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A Study on the Establishment of Gyeongdeokgung(Gyeonghuigung) Palace in the Reign of Gwanghaegun Hong, Seok-Joo Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Seoil Collage During the years of Gwanghaegun(光海君;one of the kings in Joseon Dynasty), an active public services of building large scale palaces such as reconstruction of Changdeokgung(昌德宮) Palace and Changgyeonggung(昌慶宮) Palace and new construction of Inkyeonggung(仁慶宮) Palace and Gyeongdeokgung(慶德宮) were carried out. Gyeongdeokgung Palace was renamed Gyeonghuigung Palace in 1760. Palaces of late Joseon dynasty didn't go much different from those of Gwanghaegun years. But as there are no remains and insufficient data of palaces of Gwanghaegun period, studies on this period have scarcely achieved. Therefore, this study is to examine architectural form of palaces of Gwanghaegun period through Gyeongdeokgung Palace. Based on historical records, drawings and ancient maps, this study focus on architectures of Gyeongdeokgung Palace. The results are as followings: Gyeongdeokgung(慶德宮) was built with Inkyeounggung Palace 1617. Gyeongdeokgung Palace and Inkyeounggung Palace were planned considering reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung(景福宮) Palace. So they can make Seoul more profitable for refuge after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and equip street network in late Joseon dynasty. Site planning of Gyeongdeokgung Palace is a mixed form of site planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and Changdeokgung Palace. Another Dang(堂) as an office of king other than Pyeonjun(便殿; main office of king) was put to perform as Pyeonjun. Especially what is distinctive is that during the years of Gwanghaegun, Dang(堂) acting as a Pyeonjun, is located in front of Jungchimjun(正寢殿; bedchamber of king). During the years of Gwanghaegun, two Chimjun(寢殿; bedchamber of king and queen) was made. Therefore, other than queen's Chimjun, (also called Jungchimjun(正寢殿)), king's Chimjun was placed. Gyeongdeokgung Palace is constructed strengthen royal authority of Gwanghaegun, and was a large scale architectural business carried out for a long term. And it is made by reflecting changes of palaces of early Joseon dynasty, and it shows characteristics of palaces of the late Joseon. Keywords : Gyeongdeokgung(慶德宮) Palace, Gyeonghuigung(慶熙宮) Palace, Seogwaldoan(西闕圖案 ; the site map of Gyeonghuigung(慶熙宮) Palace in the late Joseon), Gwanghaegun(光海君), Inkyeonggung(仁慶宮) Palace, Gunggwalji(宮闕志 ; the book about palaces in the late Joseon)

King Yeongjo/英祖's renaming(改號) the Gyeonghi-gung/慶熙宮 palace, and the political meaning of his own relocation(移御) there : Analysis of the event's relation to the death of Crown-prince Sado Seja/思悼世子 Yoon, Jeong Lecturer, Gyeongsang National University In this article, the direct relation between King Yeongjo/英祖's renaming of the Gyeonghi-gung/慶熙宮 palace, and the death of Crown-prince Sado Seja/思悼世子, is examined. Yeongjo moved to the Gyeonghi-gung palace, spacially separating himself and his own son, and highlighted the history of Queen Inweon Wanghu/仁元王后 of Gyeonghi-gung. Then he put his own son Sado Seja to death, and had his grandson inherit the kingdom later. Through this, the argument of the 'Three Kings' bloodline'(三宗血脈　論), which legitimized King Yeongjo's own authority as a King, was extended to his grandson. In order to have the Gyeonghi-gung palace function as a new base for this purpose, he tried to eliminate the palace's own image of being a historical place that witnessed and housed the wrong-doings of former King Gwanghae-gun/光海君. And that was the reason why he came up with the new name 'Gyeonghi-gung' for this palace, which had originally been called as Gyeongdeok-gung/慶德宮. By King Yeongjo, this palace became a place testifying the legitimacy of King Yeongjo's kingdom, and to establish that new image strongly, he stayed there till the ending days of his own reign. Keywords : Gyeongdeok-gung(慶德宮), Gyeonghi-gung(慶熙宮), King Yeongjo(英祖), Crown-prince Sado Seja(思悼世子), Queen Inweon Wanghu(仁元王后), The argument of the 'Three Kings' bloodline'(三宗血脈　論)

A Study on Seolgwoldoan/西闕圖案 and the the management of Gyeonghigung palace/慶熙宮 during the Reign of King Jeongjo/正祖 Lee, Kang-Geun Professor, Gyeongju University In this essay, I study about the architectural change and the management of the Gyeonghuigung palace in Jeongjo's reign. In his Crown-prince days, King Jeongjo/正祖 lived in this palace and wrote many articles such as poems, narratives about this palace. One of them is Gyeonghuigungji/慶熙宮志, describing the function and relative location of all buildings under the concept of Samjo/三朝. He built a library in the name of Jeongsaekdang/貞賾堂 to Jonhyungak/尊賢閣 nearby Heungjeongdang/興政堂. After the death of King Yeongjo, the grandfather of Jeongjo, Jajeongjeon/資政殿 was designated as Binjeon/殯殿, the Hall where a coffin is placed until the funeral day, and Taenyungjeon/泰寧殿 as Honjeon/魂殿, the Hall where a memorial service is held for the late king during three years. In the tenth year of Jeongjo, Crown-prince Munhyo Seja/文孝世子 died, Taenyungjon was designated as Honjeon. So he enlarged the west-nothern quarter of Gyeonghuigung palace and newly built two gates such as Jeongtaemoon/正兌門 and Youngseonmoom/寧善門 between Taenyungmoon/泰寧門 and Geumsangmoon/金商門. It was a good chance within ten years to him to repair the problematic buildings and stone walls of Gyeonghuigung palace. In the 11th, 14th, 15th, 21st year of Jeongjo, Gyeonghuigung palace was continuously repaired and that the 23rd year, the welcoming ceremony of Chinese Representatives was held in Sungjeongjon/崇政殿, the royal audience chamber of Gyeonghuigung palace. King Soonjo, the son of Jeongjo, resided in Gyeonghuigung palace four and half years intermittently in his reign. Especially He changed the name of four buildings from Jangrakjon/長樂殿, Heungjeongdang/興政堂, Jajeongjeon/資政殿, Kwangmyungjeon/光明殿 to chwihwajeon/翠華殿, Youngmundang/迎文堂, Younyoungjeon延英殿/, Jangrakjeon長樂殿. I don't know the reason why he contrive the new name. In the 29th year of Soonjo, naejeon/內殿 of Gyeonghuigung palace was burnt down. After the reconstruction in the 31st year of Soonjo, the image of many buildings was changed, so became incongrous with the image of Seolgwoldoan/西闕圖案. I interpreted that this painting was produced in the reign of Soonjo with many reasons. But I cannot help defering dating till a later date. Keywords : Gyeonghuigung(慶熙宮), Binjeon/殯殿, Honjeon/魂殿, King Jeongjo(正祖), Crown-prince Munhyo Seja(文孝世子), Seolgwoldoan(西闕圖案)

For the destruction and utilization of Gyeonghuigung in King Gojong period Eun, Jeong-Tae Researcher, The Institute for Korean Historical Studies It has been a long time ago that Gyeonghuigung, having the position of a separate palace in late Joseon Dinasty, lost its original construction. Though the palace was well preserved and managed without any change in King Gojong period, it is generally recognized that it has been destructed as Tongkambu built Gyungsung Middle school in the palace site. True in part, it is nonetheless as much as over-nationalistic interpretation. In reality, with the reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung in the earily King Gojong period, most of Gyeonghuigung’s flame and stone was moved to Gyeongbokgung, and the empty site was devided into 4 palaces which played role of royal family’s private safes and brought under cultivation. A partially remaining flame has well been preserved, but, though, it is in accordance to little or formal custom. Gyeonghuigung, becoming an empty place, was utilized for a Mulberry field or army parade place and turned into ‘a spreader of enlightenment’ as an enlightenment policy of Joseon or Daehan Jekuk to build a modern state. In Tongkambu period, big events such as an athletic meeting were held in the place and completely changed into a educational institution since Gyungsung Middle School was set up in 1909. Therefore, functional lose as a palace and its deconstruction of Gyeonghuigung should be found in the process of Gyeongbokgung Reconstruction in Daewongun Period. It should be paid attention on the point that Gyeonghuigung in Gojong period was utilized on the way of modern state construction. Keywords : Gyeonghuigung, Gyeongbokgung Reconstruction, Army Parade, Athletic Meeting, Gyungsung Middle School

The purpose of this article is to look at technological and institutional elements of telephone system, and spatial distribution of telephone system in Seoul during colonial period. For this purpose, technological and institutional elements of telephone system was regarded as ‘environment of use' which determine user's behavior, and its political characteristics were investigated. In chapter 2, the political and military characteristics of technological telephone system are founded from the fact that the Government-General of Korea(GGK) had depended on primarily alterations of telecommunication mode, instead of depending on of extensive installation of telecommunication facilities, as essential measure of coping with diverse problems, such as contradiction between low-grade of transmission technology and increasing telecommunication demand. For example, GGK depended primarily on ‘simultaneous telegraphy and telephony' mode. Also, institutions related to telephone subscription, phone call, and charge of telephone fee were established in the direction of keeping a firm on not so much irregular phone call as regular call. Telephone system of this sorts had been diffused throughout Seoul city. In chapter 3 and chapter 4, the transfiguration of local telephone service area in Seoul and its spatial bias were examined. At first, local telephone service area in Seoul was changed roughly three times during colonial period. Local telephone service area began to be kept in order in 1910s, and was established systematically as telephone exchange system consisting of one head office and two branch office in 1923. And one more branch office was added in eastern area of Seoul in 1942. Even though there were more or less alterations, spatial distribution of telephone facilities in Seoul was hardly changed. Local service area of head office, covering business zone and Japanese place of residence, had exceeding 50% of the number of total telephone. If including Yong-San branch office covering military zone, the proportion was over 70%. On the other side, Gwang-Hwa-Moon branch office covering Korean place of residence about 30%. As a result, Korean people had to go to usually post office or public telephone nearby their place of residence. In sum, spatial structure of telephone diffusion in colonial Seoul was under bias toward nation. Keywords : Telephone System, Telephone Subscription District, Diffusion, Spatial Distribution

A Study on the Korea's First Apartment Before and After the Liberation - focused on 7 apartments in Seoul - Park, Cheol-Soo Associate Professor, University of Seoul This thesis is generated from the critical consciousness that there exists many different opinions and arguments on what is the first apartment of Korea, and that this topic should be rearranged based on a certain standard. In other words, it is to redefine the concept of the first apartment of Korea through a category of either before and after the Liberation, and by formulating the thesis based on the perspective and decisions employed in defining the very concept, while reinforcing it with additional documents that were not available in preceding studies or documentation. Moreover, this thesis is to contribute to the historical studies of Korean housing culture by reconfirming or correcting contradictory contents found in previous resources and by reinforcing additional facts to the preceding researches. This thesis can be summarized into two conclusions based on its background and purpose. First, a four-story residential building built with ferro-concrete in the 1930's, Yurim(儒林, Toyota 豊田)-Apartment located at Chungjeongno(忠正路) 3ga 250-6, Seoul, is the very first apartment of Korea before the liberation. This fact will still be a valid argument even after the unification in the future and this example also complies with the general term of apartment, a new residential type translated and disseminated by Japan during the Japanese invasion. Second, the first apartment after the liberation is the Jongam-Apartment located in Jongamdong(鐘岩洞) and built on November 1957 by Jungang Industry(中央産業). It is characterized by having living room, bedroom, kitchen and bathroom all furnished in a single floor and having a private porch per each household, which allowed an urban family to manage an independent life. The organizational structure of this example meets most of the 'apartment' requirements accommodated before the liberation and this apartment, whose 152 units were absorbed by Korea National Housing Corporation(大韓住宅營團) on July 31th 1958 as per Public Housing Management Report(復興住宅管理要領) issued by The National Health Institute, can be justly labeled as the first apartment of Korea after the liberation. This thesis examines diversity of records and documents in order to overcome the structural limitation of logical development which had been a problem in preceding researches due to the lack of confirmed data sources. This thesis is developed through establishing decision factors and view points related to the apartment typology of the period, but it is still overshadowed by limitation of not having enough historical documents to verify and confirm. Therefore I would like to position this work as an deductive thesis that can be sufficiently modified by any additional resources or new research that were not verifiable at this time. Keywords : Korea's First Apartment, Liberation, Seoul, Yurim(Toyota)-Apartment, Jongam-Apartment, Haengchon-Apartment