Earticle

In this paper, we considered the misuse of adverbs related to “mada”, which is commonly seen by Korean Japanese learners (hereinafter referred to as learners). In particular, I attempted to approach the background and causes of the misuse of “mada” with the particle “wa” from various perspectives. As a result, the following three points became clear. First, “mada” is an adverb specialized for subjective understanding of the situation, and there is a possibility that a discrepancy in understanding of the situation may occur between the speaker and the listener. Therefore, “mada” is merely an understanding of the situation set by the speaker himself, and it does not guarantee that the speaker will share his/her understanding with the listener. Second, like interrogative words, “mada” cannot be treated with the particle “wa” because it is indefinite. Third, in addition to the above-mentioned grammatical behavior of “mada”, the main cause of learners’ misuse of “mada” is a type of native language interference, that is, the difference between Japanese and Korean. In Korean, even indefinite elements are sometimes accompanied by a particle that corresponds to the particle “wa”, and this may have a considerable influence on the misuse of “mada.”

本稿では、韓国人日本語学習者(以下、学習者)によく見られる副詞の誤用のうち、 ｢まだ｣にまつわる誤用について考察を行った。とりわけ｢まだ｣を助詞の｢は｣で取り立 てる誤用について、その背景および原因について様々な観点からのアプローチを試み た。その結果、次の三点が明らかになった。第一に、｢まだ｣は主観的事態把握に特化 した副詞であり、話し手と聞き手の間で事態把握に対する認識の不一致が起こる可能 性がある。そのため、｢まだ｣はあくまでも話し手自身が設定した事態把握に過ぎず、 聞き手との認識共有までは保証されない。第二に、｢まだ｣は、疑問詞と同様に、不定 のものとして助詞｢は｣をもって取り立てることができない。第三に、学習者の誤用を 生み出す主な原因として、以上のような｢まだ｣の文法的振舞いの他にも、一種の母語 干渉、すなわち、不定を表す言語形式に関する日本語と韓国語の異動が揚げられる。 韓国語の場合、不定の要素でも助詞｢は｣に相当する助詞を伴う時があり、これが｢ま だ｣の誤用に少なからず影響している可能性がある。

This paper is discussing specifically about how Korean and Chinese which belong to different systems accept the sentence constituents of Indo-European language. In addition, this paper is also discussing the way of switching from Korean to Chinese and from Chinese to Korean by setting the differences of the acceptance pattern of sentence constituents as a criteria. The summary of the result is listed as below. The sentence constituents of Korean and Chinese are subject, precicate, object, complement, sentence adverb, and adnominal. However, the range of meaning these constituents include is different in each language. Therefore, this paper set this difference in the range of meaning as a precondition and searched for the learning method of switching Korean and Chinese sentences. The usage of 'interrogative' corresponds to this. The subject is 'what, who, when, where.' The predicate is 'do ~(is~).' The object of 'what, who.' The complement is 'what, who, how, how much, how long.' The sentence adverb is 'how, where, with who(to who), what, when.' The adnominal is 'what it is like, of what.' This paper applied and analyzed the above and interconverts from Korean to Chinese and from Chinese to Korean. The error of the definition of the sentence constituents about Korean and Chinese are will be discussed on papers later.

중세국어 이후 국어의 종결어미의 형태나 기능의 변화는 평서형, 의문형, 명령형에서 주로 나타난다. 특징적인 국어 종결어미의 변화 중 하나는 18세 기의 종결어미 ‘-오/소’의 출현이다. 이 어미에 의한 평서형과 의문형은 꽤 높임의 상대 높임 등급을 표시하는 종결형으로 현대국어까지 이어졌으며 이 어미로 인하여 19세기에 아주 높임의 명령어미 ‘-시오’가 형성되었다. 또한 19세기에는 약간 높임의 의문어미 ‘-나’, 명령어미 ‘-게’, 반말 어미 ‘-지’가 새 로 나타나며, 아주 높임을 표시하는 평서, 의문, 명령의 어미 ‘-시오’도 형 성되었다. 19세기의 종결어미 체계는 20세기 초에 체계적 안정성을 확보하 기 위한 조정 과정을 거쳐 현대국어의 종결어미 체계로 이어졌다.

The diachronic formal and functional changes of Korean sentence-terminating endings after Middle Korean, mostly have occurred in declarative endings, interrogative endings, and imperative endings. One of the distinctive changes of Korean sentence-terminating endings is the appearance of ending ‘-o/so’ in 18C. This ending having expressed considerable honorific meaning to the hearer has been used to end the declarative sentence and interrogative sentence until the present day. It formed another ending ‘-ʌpsio’ which expressed honorific meaning to the hearer in 19C. There have been many changes in 19C; interrogative ending ‘-na’, imperative ending ‘-ke’(both of these endings express a little honorific meaning to the hearer.), ending ‘-ji’(it expresses no honorific meaning to the hearer.), and the most honorific ending ‘-ʌpsio’(its declarative, interrogative, and imperative are in same form.). The system of sentence-terminating ending in 19C has succeeded to the present days after it has gone through the adjusting process for systematic stability.

Many ESL and EFL learners find wh-question formation difficult to master despite the fact that wh-interrogatives are a commonly used structure. Through using a Learning Study approach, this study aims to identify Hong Kong ESL learners’ difficulties with wh-question formation, to explore effective strategies to enhance the instruction, and to investigate the learning outcomes as a result. Quantitative data were collected from three Hong Kong Secondary 3 classes through a written test and an oral test, and qualitative data from discussion at teachers’ meetings, research lesson observation, student interviews, and post-lesson conferences. It was found that Hong Kong learners’ L1 transfer problems are an important inhibiting factor in their learning of English wh-interrogatives. The most serious learning problems found include Chinese interference with word order and failure to use correct verb phrase structures. The research team, through the Learning Study research cycle, succeeded in designing appropriate contexts and using variation patterns for presenting and practicing interrogative structures. Successful outcomes were evident in the gradual improvement of the design of the three research lessons and significant progress by students in their learning of wh-interrogatives.

English rhetorical wh-questions (RQs) have been broadly researched. These RQs have been regarded as negative statements (Sadock 1971). However, they have the same syntactic behavior as interrogative questions (IQs) with respect to wh-movement. In this paper, some traits of wh-movement in rhetorical and interrogative questions in English are noted which are focus on the wh-feature and the probe-goal system. Then, some similarities between wh-word IQs and RQs in English are presented as follows: IQs and RQs in the answering function, IQs and RQs with multiple wh-words, Embedded RQs, and the Island effect in IQs and RQs. Sprouse (2007) proposes three syntactic observations about RQs in some languages and their consequences for theories of wh-movement. However, his proposal bears two problems on the validity of the analysis in relation to Korean RQs. I point out the problems in two aspects of Sprouse’s (2007) analysis in view of Korean: Island Effect (IE) and Principle of Minimal Compliance effects (PMC). Lastly, based on the analyses, I suggest that, similarly to Choi’s (2002) proposal, that wh-phrases in Korean RQs are wh-in-situ the same as the wh-phrases in Korean IQs. They do not move overtly for wh-feature checking, do not undergo LF-movement and do not move at any level of grammar. For this, two supporting reasons are presented: unselective binding and no island effect. Consequently, I conclude that wh-constructions in Korean IQs and RQs have syntactically similar structures in spite of the negative meanings of RQs.

This paper seeks to analyse interrogative sentences in Korean and Shona for purposes of Korean language education. To achieve this, this paper is guided by the contrastive linguistics theory whose methods are utilised to analyse interrogatives of these two languages in order to reveal the similarities and differences in their structure, form and syntax. The study focussed on two types of interrogatives that is, the wh-questions and the yes-no questions. In dealing with wh-questions in the area of Korean Language inculcation, the most central question is the position at which the wh-word is articulated. In Korean, the wh-word appears at the original position that is, a position congruent to the argument being queried in a corresponding declarative sentence. In Shona on the other hand, the wh-word is articulated at the sentence final position, regardless of the position in a corresponding declarative sentence of the argument being queried. For yes-no questions, Korean utilises the interrogative verb form while Shona utilizes a question particle ‘here’ which, similar to Chinese 吗[ma] and Japanese か[ka], when placed at the end of a germane declarative sentence, transforms it into a yes-no interrogative sentence.

This study examined the Korean-Chinese correspondence patterns, focusing on non-interrogative expressions that perform discourse functions among Korean interrogative phrases appearing in the corpus. As a result, it was found that the 'malhae mwo hae' in Korean is widely used in colloquial language in a fixed form, and when expressions expressing empathy or sympathy in various contexts are expressed in Chinese, it is only properly conveyed by paraphrasing, not just translating. In addition, the Chinese expression 'hai-yong-shuo-ma?' similar to 'malhae mwo hae' revealed that the attention of Korean Chinese learners was required due to differences in usage situations. The Korean idiomatic expression 'myeoch nal myeochil' refers to a fairly long period of time or period following the questionnaire, using the questionnaire word 'ji' corresponding to 'myeoch', in Chinese it becomes 'ji-tian-ji-ye', and the subsequent quantitative vocabulary is written differently in Korean, meaning 'some days and some nights'. In additionally, it was noted that this could be expressed with the phrase ‘duojiule’, that denotes a long period of time, highlighting a difference. In this way, when expressing the structure of Korean interrogative expression in Chinese, it was found that the meaning was conveyed naturally through paraphrasing, adding or replacing specific vocabulary, and repeating the structure. In addition, the discourse functions of ‘expressing dissatisfaction’ and ‘blaming’ in non-interrogative expressions using interrogative pronouns also differed in the way they were performed.

This study examines interrogative sentence patterns among Korean speakers aged 50 and above, focusing on how aging, gender, and education influence their usage. Using approximately 649.7 hours of conversational data (288,502 utterances from 3,649 speakers aged 50–90), the study analyzes 11,946 interrogatives, classified as WH-questions and Y/N-questions. Results show interrogative use declines with age but increases with education. Gender differences reveal men using more interrogatives overall, while women favor WH-questions. Multiple regression analysis reveals age as the most influential factor, followed by education and gender, suggesting educational engagement could help offset language changes associated with aging.

해라체 의문형 종결어미 {-니}는 매개모음 개재형을 이형태로 지니지 않아 기원적 으로 ‘- -’가 포함되어 있는 것으로 알려져 왔다. {-니}는 동사와 결합하여 현재 시 제를 나타낼 때 ‘- 니’의 형태로 실현되어 왔으나 20C 초 신소설 자료에서부터 ‘-늬 > -니2’가 이를 대신하기 시작한다. 이는 시제 체계의 변화에 따라, ‘-∅니/-더니(과 거) : - 니(현재) : -리(미래)’의 대립이 ‘-엇 니(과거) : - 니(현재) : -겟 니(미래)’ 로 바뀌면서 ‘- 니’가 하나의 덩어리로 인식된 결과로 보인다. 형용사나 계사에 결합 하는 경우에는 ‘-늬’가 아닌 ‘-니’의 형태로만 등장하므로 20C 초까지는 ‘- -’를 포 함하고 있지 않았음을 확인할 수 있다. 그러나 1940년대부터는 형용사 및 계사와 결합하 는 {-니}의 빈도가 높아지고 자음 말음 어간의 형용사 뒤에 ‘-으니’ 대신 ‘-니’가 결합 하기 시작하므로, 20C 중엽에 ‘- -’를 포함하고 있는 ‘-니2’가 형용사와 계사로 결합 분포를 확장하였음을 알 수 있다. 즉 오늘날 형용사에 결합하는 ‘-니’에는 두 가지 기 원을 지닌 것이 통합되어 있다. 한편 자음으로 끝나는 형용사에 결합하는 ‘-으니’는 문헌 자료에서 예를 거의 확인할 수 없으며 오늘날에도 많은 형용사에 결합하지 못함 을 확인하였다. 이를 통해 ‘-으니’는 고형이 단절된 후 유추에 의해 새로 등장한 것으로 보았다. 본고에서는 {-니}의 변화를 통해, 서로 다른 기원의 형태소가 통합하기도 하고 유추에 의해 새로운 형태를 만들어 내기도 하는 등 복잡한 과정을 겪으며 하나 의 언어 요소가 발달해 가는 과정을 확인할 수 있었다.

The interrogative sentence ending {-ni} has been known to contain “-nʌ-” by origin as it does not have an connecting vowel as an allomorph. When combined with a verb to signify the present tense, {-ni} had been realized in the form of “-nʌni,” until it was replaced with “nui to -ni2” in Sinsoseol(New Novel) in the early twentieth century. This was a result of changes in the tense system; as the opposition between “-ni/-deoni (past): -nʌni (present): -ri (future)” changed to “-eosnʌni (past): -nʌni (present): -gesnʌni (future),” “-nʌni” was perceived as one chunk. The fact that only the form of “-ni” instead of “-nui” appears with adjectives confirms that “-nʌ-” was not contained until the early twentieth century. However, the use of {-ni } combined with adjectives and copulas became more frequent, and “-ni” began to be combined with adjectives with final consonants instead of “-euni,” which shows that “-ni2” containing “-nʌ-” expanded its distribution to adjectives and copulas in the mid-twentieth century. In other words, the “-ni” used with adjectives these days is a combination of two origins. Nearly no examples of the use of “-euni,” which is combined with adjectives that end with consonants, were found in historical documents. This paper also confirmed that it is not combined with many adjectives in the present. This showed that after being disconnected with its archaic form, “-euni” appeared through analogy. By focusing on the change of {-ni,} this paper examined the complex development process of a single morpheme through the combination of two morphemes with different origins, and at timed through an analogical creation of a new form of the morpheme.

“誰”자는 현대중국어에서 사용빈도가 가장 높은 疑問代詞중의 하나이며, 의문을 표시하는 역할을 수행하는 것을 기본적 기능이다. 본 연구에서는 이러한 의문기능이 “誰”자 문장 중 다른 동사 ,형용사 등의 영향을 받는지의 여부와 어떤 조건, 어떤 상태에서 영향을 받는지를 밝히고자 한다. 이러한 취지로 “誰”자 문구 중에서 일부 동사, 판단동사, 형용사 등 平價어휘을 고찰 분석한 결과, 대부분의 이러한 어휘들이 “誰”자의 의문기능에 영향을 주지는 않지만 일부 동사가 “誰” 자의 의문기능을 저지하거나 무색하게 하고 이것은 곧 “誰”자의 의문기능을 지닌 것이 “誰”자 자체가 독립된 상태에서 갖춰진 고유한 기능이 아닌 것을 의미하는 것을 밝힌다.

The present thesis aims to research the Interrogative Pronouns of the Modern Chinese Language from different angles “SHEI” is one of the interrogatives which has high prequency use in morden Chinese language and the basic faculty of expressing question. This research clarifys whether and under which condition this interrogative faculty is affected by other Verbs, adjectives.

This study intends to examine the types and functions of interrogative sentences used in the interpreting of police-suspect interview discourse in Korea. The findings of this analysis are as follows: First, the Korean police usually employed wh-interrogative sentences to ask for information from foreign suspects while using negative yes-no questions or declarative questions to refute the statements of foreign suspects. This attests to the fact that police officers use different types of interrogative sentences based on their investigation strategies. Second, foreign suspects made a number of questions about the intention of police officers’ questions or others. In particular, they asked questions the most when they were read their Miranda rights. This was mainly caused by the imbalance of knowledge between the two sides, which is one of the features found in institutional discourse. In the end, foreign suspects use a question as a means to protect their rights and make a statement favorable to themselves. Third, interpreters asked questions mainly about the case under examination to foreign suspects and police officers. This was also attributable to the imbalance of information and knowledge between the parties involved. In addition, interpreters sometimes asked additional questions to foreign suspects to get exact answers to the questions asked by police officers. This shows that interpreters use questions to confirm the accuracy of their interpretation or lead foreign suspects to provide answers appropriate to the questions police officers ask.

This paper compared and contrasted interrogative sentence of the volition expression in Japanese and Korean, focusing on the correspondence of grammatical forms. Analysis results are as follows. ‒Interrogative sentence of volitive in Japanese expresses ‘doubt of volition’, ‘question of intention’, ‘suggestion’. But these usages cannot be demonstrated by the interrogative sentence of volitive in Korean. Instead in korean -ulkey(yo) can refer to these meanings. ‒Interrogative sentence of volitive in Korean expresses ‘question of volition’, ‘rhetorical question of volition’. But these usages cannot be demonstrated by the interrogative sentence of volitive in Japanese. Instead in Japanese suruka/ shimashyooka can refer to these meanings. ‒Interrogative sentence of volitive in Japanese holds the speaker-centered characteristics, whereas interrogative sentence of volitive in Korean bears the hearer-centered characteristics. ‒Interrogative sentence of volitional expression in Japanese and Korean can be expressed in not only plain style but also polite style. But Korean has another style distinction like formal style and in formal style, and the five usages of interrogative sentence of volitional expression in Korean is expressed in partial in formal style or informal style.

본고는『五倫全備諺解』에서 의문법 어미들이 어떤 양상을 띠고 나타 나는지, 그리고 이들 어미가 어떤 특징을 나타내는지 살펴보는 데 그 목적이 있다. 『五倫全備諺解』는 18세기 초기 문헌이기 때문에 근대국어가 가지는 언어적 특성을 반영할 것으로 기대되나 역학서라는 특징과 『五倫全備諺解』가 20여 년간에 걸쳐 간행되었다 점에서 언어적으로 상당히 보수성을 보인다. 이러한 보수성은 의문법 어미의 현현 양상에서 분명 히 나타난다. 본고에서는 의문첨사의 존재, 설명의문과 판정의문의 대립 양상, 인칭에 따른 의문법 어미의 구분, 직접의문과 간접의문의 구분 등 4가지 영역에서 『五倫全備諺解』에 나타난 의문법 어미의 현현 양상 및 그 특징을 살펴보았다. 『五倫全備諺解』에서는 중세국어에서 사용되었던 의문첨사 ‘가/고’가 여전히 나타나고 있고, 판정의문과 설명의문의 대립 도 분명히 유지하고 있다. 그러나 근대국어의 특성도 보여 주고 있는데, 2인칭 직접의문에 사용되던 ‘-ㄴ다’, ‘-ㄹ다’가 소멸되는 과정이 문증되며, 간접의문에 사용되던 ‘-ㄴ가/고’, ‘-ㄹ가/고’가 직접의문으로 확대되어 쓰 이는 것도 확인할 수 있다.

This study aims to describe the Interrogative final endings in ORYUNJEONBIEONHAE (五倫全備諺解). The ORYUNJEONBIEONHAE was published in 1721. So this book is expected to show the features of modern korean. But this book is a very conservative translated books. So this book shows the features of meddle korean also. Features of interrogative final endings appeared in 'ORYUNJEONBIEONHAE' are as follows: i) Interrogative particle ‘ka/ko(가/고)’ was in middle korean still used. ii) The contrast of ‘a(ka)(아(가))’ endings as yes no question vs. ‘o(ko)(오 (고))’ endings as wh-question appears clearly. iii) ‘-nda/lda(ㄴ다/ㄹ다)’endings and 2nd person subject co-occured. But ‘-nya/nyo’(-냐/뇨) and ‘-rya/-ryo’(-랴/료) co-occured 2nd person are appeared. This fact show that person restriction disappeared. iv) ‘-nka/ko’(-ㄴ가/고) and .rka/ko’(-ㄹ가/고) used in indirect question show the functional expansion to direct question.

의문문은 크게 부정의문문과 yes󰠏no의문문으로 2분된다. 본고에서는 부정의문문에 첨가되는 종조사 「よ(yo)」를 대상으로 하여 「よ」의 사용에 의해 생기는 표현효과와 문맥적 상황과의 관련에 대해 고찰했다. 선행연구에 의하면 「よ」는 화자, 청자. 발화내용과 관련이 있다. 그러나 본 연구의 고찰 결과 「よ」는 상대의 지위나 연령 뿐 아니라 장면(공적/사적)이나 친소관계에 따라서도 사용이 달라진다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 구체적으로 말하면 「よ」가 사용되기 쉬운 상황은 주로 연인이나 친구에게 투정부리는 사적인 자리이며, 반면에 직장에서 업무상 상사가 부하를 야단치거나 하는 공식적인 자리에서는 「よ」가 사용되기 어렵다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 결국 부정의문문에 「よ」가 사용되면 상황에 따라 「친밀감」이나 「어리광」 같은 표현효과가 생길 수 있다는 것과 경의의 표명이 필요한 장면에서는 「よ」의 사용이 제한된다는 점을 알 수 있었다. 부정의문문에서는 yes󰠏no의문문과 달리, 성별에 의한 차이는 없는 것을 확인할 수 있었다. 앞으로 예문을 확대하여 객관화하는 작업이 필요하다고 여겨지며, 본고의 결과가 yes󰠏no의문문에도 적용되는지의 검토는 금후의 과제로 삼고자 한다

This article considered an expression effect and a contextual situation caused by using an ending󰠏postposition “よ(yo).” According to a preceding research, “よ” is related to a speaker, listener and articulation. However, as a result of a consideration of this research, the use of “よ” differs by social position and age of listener as well as situation (formal/informal). In detail, “よ” can be used in informal situations, such as whining to a lover or a friend, but “よ” cannot be used in formal situations, such as reprimanding a subordinate in an office. Therefore, the use of “よ” in an interrogative sentence has an expression effect, such as “intimacy” or “charm,” and use of “よ” is restricted in respectful situations.

This article suggests that T-to-C movement occurs in a main-wh interrogative even when the subject is a wh-phrase. When the subject wh-phrase in Spec-TP moves to Spec-CP, suppression of agreement on C is assumed to occur, which is also found in languages like Turkish and Palauan, though in different ways. In this case the trace of T is visible to affix hopping. When the object wh-phrase moves to Spec-CP, the suppression of agreement on C does not occur, which makes do-insertion applicable. Therefore, the contrast between subject and nonsubject asymmetry with respect to do-insertion follows.

This study aims to show the communicative effectiveness by using interrogative sentences as an indirect speech act conveying various meanings in the course of daily communication. First, yes-no questions with '不行吗?', '不可以嗎?', '不成吗?', etc. are often used to express politely meanings by lowering the speaker and treating the listener with respect. Second, wh-questions using '为什麽', '怎麽', '什麽', '誰', etc. are used to indirectly and euphemistically express the directive speech acts and the expressive speech acts that tend to threaten the listener's face. By expressing these speech acts indirectly and euphemistically the speaker can reduce not only the threat of the listener's face but also the listener’s stress and psychological burdens, through which the listener accepts the delivered contents. Third, A-not-A questions using ‘能 不能’, ‘好不好’, ‘可不可以’, etc are used to indirectly convey ‘proposal’, ‘request’, ‘protest’, etc. The negative situation is presented in order to show humility by giving the listener a chance for refusal and avoiding the loss of the speaker's face in case the listener refuses.

본 연구는 기존 연구에서 다루지 않았던 중국인 학습자의 출신 지역 방언 성조·억양과 한국어 억양 습득의 관계를 고찰하고자 한다. 선행 연구들에서는 중국인 학습자들의 억양 학습에 영향을 미치는 요인을 ‘표준 중국어’의 성조에만 집중하였다. 그러나 중국어에는 많은 지역 방언들이 사용되는데, 이들 지역 방언은 각각 성조·억양을 지니고 있다. 학습자의 소속 지역 방언의 운율적 특징이 그들의 한국어 억양에도 영향을 미칠 수 있다. 이를 논증하기 위해 본 연구는 한국인 모어 화자 20명, 표준 중국어권 학습자와 월방언권 학습자 각 40명을 연구대상으로 선정하여 그들에게 설문 조사와 자료 녹음을 진행하였다. 분석 결과를 보면 중국인 학습자의 확인 의문문 억양 특징으로는 표준 중국어뿐만 아니라 월방언의 전이 영향도 존재한다. 첫째, 표준 중국어에서 경성변조규칙이 쉽게 일어나는 반면에 월방언에는 경성변조규칙이 없다. 따라서 30%의 표준 중국어권 학습자들이 ‘-지요’를 승강 억양으로 실현되는 데 비해 월방언권 피험자들은 2.5%만이 승강 억양을 보인다. 둘째, 억양 화석화로 인해 27.5%의 표준 중국어권 피험자가 상승 억양으로 ‘-지요’ 의문문을 실현하지만 월방언권 피험자들이 그렇지 않다. 셋째, 강승강 억양으로 목표 발화를 실현한 피험자 수는 월방언권이 표준 중국어권보다 훨씬 많다. 왜냐하면 월방언에는 9성조뿐만 아니라 5억양도 활발하게 사용되어 월방언권 피험자들이 한국어 억양을 쉽게 배울 수 있기 때문이다.

The purpose of this study is to reveal the intonations of Cantonese, when speakers are using the confirmative interrogative sentences in Korean. Although there have been many previous studies on this topic. but they have overlooked an important issue. That is, they ignored the Chinese dialects’ tones and focused only on the Mandarin tones’ influences when researching the Chinese’s intonation of Korean’s confirmative interrogative sentences. However there are actually many dialects in China, and all of them have tones. In addition, I would like to prove that the tones of the Chinese dialects will also affect the Chinese students’ intonation of Korean’s confirmative interrogative sentences. To illustrate this problem, I chose ‘-지요’ and ‘吧’ as interrogative sentences with which to write Korean and Chinese experimental materials, based on the previous studies and materials. I then interviewed and tested 100 respondents(Korean: 20, Mandarin: 40, Cantonese: 40). In actual conditions, intonation will not only be affected by the Mandarin tone characteristics, but also by the Chinese dialects’ tones and intonations. First of all, the light tone rule is easy to use in Mandarin but not in Cantonese. It is the reason why 30% of the Mandarin speakers used ‘HL%’ to achieve the ‘-지요’ interrogative but only 2.5% of the Cantonese did. Second, 27.5% of the Mandarin used ‘H%’ to achieve the ‘-지요’ interrogative but not Cantonese. Third, there are nine tones and five intonations in Cantonese, so more Cantonese used ‘LHL%’ to achieve the ‘-지요’ interrogative than Mandarin.

This paper aims to conduct a study on the communicative effect of interrogative sentences with ‘shei’, ‘shenme’, ‘na’, ‘zenme’ implying negative meanings rather than asking questions. This type of interrogative sentences is called as ‘an interrogative sentence of implicative negation(ISIN)’. The findings are as follows: 1) Negation can be classified into two types of negation. One is a propositional negation, in which proposition is directly negated by 不, 沒, 別. The other is an implicative negation, in which proposition is indirectly and implicitly negated depending on the context. 2) An implicative negation has a feature to depend on both context and premise. 3) An implicative negation is indirectly expressed and concretely comprehended by means of a rhetorical question. 4) Chinese people often use rhetorical questions with ‘shei’, ‘shenme’, ‘na’, or ‘zenme’ to indirectly imply negative meanings, 5) In ISIN ‘shei’, ‘shenme’, ‘na’, ‘zenme’ are acted as a trigger to bring about negative meanings, thus they can not be both focused and stressed. The negative focus can be an element either before or after ‘shei’, ‘shenme’, ‘na’, or ‘zenme’. 6) The use of ISIN results in the effect of both decreasing of the degree of the addressee's face demage and helping the addressee to cooperate in the communication by means of giving a relevant information. Through using ISIN, Chinese people clearly express their communicative intentions such as disapprove, refutation, reproach, criticism, dissatisfaction, suggestion, warning, politeness, assertion in relation to the addressee's opinion, assertion, or judgment in their daily communication. In conclusion, ISIN is founded to be an useful tool for the efficient communication.