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The purpose of the article is to describe the two industrial policies applied in Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva government - the Industrial, Technology and Foreign Trade Policy(PITCE) in 2004, and its continuation, the Productive Development Policy(PDP) in 2008, as well as to evaluate them. To achieve the goals above, following the introduction, the second section presents some theoretical debates on recent industrial policy. The third section briefly deals with the history of industrial policy in Brazil. The fourth section analyses the major contents and characteristics of the two industrial policies carried out in the Lula government. Lastly, the fifth section tries to evaluate the two industrial policies and identify some challenges that Dilma Rousseff government faces.

Este trabajo trata de las políticas energéticas del gobierno de Lula en Brasil. Antes del descubrimiento del Presal, el gobierno de Lula había mantenido las de Cardoso que permitieron la participación de las empresas foráneas en la industria petrolera de Brasil para seguir acelerando la explotación. Pero había hecho también algunos cambios, especialmente en la obligación del uso de las piezas locales, a contribuirla a la industria nacional. Después del descubrimiento de Presal, las políticas energé ticas de Lula dieron énfasis a los intereses nacionales y la distribución de la riqueza de petróleo. Sin embargo, estas políticas también se han tratado de realizar pragmá ticamente sin afectar a la explotacíon. Así, este trabajo analiza las políticas energé ticas de Lula de manera no ideológica sino pragmática.

This paper investigates the immigration policy and Asian immigrations in Brazilian ethnicity, using secondary sources. The first immigration of China to Brazil occurred in the nineteenth century as cooler trade, but they couldn't integrate to formation of national identity. Thousands of Syrians and Lebanese abandoned their homeland and relocated to Brazil. The rapid social ascent of the Syrian-Lebanese community was closely connected to Brazilian ethnicity. The first Japanese immigrants arrived in Brazil in 1908. Japanese Brazilians were seen as a delayed and non-assimilable people in Brazil national identity. Korean official immigration to Brazil began on a small scale in 1963. This immigration encourage emigration to control population, reduce unemployment, and garner foreign exchange via immigrant remittances the South Korean. So that, Korean immigrations couldn't merge into Brazilian ethnicity.

This study focuses on comparative literature as a research methodology de facto for area study between two writers, such as Brazil's Paulo Coelho de Souza and Korea's Shimhoon, whose real name is Shim, Dae-Sup, from different view-points of time-series and geographical cultures for the purpose of mid-range generalization, on making definition about alternative societies with currency of local exchange trading system in circulation, even if the drift of an argument were so limited in convincing to the core point, based on resistance consciousness in Brazil and Korea. This study aims on a plausibility of Shimhoon's strong influences on Coelho as an ad hoc hypothesis in spite of long time and tide more than forty-six years almost half a century, which derives from comparative literature methodology between Brazil's Coelho and Korea's Shimhoon, especially from tunnel-view toward alternative societies based on resistance consciousness with common denominator of alienation in third world, struggling from Japanese militarists' despotism and military dictatorship of Brazilian rightists. For the sake of sincere democracy two writers offered stubborn resistance against ready-made ideas to calm down keen psychological conflicts among established moral principles to over come philosophical catastrophe in social chaos. Even though two writers lived in different time and place they have amazing similarities in philosophy and life's journey wandering form place to place, roaming around so many countries, and hovering between a huge sum of money and a penniless person during four times of remarriage. Especially their common passion for art of theater, movies, broadcasting system, and journalism makes surprising similarities in the voyage of life filled with competitive instinct against existing generations. These similarities have introduced into struggling tactics armed with common resistance consciousness in quite separate place in Brazil and Korea with time and tide interval of forty-six years grown up in a unique and proper way keeping fatigued pace with the times as well as being intellectually ahead of the times to get eternal freedom filled with human will and insatiable desire without religious hierarchy and instability. The ad hoc hypothesis of this study puts great importance on an issue of discovering his/her identity in Brazilian or Korean notion of resistance consciousness for the alternative societies with regard to these two writers' main theme related with unique notion of solidarity and democracy which absolutely distinguish from mankind suffering in cruel war or keen conflict. This is the reason why there are much more similarities than differences in Coelho and Shimhoon despite of time and tide more than forty-six years. Here this study verifies ad hoc hypothesis that Coelho has been handed down main concept from the ealier great writer of the poem 'If the day comes(1930)' written by Shimhoon who is one the world-wide three resistance poet verified already by Cecil Maurice Bowra of Cambridge University in his famous 'Poetry and Politics(1966)'.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar a influência da cultura árabe sobre a cultura brasileira, o que, a nosso ver, constitui uma das bases que fundamentam e asseguram a diversidade e o dinamismo da sociedade e cultura brasileira. De um modo geral, considera-se que a cultura árabe foi introduzida primeiro em Portugal no século 8 quando os mouros invadiram a Península Ibérica, e que deixaram lá marcas profundas na vida dos povos ibéricos, como nas áreas de língua, culinária, arquitetura, música, comércio, etc. E os mouros e os moçárabes(cristãos que viviam sob a influência da cultura islâmica), por sua vez, levaram essas culturas árabes para o Brasil-Colônia. Depois, a onda de emigrações de árabes para a América, principalmente os sírio-libaneses cristãos, no final do século 19, chegou a reforçar a sua presença cultural no modo de viver do povo brasileiro. Mas tal influência árabe não foi unilateral. Ou seja, o árabe foi um elemento tão estranho e hetergêneo para o brasileiro, que acabou despertando neste um lado identidário latente, isto é, curiosidade antropofágica, e o mesmo processo acontecia com o árabe. Desta forma, tanto o árabe quanto o brasileiro serviam-se um ao outro como espelho pelo qual os dois povos se olhavam, deixando assim cada um descobrir e reconhecer a sua verdadeira indentidade. É desta forma que ambos os povos caminharam juntos rumo a uma fusão culturalmente rica e dinâmica entre si.

This paper examines the strike movement of the Brazilian labor during the Lula government focusing mostly on 2003-2009 years. During these years Brazilian strike movement showed some characteristics which include 1) number of strikes was rather stable throughout the Cardoso and Lula governments, or strikes during the Lula government were less than those under the Carsdoso government 2) strikes during the Lula government were propositive (or offensive), that is, demanding new benefits rather than trying to preserve the existing rights and benefits 3) higher salary and job security were the main driving forces of the strike movement 4) traditional characteristics of the labor movement have not changed very much in terms of sectoral and geographical distribution of the strke acitivities. This paper argues that first, subdued role of the formerly radical CUT resulting from its turn toward more practical stance and second, economic growth contributed to rather stable featrues of the Strike movements during the Lula government. Pro-government political stance of the major peak labor organizations helped avoid politicization of the strike movement while their modest and practical nature have allowed labor unions to mobilize workers just enough to fight for the material benefits. Economic growth and increase of sales allowed car maker to accommodate some of the labor demands. At the same time, radical groups who deserted CUT made some impact due to its unyielding posture toward the companies while failing to expand their influence.

O custo de logística no Brasil é muito alto devido à infra-estrutura de transporte deficiente. Isto tem prejudicado a diâmica da economia brasileira, porque esta depende da produção de commodities, o que contribui, em grande escala, ao superávit na balança comercial brasileira. O governo Lula lançou em 2007, um programa de reforama na infra-estrutura, chamado PAC(Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento), para superar os limites crônicos para o crescimento sustentável. O objetivo do PAC não se limita só aumentar eficiênca produtiva e a redução de desigualdades regionais mas também a integração territorial como um todo. Este artigo aborda ao ponto mais crítico da infra-estrutura de transporte no Brasil, que é estrada de ferro. A estrada de ferro no país não chegou a ser uma infra-estrutura integrada no território, apesar de ter mais de 150 anos da sua história. Isto se deve, ao sistema técnico-econômico global atrelado ao sistema nacional do país, de um lado, e à deficiência estrutural própria, que resultou do processo de implantação do sistema, de outro. Portanto, a integração da estrada de ferro pelo governo Lula pode ser uma reforma complimentar, se acaba por uma integração multimodal de transporte simples. Ou pode ser uma reestruturação revolucionária se conseguir uma nova integração ferroviária que não existia no país ao longo do tempo.

Suicide is the significant problem all over the world. Especially Korea is first number country with the most high suicide rate in OECD countries. The purpose of this study is to investigate sucide prevention program, especially CVV in Brazil. The results were the following. First, the main concept in the suicide prevention program in CVV was communication. Second, CVV emphasized person-centered approach with empathetic commuication. Third, CVV program with respect, understanding, and acceptance was functioned as temporary friend to provide the hope. It was found that CVV offers effective program to people who are in suffering with suicide.

How did President Lula achieve such high popularity in the management of public affairs, even though he could not fulfill his promises of changes in social and economic changes? Lula swore to pursue three goals: (1) expanding participatory democracy nationwide, (2) granting policy priority on the enhancement of the poor people, (3) raising government transparency and honest, among others. While the Lula government achieved an incomplete success, it could receive a high approval rate from the people because Lula generated practical changes for the whole country. This paper emphasizes that Lula made a great effort to include his opponents in the implementation of his promises. Although there were various elements that hindered the pursuit of his ideal society, he managed them patiently and made every sector of people approve his causes.

In the aftermath of the global financial crisis of 2008-09, international financial institutions and regional multilateral banks have reviewed their approach to financial stability from microprudential to macroprudential to address systemic risks inherent in the global monetary, exchange and reserve system. Basel III has strengthened liquidity and leverage provisions with revision of microprudential framework of Basel II. Similarly, IMF and FSB have embarked on a new debate of financial regulatory framework centered on macroprudential policy. While its merits have been well documented, real effective policy tools and harmonized regulatory framewok have yet to be further elaborated. The present paper have reviewed theoretical aspects of financial regulation and attempted to make contribution to the current debate by undertaking a preliminary review of the case of Brazil on IOF- imposto sobre operações financeiras and related macroprudential measures which attracted much attention of policymakers on financial stability. Rrecurrent quantitative easing and its effect on capital inflows, carry trade and macroeconomic instability have recently led the Brazilian authority to implement enhanced macroprudential measures with capital control. While these macroprudential measures were considered endogenous to external capital flows, a close examination in this paper has revealed that the macroprudential framwork has long been embedded in the national financial system of Brazil since its late industrialization via desenvolvimentismo and integration into the international financial system to tap the foreign savings. The paper contends that the current financial crisis has induced a more systematic macroprudential measures which may suggest an exogenous macroprudential policy facing recurrent external shock. This argument has been corroborated by the latest conrtributions of BIS, IMF and FSB on countercyclical and cross-sectional policies for regulation and supervision of banking sector, capital market, shadow banking system and derivatives market for financial stability. Through a preliminary review of macroprudential policy in Brazil which became the world’s fifth or sixth largest economy, the paper contends that efforts need to be further strengthened on macrosystemic framework for global financial regulations, should the normatory parameters of financial reform be finely calibrated without giving detriment to capital account convertibility and financial innovation for capital flows and efficient resources allocation in emerging market economies.

This study has as its aim to investigate the process of acquisition of the prepositions in Portuguese as a second language by Korean speakers. The preposition, among other grammatical factors, is one of the factors that cause difficulty for Koreans because there are no prepositions in the Korean language. In order to do that, we have searched for theoretical support in the concepts of language transfer and interlanguage. The data were generated by means of interviews with 2 Korean speakers learning Portuguese as a second language in Brazil. The results show a transfer from the native language system or avoidance due to the difference between the Korean and Portuguese languages and to the complexity of the prepositional system. They may also suggest that the participants were still in the initial stage of language acquisition. This research offers some considerations for the tuition of Portuguese as a second language, specifically, for Korean students.

룰라시대 브라질 외교정책의 진보주의적 다변화는 중남미지역은 물론 다자외교무에서의 브라질의 입지를 제고시키는 결과를 가져왔다. 이같은 정책변화는 브라질의 외교를 과거 양상과는 다르게 변화시켰을 뿐만 아니라 정책과정의 동태성 작용으로 인해 국내정치적으로도 많은 변화를 불러왔다. 첫째, 종전에 브라질 외교부(Itamaraty)가 갖고 있던 외교정책에서의 자율성과 독점성은 많은 행위자들의 정책과정 참여로 인해 점차 잃게 되었다. 이는 민주화 뿐만 아니라 룰라시대 대통령주도 외교의 결과이기도 하다. 둘째, 룰라시대 진보주의적 외교 다변화는 룰라대통령이 PT의 본래 성향과는 다른 친시장 경제정책을 펴는데 대한 당내 및 지지기반의 불만을 달래기 위한 타협의 산물이었다. 그러나 룰라시대 대통령주도의 외교가 성행함으로써 외교정책은 더욱 대중에 노출되었고 이는 결과적으로 외교정책에 대한 재계와 시민사회의 관심과 참여를 더 촉발시킴으로써 결국 정부의 외교정책에 대한 자율성을 제한시키는 결과를 가져왔다. 즉, 브라질 경제의 국제적 위상이 높아질수록 업계 로비그룹의 외교정책 참여는 심화되고, 대통령주도 외교의 가시성이 높아질수록 정부에 대한 시민사회로부터의 정책 책임성 및 투명성 요구는 높아지는, 정책과정의 동태성이 브라질 외교정책에서 확인되고 있다.