Earticle

The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that the colonial duality of Kyungsung(Keijō) was a constructed reality. To achieve this purpose, two kinds of analyses were executed. In the first analysis, how and why the Japanese colonizer constructed the imaginative colonial duality of Kyungsung(Keijō) was revealed. Japanese imperial Othering was the epistemological origin of the colonial dual city and the Government General of Korea's ethnic discrimination policies were the materialization of the colonial dual city discourse. Among the GGK's policies, dual place naming was the most powerful spatial policy of the duality construction. As the second analysis, the population census was analyzed and the diversity and variability of inner structure of colonial Seoul were revealed. Newly designed inner city model of Kyungsung(Keijō) could detect the diversity of the city structure. Mixed area of Korean and Japanese and Chinese ghetto in Kyungsung(Keijō) could be revaluated by the new model.

This paper aims to understand religious meaning and process of conceptualization of national ancestors by analysing the formation process of Chilgung ritual(七宮 儀禮; a ritual for seven biological mothers of kings) in late Joseon dynasty. This ritual reveals a change in the conceptualization of national ancestors in the Joseon dynasty. To fully understand the reason for the process and meaning of these changes, this paper focuses on the processes of ritualization focusing on who, why, and what Confucian justifications were given for creating these new rituals, ritual shrines and how they have become officially adopted as national rituals and preserved until the end of the Joseon period. That is to say, before it become an official ritual, there was repeated set ritual actions at set ritual places. Firstly, This ritual was made from the shrine of Yongjo's biological mother, Youksanggung(毓祥宮). After Youksanggung(毓祥宮) obtained officiality, six kings' biological mothers were worshipped in the same manner. The six kings' biological mothers' shrines were formed and adopted as national rituals. This ritual was justified by Confucianism idea, Hyo(孝). After all, Youksanggung ritual(毓祥宮儀禮) which was Joengye(情禮; a ritual based on private emotion) was conversed to Joengye(正禮; a ritual based on officiality) Secondly, structure, the date and offerings of this ritual was made of lower status than Jongmyo ritual(宗廟儀禮; ritual for the royal ancestors' shrine). An honored going of king was characteristics of Chilgung ritual. Finally, we can find ancestors who were of entirely different lineage, character, and its shrine and rituals. That is to say, It was biological mothers of kings who were different from line of national ancestors in Jongmyo(宗廟; shrine for the royal ancestors). Ultimately, this paper will contribute to a new understanding of religious meaning of new concepts of national ancestors and their underlying causes. It will also add to dispel preconceived notions that Confucian rituals are fixed ,normative and national ancestors is only king lineage in Jongmyo.

Seoul was located at the center of Joseon before the modern age, and it was positioned amid dynamics with each region such as Pyeongyang(平壤), Buyeo (夫餘) and Gyeongju(慶州), etc. However, as the colonial Joseon is included as a region of imperial Japan since the modern age, Keijo(京城), which was the center of colonial Joseon, was also positioned as a regional city of Japan. At the time, the space sense and boundary awareness on a region exceeding a national unit called Joseon should be accompanied so that the central Keijo is recognized as a region. The period that the space sense and boundary awareness rapidly increased in the modern Korea was since 1930s that the expansion of imperial Japan to the East Asia really started, and amid a process that each country of the East Asia is geopolitically reorganized according to the foreign expansion of imperial Japan since the Manchurian Incident(滿洲事變), the space sense and boundary awareness became to be located under the imperial order. Especially, Keijo was a regional city of the Empire having Tokyo as the center as well as had dual phases as the center leading improvement and modernization in relations with other regions inside Joseon. In a process that Japan tried to form the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere (大東亞共榮圈), Keijo was also recognized and represented inside a world system exceeding the Empire instead of a region of imperial Japan. The response of each subject surrounding a cultural geopolitical phase of Keijo showed various shapes while being linked to the East Asia situation. In short, while the modern city called Keijo experiences a duplicated phase called the center, a region and a colony, it functioned as a place of cultural geopolitical competition that the desire of a subject is projected and continuously relocated in a layer different from each other while Joseon people and Japan people interacts.

That this writing records interchange person of Jeonjuissi(全州李氏) Deokcheongunpa (德泉君派) Lee yougan(李惟侃) and Lee Kyung-gic(李景稷) at early part of 17th century that through analysis of《Segurok》 this time to make clear Gyeonghwasajok' (京華士族)s human network make. Jeonjuissi Deokcheongunpa Lee yougan and Lee Kyung-gic pedigree that handle in eagle accounted for important weight within Seoin(西人) forces since Injobanjeong(仁祖反正).《Segurok》 that arranges warm reception and records their interchange person, Leegwangyun(李匡尹) made in dimension for influence ostentation of pedigree that is cowered middle of 18th century moment propel by one of work which praise statue. 404 people, of persons who these communicate were recorded to《Segurok》. Recorded reason or background which about 70% among more than this is communicated.With if typify this ① relative affinity relation, is classified with ② neighbors ③ school ties ④ government office life ⑤ other back. Truth that is observed through this refers Gyeonghwasajok's school ties this time, very various school ties existed, and mutual interchange is achieved. Only, it need to be true that Hwadamhakpa(花潭學派) exists many, and watch Minsun(閔純) order especially among Hwadamhakpa to be observed especially doing this way. Is not limited in faction which interchange personal relationships is specific politicallyand, social intercourse truth with military officer who interchange of civil officials with only servant is not is noted including existence named Makha(幕下) by communicating person. Like this, as well as these communicated in usual life through formed human network, when go out in the local office or go condemnation of a criminal to exile because is placed to unhappiness politically, visited each other and recognize or meet. Usual interchange was connected by interdependent relation, and exchanged gift when is difficult. Also, formed relation that played the role of such as insurance in political emergency, and does together intent politically. Solidified oneself binding by forming Ginohoe(耆老會) or Ginogye(耆老契) connection various Gyehoes(契會) socially. Such wide human network that is seen in Leeyougan pedigree that is not soft human network image that can set by characteristic that appear from hardening four legs at early part of 17th century dwindling think. This special quality estimates that would not is limited only to human network, and affected changelessly in politics or thought.

The main group to run rituals in a ritual building, Bugundang(府君堂), changed as the local community changed in Seobinggo-dong, Seoul. At first, the majority who served at Bugundang in 1875 were families which lived in generations in Seobinggo-dong such as Dan's families originated from a city, Kangum(江陰 段氏) and Back's families from a city, Suwon(水原 白氏). And, most of them belonged to the middle-rank(中人). Secondly, most of people who served rituals at Bugundang in 1891 were members in a group, Noin-Gye(老人契, a group made of old people). At that time, rituals were managed by people, most of whom were members of a specialized group, Noin-Gye, or family members like Dan's and Back's. Thirdly, members in a group, Leejoong-Gye(里中契, a community group composed of many ranks) managed rituals at Bugundang in 1903. This means that the rituals started to cover more various ranks than before and became whole village-community rituals. But, the rituals were still affected by some families as Dan's and Back's. Fourthly, those who ran rituals at Bugundang in 1927 were people who made a fortune by running businesses of selling and processing rice. They willingly donated their fortune to a community. And, some of them had lived in the community in generations. Some were newly-generated businessmen around Seobinggo-dong and some of them even came from another city. That was a different pattern from the previous ritual group in Bugundang. Fifthly, the most members of the ritual group in Bugundang belonged to a middle rank(中人) ever since the late Joseon Dynasty, and lived in the area for many generations. While rituals at Bugundang during the late Joseon Dynasty were managed by officers like Ajun(衙前) or Seori(胥吏), rituals in the late 19th century were governed by middle-ranking people who had lived in the area for a long time. This shows that rights to run rituals in Bugundang passed to people in the community from officials, and the scope of rituals extended from a specific to a broader one by covering a whole community. In conclusion, the ritual group at Bugundang in the early 20th century included new businessmen, influential people in community, high-ranking people relevant from other provinces as well as middle-ranking people who had lived in the area in generations. This reflects the fact that the ritual in nature, had changed from the partial and closed one to the profit-related and open one. Moreover, the rituals in Seobinggo-dong provided various ranks of people(businessmen, traders, and local influential people) with a chance to build a network of exchanging and sharing information and relationships. And, rituals opened the ways to communicate between low-ranking and high-ranking people.

This paper was written to testify the whole process of constructing the Samjeondobi, and its influence regarding the political and cultural changes in Choson dynasty. It was the Manchu Envoy Mafuta that suggested this project to Choson, interfered in preparing the materials, and inscribed the epitaph. Mafuta finally succeeded in erecting a monument at Samjeondo, the very place where Injo was forced to surrender to Huang Taiji, the Qing emperor in 1636. Coincidentally the geographical location of this headstone was also very critical in terms of ground and waterborne traffic system. Many Choson scholars and officers passed by the headstone. They were deeply humiliated by the degrading monument and had no private meetings with Manchu envoys who usually tried to go there. Near the monument, was Namhan fortress, which was regarded as a safety zone in case of emergency and secretly maintained by the government. Choson officers are worried if the secret was disclosed. As time went by, they developed and maintained Kanghwa Island that was another safety zone far from the Manchu envoys’ flow of traffic.