Earticle

본 논문은 일본관광산업의 발달과 함께 경성의 상업, 경제, 역사, 도시 랜드마크 등 의 문화 사회 정보가 여행안내서, 그림엽서, 지도, 잡지, 사진앨범 등을 통해서 서울의 이미지가 전 세계에 어떻게 전달되었고 변화했는지를 살펴본다. 1905년 을사보호조약 후 일본제국의 교통 인프라 개발, 새 시장 개척, 외환 획득, 외교 정책 개선의 일환으로서 일본유선회사 (NYK), 남만주 철도 (SMR), 조선철도국 (CGR), 아사히 신문사, 일본교통공사 (Japan Tourist Bureau, JTB)등 재벌회사들은 식민지의 이국적인 풍경, 풍물, 풍습, 그리고 새 관광시설, 철도호텔 채인, 온천, 유적지, 박물관, 동물원, 공원 등 국제수준의 문화 교육 시설등을 소개하는 여행정보 안내서 출판 선전 사업에 주력했다. 특히 경성은 일본과 만주를 연결하는 제국철도선의 군사 전략지인 동시에 교통의 요지로서 타 제국 여행지에 비해 일찍부터 공·사립기관 그리고 경성주재 신문기자, 조선 전문가들이 수집한 자료, 다양한 최신 시내 상업, 경기, 오락 정보 (도시 공공시설, 시장정보, 물가지수, 인구통계, 유락시설 (음식점, 기생집, 카페, 유곽), 사진관, 식당, 숙박, 쇼핑가이드) 가 실린 휴대용 문고판 여행안내서, 교통시각표, 그림엽서세트가 1910년대에 등장했다. 1920-30 년대에는 조선전국 여행지 안내서, 리플렛, 또 그림엽서 수백만 부가 전 제국의 교통 허브 (동경, 시모노세키, 오사카, 부산, 경성, 대련, 봉춘, 하얼빈, 타이페이 등) 역사 철도호텔, 백화점 지점에 위치한 JTB 사무소에서 일본인 이주민, 관료, 수학여행 단체 관광단, 군인, 사업가, 일반인 여행자 외국인 (선교사, 외교관 등) 에게 배포되었다. 논문의 하반부에서는 경성 상업사진가, 조선철도국, JTB 출판 여행 안내서 속에 몇장의 경성을 대표하는 랜드마크 사진 (궁궐을 배경으로 거니는 아름다운 기생, 파고다 공원, 남산 조선신궁, 경복궁 경회루, 파고다 공원, 조선총독부 박물관) 이미지 속에 나탄난 비쥬얼“knowledge”를 분석하면서 일본제국의 관광시각(Imperialist Tourist Gaze) 이 백년후 지금의“Nostalgic/Picturesque”서울의 관광 이미지 형성과정과 도시개발정책에 미친 역사적, 미학적, 상업적 영향을 본다.

This study discusses the contents of guidebooks to Keij (1910-1945) published by Government-General of Ch sen (GGC), Ch senGovernment Railways (CGR), the South Manchurian Railways (SMR), Keij Municipal Government, and the Japan Tourist Bureau (JTB). As the first generation of mass produced city editions targetting Japanese settlers, businessmen, travelers, and educated consumers, they are important for understanding how the organization of empirical, reference, and tourist information was designed to show off the latest modern amenities, businesses,and cultural attractions in the rapidly developing capital to a world audience in the early twentieth century. This topic is significant because these turn of the century publications and pictorial images of Seoul in early Japanese transportation industry produced guidebooks and postcard sets played a critical role in the transformation of the image of Seoul into one of the most 《authentic》and《 picturesque》destinations in the Japanese empire.

In the early days of the Goryeo dynasty, the Seon’nong/Jeokjeon-dan institution was imported and introduced to the Goryeo people, as part of the government's efforts to set up a Confucian tradition, against the Buddhist ones and also other native rituals indigenous to the Korean people at that time. At first, it was considered a foreign Chinese culture and was therefore not taken very seriously. Yet within the confines of Confucian ritual protocols, the King's ceremonial gesture of cultivating a piece of land at the Jeokjeon site was acknowledged as a formal service dedicated to the God of the Land(地祇), and also as a counterpart practice to the Weon’gu Gigok ceremony. Then, at the end of the Goryeo dynasty, Neo-Confucian teachings swept through the Korean peninsula, and governmental officials who were determined to spread Confucian-style ritual protocols throughout the country, once again set out to emphasize the Jeokjeon institution as a ceremony honoring the Land God, defining it as a memorial service that had to be conducted by no other than the King himself. They argued that such practice had actually been part of the Goryeo people's timehonored tradition that had to be embraced and restored. Those arguments were designed to provide the practice with some legitimacy as part of a Goryeo set of customs, and let people not see it as a mere alien custom. As an extension of such efforts, in the early days of Joseon, the Jeokjeon practice(along with other services that were to be held at the National Shrine) continued to be recognized as a ritual ceremony that would have to be observed by the King himself. Yet before long, some changes were made to the institution itself. The Weon’gu-rye protocol was abolished, and the entire service system that had been based upon the ‘Monthly Obligations(“月令”),’ which included a sequence connecting the Weon'gu Gigok stage and the Jeokjeon-Chin'gyeong(King's cultivation of a piece of land at the Jeokjeon site) stage, had to change accordingly. A new justification for the requirement of the King to perform the Jeokjeon- Chin’gyeong practice himself had to be delivered. At the same time, the King was not able to frequently indulge himself in a Chin'gyeong/親耕event as he had to oversee the governing of the entire country, so the meaning of the Jeokjeon institution was to be considerably weakened and thus limited. A few years later, during the latter half of King Taejong’s reign, the overall ritual protocol system was modified to be based upon a principle of honoring a deity harboring auspicious powers and good luck(“功德”). In the process, the Seon’nong/先農entity emerged as a particularly important figure and was separated from the Jeokjeon practice. Since the era of King Sejong, Jeokjeon became a test bed for agricultural initiatives and experiments, such as cultivation of plants, distribution of seeds, and simulations for the deployment of the ‘land-class’ system. It became another symbol of the government’s will to promote and support agricultural production.

A palace is the core of operating system of state affairs and the highest government Office, as a residence of the king and an activity space of him. Government Offices within Palace(Gueolnaegaksa 闕內各司) was made for the purpose of the officials' who aid the King and defense the palace and manage the facilities working in it. 『King made Gunggueolji(御製宮闕志)』is the basic reference which helps us to understand about the palace of Joseon Dynasty and it's Gueolnaegaksa. It is written about the middle of the reign of Sukjong from late 17th century to early 18th century. And then, there is a 『Gunggueolji(宮闕志)』which is written newly about beginning of the reign of Heonjong in the mid 1830’s. The two Gunggueolji describe that a set of Government Offices are placed at the Changdeok Palace(昌德宮) and another set are placed at the Changgyeong Palace(昌慶宮). But it is necessary to examine thoroughly about that late Joseon Dynasty looks like. When King Gwanghae reconstructs the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace, constructed the Gueolnaegaksa within both of them after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592(壬辰倭亂). It caused respective placement(個別配置) of Gueolnaegaksa within the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace. King Injo has stayed in the Changgyeong Palace for a long time. Taking this opportunity, it has kept the Gueolnaegaksa within the Changgyeong Palace actually. King Hyojong and King Hyeonjong mostly live in the Changdeok Palace, but because Gueolnaegaksa within the Changgyeong Palace was not removed, the situation has been maintained. In late mid-Joseon dynasty, the respective placement system which is Gueolnaegaksa are placed duplicately in the East Palace(東闕)—the Changdeok palace and the Changgyeong Palace—has been formed and kept. The respective placement system was changed into the unified placement(統合配置) system in the 15th year of King Sukjong's reign. The kings in the time of mid-Joseon dynasty have made a move and residence between the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace. But they didn't use it concurrently. In comparison, as King Sukjong cross the both of them, he often put it to use concurrently. In this situation, Gueolnaegaksa within the Changgyeong Palace lost the function and went away. Gueolnaegaksa within the Changdeok Palace that was focused on state affairs was used only. The change of Gueolnaegaksa placement system within the East Palace from respective placement to unified placement means the East Palace operating system was changed. That is not a unit utilization but total utilization. For this reason it widened the width of the palace management and made higher density of it. This is caused by cross-societal changes especially new political condition, which is called HwanGuk(換局). It is analyzed that strengthen royal authority widen the width of the palace utilization.