아갔다. 이는 지방에서 학식과 덕망이 높은 사람을 정계로 불러들이는 계기가 되었고, 과거가 아닌 또 다른 上京從仕의 길이었다. 이러한 出仕는 17세기에 접어들면서 본격 적으로 전개되었고, 宋時烈·宋浚吉로 대표되는 山林세력이 대표적이었다. 이러한 방식을 통한 상경은 산림과 그 운명을 함께 하여 17세기 이후에도 지속되지만 18세기 탕평군주들이 등장하 면서 그 위세가 한풀 꺾였고, 19세기 세도정치기가 되면서 그 위세가 더욱 위축되었다. 18세기 숙종 후반부터 영조, 정조대는 인구가 증가하고 수도 한양이 상업도시로 변모하면서 벼 슬살이를 위해 상경하는 사람도 증가하지만 그 밖에 상인이나 평민도 수도로 모여드는 추세였다. 그렇다면 상경을 통해 보는 수도의 성격이란 무엇인가. 조선은 건국 초기부터 삼국과 고려 보 다는 수도와 지방 간의 차별적이고 계서적인 면이 완화된 국가였다. 그러한 측면은 ‘상경’, ‘居 京’이라는 면에서도 같은 양상을 보였다. 지방에서 서울로 올라와 벼슬하고, 그럼으로써 서울 에 거주하는 것에 대한 법적 제약이 없었던 것이다. 또 삼국과 고려 보다는 수도와 지방 간 차별성이 완화되었다고 하더라도 조선의 한양은 여전히 지방에 비해 首位에 위치하였다. 특히 18세기부터 서울[京]과 지방[鄕]의 分岐 현상이 두드러 지고 서울이 상업도시로 변모하면서 신분을 초월하여 지방 사람들의 상경이 늘어났다. 그 이전 시기에 비해 수도 한양의 집중화 현상이 현저해졌고 그 이후는 그러한 현상이 심화되었다.

In the premodern days, the capital, where the king was living and central offices were located, was a place whose status was ‘different’ from others. People’s act of visiting the capital was also referred to as “mounting”[“Sang’gyeong”]. In the Joseon period, the competitive national examination was the most common and routine way for an individual to visit the capital and become a governmental official. It was the most reasonable reason for a person to come to the capital, and such visits continued for the duration of the dynasty. Going through two major wars, the Joseon society needed to heal itself, and chose to become a society which would uphold the values of righteousness and cause. Persons renowned for their moral integrity and academic achievements were invited to the capital, and such trend formed another pattern of ‘visiting the capital.’ This trend reached its peak in the 17th century, with Song Shi-yeol(宋時烈) and Song Jun-gil(宋浚吉) as prime examples, among others of the Sallim(山林) faction. But with the advent of kings in the 18th century who supported the “Tangpyeong” policy(“Equitable Appointments”), such ‘invitations’ decreased, and continued to do so in the 19th century, with the government overrun by a few powerful houses. In the 18th century, since the latter half of king Sukjong’s reign, the size of capital population continued to grow, and during the reigns of kings Yeongjo and Jeongjo, capital city Han’ yang developed itself as a city of profound commercial activities. Not only people who sought a career inside the government, but also people who were engaged in commercial activities, continued to enter the capital. How shall we define the nature of such capital city, after examining it through all these ‘visits?’ Since its early days, compared to the capital cities of the “Three Dynasties” period and the Goryeo dynasty as well, the Joseon capital was not the most superior city in a hierarchy structure. There was no legal restriction upon people’s decision to join the capital. It is true that Han’yang retained a certain level of seniority, and was indeed above other local cities. But in the 18th century, it became apparent that the capital and other cities were on a different path of development, and people, regardless of their social classes, continued to visit and stay at the capital. Increase in population became a norm.

唐代 科擧는 동아시아의 首都 집중화를 이해하는데 하나의 단서를 제공한다. 과거는 공정한 시 험을 통한 우수한 인재를 선발하는 제도이면서 지방에서 중앙으로 향하는 각 단계별 시험을 통 과해야 하는 절차를 지닌 제도이기 때문이다. 高祖가 향촌조직을 정비하고 鄕마다 학교를 세움 으로써 과거의 출발점은 마련되었다. 縣에는 縣學이, 州에는 州學이, 京師에는 國子學이 세워 져 단계별 수학도 가능하였다. 官學에서 수학하고 있는 학생을 生徒라 불렀으며, 이들은 일정 한 자격을 획득한 후 경사에서 치르는 省試에 응거할 수 있었다. 또한 私學도 점차 나타나기 시 작하였으며, 이곳에 수학한 사람들은 州에서 주관하는 鄕試에 응해야 했다. 향시에 합격하면 鄕貢이라 불렸으며, 省試에 응거할 수 있었다. 성시에 應擧하는 인원은 매해 대략 3,000명 전후로 추산되며, 이들 가운데 進士를 포함하여 120 여 명 정도가 급제하였다. 성시에 낙제한 사람들은 다음 성시에 곧바로 응거할 수 있는 것이 아 니라 다시 성시에 응거할 수 있는 자격을 얻어야만 했다. 즉 성시에 급제한 일부를 제외하면 다 수의 사람들은 다시 지방으로 내려갔다가 성시에 응할 수 있는 文解를 발급받아 경사로 올라오 는 일을 반복했다. 성시 응거 행렬은 평화로운 시절만이 아니라 唐朝에 반기를 든 지역에서도, 전쟁이 발발한 상 황에서도 끊이지 않았다. 安史의 난 이후 당조의 명령을 받들지 않는 ‘反側之地’의 藩鎭에서도 성시 행렬은 이어졌고, 黃巢의 군대가 長安을 위협 하던 시기에도 과거는 시행되었다. 이런 성시 행렬이 가능했던 것은 수동적인 薦擧와 달리 그 들의 자발성 때문이었다. 과거는 타의에 의한 추천이 아니라 본인의 의지에 의해서 참여하는 관리선발제도였기 때문이다. 과거는 작은 구심점에서 점차 큰 구심점으로 나아가는 중앙집중형 사회를 형성시키는데 큰 영 향을 주었으며, 이런 구조 속에 사람들은 자연히 이런 사회를 받아들이게 되었다. 바로 그 정점 에 오늘날 수도와 비슷한 개념의 京師가 자리하고 있으므로 과거는 전근대 동아시아 수도의 특 징인 집중화를 더욱 강화시키는 역할을 수행할 수 있었다. 따라서 수도의 집중화는 수도라면 당연히 그러해야 된다는 것이 아니라 전근대 동아시아 역사의 기반에서 형성된 중요한 특징이라고 할 수 있다.

The Chinese Tang(唐) period’s dynastic competitive examination(科擧) system is very important in understanding the particular phenomenon of ‘population buildup’ inside East Asian Capital cities. This dynastic examination was in nature a tool to select superior talents through a fair test, and was also a system that required applicants to pass multiple sub- tests along their way up from local regions to the center of the dynasty. Emperor Gaozu(高祖) renovated the local communities and built schools in every ‘xiang(鄕)’ units, effectively creating a foundation for future implementation of a dynastic examination system. In xian(縣) units xianxue(縣學) schools were established, while zhouxue(州學) schools were in zhou(州) units and the Guozixue(國子學) dynastic University was at the very capital(京師, jingshi). All these schools established at various levels encouraged and enabled students to engage in further studies of their own. Students who studied inside this official education system(“Guanxue, 官學”) were called as ‘shengtu(生徒, students),’ and after earning a certain status, they were authorized to apply for the ‘Shengshi(省試, provincial test),’ which was held at the capital. In the meantime, private schools(“私學”) also started to emerge, and people who studied in these civilian facilities had to first apply for the ‘Xiangshi(鄕試, local test)’ exam which was overseen by the zhou(州) authorities. If they successfully passed that exam, then they would be designated as ‘xianggong(鄕貢, local applicants for the provincial test),’ and would become able to apply for the final round, the ‘Shengshi(省試).’ The number of people who applied(“yingju, 應擧”) for the ‘Shengshi(省試)’ is estimated as 2 or 3 thousand every year, and among them, about 120 people, including the ‘Jinshi(進 士)’ figures, were able to pass the exam. People who failed at the Provincial tests were not allowed to apply for the same round next year, and instead were required to re-earn the status that would allow them to take the ‘Shengshi’ again. The ‘xianggong’ figures mentioned above had to reapply for the ‘Xiangshi(鄕試)’ test again, and only after they successfully passed it again, they were allowed to reapply for the ‘Shengshi’ as well. In other words, students other than successful passers of the ‘Shengshi’ test had to return home only to come back later, and in some cases, multiple times. People’s determination to apply for the Shengshi test was neither discontinued nor discouraged even during times of war, and even in regions which were rising up against the Dang regime. Even since the Anshi(安史) Insurrection, and interestingly enough in the Fanzhen(藩鎭) regions ruled by military governors who were not obeying orders issued by the Tang government, people continued to apply for Shengshi, and even while Huangchao(黃巢) was raging through Tang and threatening the Changan(長安) capital, the dynastic examinations continued to be held. The examination system was by nature very much inducive of active applications, as it was not an institution that relied upon “recommendations(薦擧)” from other people. The examination system in origin was all about deciding one’s own fate, with their own talents and their own efforts. This dynastic competitive examination system very much contributed to the formation of a ‘ centric society.’ And people became used to the idea and notions of such society. The premodern capital cities was the embodiment of such change. We can say that this dynastic competitive examination system played an imperative role in creating(or at least reinforcing) a specific characteristic displayed by premodern East Asian capital cities, which was no other than the concentration of population. It was not like any capital city would naturally experience a surge of population. East Asian capital cities witnessed such incoming waves of people because of the specific nature of their own histories.

이 논문은 중국의 수도 북경의 역사적 의미를 검토하기 위한 일련의 연구 가운데 하나로, 積水 潭 호수라는 도시 공간에 주목했다. 특별히 북경의 서북쪽에 위치한 積水潭(혹은 什刹海)의 기 능 및 위상이 원조와 명조 사이에 어떻게 변화하는지와, 이러한 변화가 수도의 상징성을 어떻 게 변화시켰는지를 함께 검토했다. 이번 연구를 통해, 적수담이라는 호수는 원 대도와 명 북경에 동일하게 존재했으나, 적수담의 중심적 表象(representation)은 왕조 교체와 함께 크게 변화되었음을 확인했다. 우선 왕조 교체 와 함께 도성의 구조가 변화했다. 즉 북경 성곽이 남쪽으로 약간 이동했고, 都城 안으로 진입이 가능했던 通惠河가 성곽 재건으로 인해 막혔다. 그 결과 大都에서 중심부에 위치했던 積水潭은 명 북경에서 서북쪽으로 위치가 변경되었고, 通惠河와 단절되어 漕運船의 북경성 진입도 불가 능해졌다. 대신 명 북경의 積水潭은 성곽의 서쪽에 위치한 西山을 觀賞하는 遊覽地로 유명해졌 다. 首都로 物資를 집중시키는 중심지로부터 觀賞의 명소이자 風流를 즐기는 湖水로 積水潭(什 刹海)의 中心 表象(representation)이 변화된 것이다. 원 대도의 적수담은 수도의 중심으로, 水運을 통한 物流의 극대화 혹은 통일국가의 物流中心을 상징했다. 船舶이 湖水를 덮었다는 뜻의 “舳艫蔽水”는 이를 잘 표현하고 있다. 필자는 이것이, 수도의 安保(security)라는 이슈보다 利潤(profit)이라는 이슈가 훨씬 중요하다는 것을 상징한 것으로 해석한다. 반면 明 北京의 什刹海는 멀리 山을 觀望하는 명소를 상징했다. 銀錠橋에서 西山을 바라본다는 “銀錠觀山”은 이를 잘 표현한다. 필자는 이에 대해, 首都의 安保 이슈가 利 潤 이슈를 압도해버린 결과로 해석한다.

As a part of research series examining the historical representation of the capital city of Beijing, this paper focused on the changes in the main role and function of the Jishuitan(積 水潭) or Shishahai(什刹海), the lake currently located northwest of Beijing, from the Yuan to the Ming, and examined the resulting shift in its representation of the capital city. Through this research, I was able to verify that, despite Jishuitan’s continuous existence and location in both the Yuan and Ming, its main representation changed as the dynasty shifted from Yuan to Ming. First, the layout of the city wall changed with the dynastic change; Beijing’s city wall moved slightly southward, especially as the Tonghuihe(通惠河) no longer flowed into the city due to reconstruction of the city wall since the Yongle reign. Consequently, Jishuitan, located at the center of Dadu in the Yuan, moved and was located northwest of Beijing since the Ming. It also let to the Jishuitan being disconnected from the Tonghuihe, with tributary ships from the Grand Canal no longer able to enter the city. However, during the Ming, Shishahai(its name having changed during the Ming) became a famous sightseeing place for Xishan(西山), which was located west of city wall of the Bejing. In sum, the Jishuitan’s main representation of the capital city changed from a center of national transportation for goods to a famous sightseeing place for leisure. During the Yuan, the Jishuitan was the center of the capital city Dadu and represented the zenith of national waterway transportation or the center of the distribution of goods for the unified kingdom. A four-character Chinese idiom, “zhulubishui (舳艫蔽水)”, appropriately describes the Jishuitan’s status in the Yuan, since it refers to several ships covering the lake, with the implication that profit mattered more than security in the Yuan Dadu. Thus, the Shishahai came to serve as a famous sightseeing place for the mountain during Ming Beijing. A Chinese idiom, “yindingguanshan(銀錠觀山)”, illustrates the Shishahai’s altered status, indication that Xishan sightseeing from the Yinding Bridge(銀錠橋) vantage point on the Shishahai was very famous. Ironically, the Shishahai’s main function was related to the mountain and disconnected from water. This role change implied that, in the same capital city, profit concerns had been superceded by security concerns, primarily as a result of the dynasty change from Yuan to Ming, and the concurrent change in the ruling ethnicity from Mongols to Hans.