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In this article I dealt with usage of 3 sentence-final particles ne, yo, and yone to give learners more precise guidelines in accordance with their basic meanings commonly known in Japanese Language Education. The conclusions I lead in this article can be summarized as below. 1) Sentence-final particle ne added to the statement unknown to listener expresses the statement has been formed in collaboration, not with the listener, but the information sources available at the time of utterance. 2) The use of sentence-final particle yo is not always optional but mandatory when listeners quick action as a response to the given information is needed urgently. 3) Yone can be used to ask for confirmation or concent from the listener like ne. When you use yone instead of ne, you presuppose that your counterpart has better knowledge about the subject matter. Yone is basically used to make a statement which is supposed to be known by the listener. You can use yone to give information unknown to the listener only when the statement is finished with noda. In this case you can also just use yo instead of yone, omitting the ne part at the end. If you add ne at the end, you express that you are in the process of making a decision considering the information presented using noda.

For the smoothly speaking, it has been adopted plain style language, and used sentence-ending particle (“SEP”) “ね(ne), よ(yo)” very often in current Japanese language textbooks for Korean middle school. Mastering of SEP is very important speaking Japanese fluently. We took a survey how they are thinking about the importance and various kind of function in SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” to graduate students who will be a Japanese teacher and native Japanese speakers. As a result, Japanese uses SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” for a good communication, consideration of situations and thoughtful to others. However, Korean who learning Japanese only think the SEP as make a conversation softly or express of friendliness. Non-native speakers, who learning Japanese and stayed in Japan for a long time, is also knew the basic usage of SEP alike a Japanese people, but not exactly a Japanese. Many Koreans knew the usage of SEP, but they didn’t recognize the requirement for the response and misunderstood the function and contextual connection as the nuance of speaker. That is to say, the result is caused that Korean cannot understand the function changing of SEP “ね(ne), よ(yo)” in the conversation, also less understanding of consciousness on relation to the style of writing. Therefore, we need to take a lot of practice to use SEP to the style and conversation flow.

円滑なコミュニケーションに重点をおいている現在の中等における日本語教材には普通体の文章の採用による終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣が付く文が増加し、終助詞｢ね｣と｢よ｣の接続可否および多様な機能についての習得はコミュニケーションの運用には欠かせないものといえる。そこで、本稿では、韓国の大学で日本語を専門とする韓国人日本語学習者を対象とし、高校の教材から選別した多様な発話機能中、代表的と思われる用例を選別し、終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の接続可否および談話文における機能に関する意識調査を実施し、その結果を日本人母語話者と比較分析を行った。その結果、日本人が円滑なおかつなめらかな意思疏通のため、状況、会話の流れなどを考慮し終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣を用いているのに対し、韓国人学習者は状況の考慮などよりは単に会話を和らげたり、親近感を表すための手段として認識していることが明らかになった。韓国人学習者の場合、｢ね｣｢よ｣の基本的な機能についての認識はしているものの、母語話者に比して聞き手に対する反応要求や話し手の心理によるニュアンスが含まれている談話文において、その接続と機能の使い分けに混同を見せていた。これは、韓国人学習者が終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の会話の流れに沿う機能の変化を把握できなかったことに原因がある。それに、文体や文型、位相などと関連づけて認識していない点も要因の一つと思われる。終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣はいくつかの類型のイントネーションと結合し、話し手の正確な意図を完成または変化させるため、本調査結果に基づき、学習者のイントネーションに関する認識調査およびさまざまな教材での用例の分析などを通じ、終助詞｢ね｣｢よ｣の効率的指導の仕方を提案していきたい。

유산소성 운동수행능력의 필드테스트로 대표되는 셔틀런 테스트와 요요테스트를 최대산소섭취량 및 다른 주행테스 트들과 비교 검토함으로써 대학 축구선수들의 심폐지구력을 평가하는 유효한 필드테스트를 제안하는 것을 목적으로 하였 다. 셔틀런 테스트는 휴식구간이 없이 지속적으로 달려야 하는 반면 요요 테스트의 경우 휴식구간이 설정되어 있어 휴식기 를 활용하여 컨디션을 조절하며 주행한다는 특성이 있다. 따라서 요요테스트는 주행과 회복을 반복하는 간헐적 운동을 주로 하는 축구선수들의 종목 특성을 고려한 심폐기능 평가 시 보다 효율적인 현장검사로 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

The purpose of this study was to propose an effective field test for assessing the cardiovascular endurance of soccer players by comparing the shuttle run test and the Yo-Yo intermittent recovery test (Yo-Yo test), which are representative of the aerobic exercise performance test, with the VO2max and other sprint tests. The shuttle run test requires the subject to run continuously without a break interval, while the Yo-Yo test has a break interval, so that they run with the recovery period. Therefore, the Yo-Yo test can be used as an effective field test for evaluating the cardiopulmonary function considering the characteristics of the soccer players of intermittent training.

The present study is to investigate the social strategies which different social distance will bring up with relation to the use of -yo in Korean between/ among interlocutors. the main questions of this papers are concerned with: 1) what is the real functions of the polite marker -yo, and2) how Korean speakers use it in real-time conversational interaction according to social distance: strangers, friends and intimates.

본 고는 도작(稻作) 문화권이었던 울산에서 전승되어 온 울산농요 모심기소리의 음악적 특 징을 파악하여 그 독자적 가치를 규명하는 데 집중하였다. 울산농요에 관해서는 그동안 복 원과 재현, 노랫말이 지닌 사회적 의미, 음악 분석 등 다양한 주제로 유의미한 연구성과들을 축적해 왔으나, 미시적 구도에서 진행되거나, 경상도 민요의 부수적인 차원에서 다루어진 정 도에 그치고 있어 울산농요 만의 음악적 특징을 규명하는 학술적 접근이 요구된다. 이를 합 리적으로 논증하기 위해서 국가무형문화재로 보호되고 있는 남도들노래와 예천 통명농요와 비교론적 관점에서 울산농요의 음악적 특징이 무엇인지를 살펴보았다. 비슷하거나 혹은 배 치되는 것과 비교하는 단계를 거침으로써 그 속성을 제대로 추출할 수 있다는 판단에서이 다. 보존에 집중하기보다는 전승과 계승발전 면에서 활발한 행보를 보이는 이 두 종의 농요 를 울산농요와 비교 분석함으로써 울산농요에 내재한 음악적 가치를 재인식하고자 하였다. 농경사회에서 필수불가결한 공동체적 기반을 강화하는 촉매제로써 소통창구로써 역할 한 울산농요를 천착하는 과정에서 공존과 상생 가치를 확인할 수 있었다.

This study focused on identifying the unique value of the Ulsan Nong-yo Rice-planting songs, which has been handed down in Ulsan, which was a cultural sphere of rice production. Ulsan Nong-yo has accumulated significant research results on various topics such as restoration and reproduction, social meaning of lyrics, and music analysis, but it is only handled in a microscopic composition or at an incidental level of Gyeongsang-do folk songs, so an academic approach is needed to identify the musical characteristics of Ulsan Nong-yo. In order to reasonably argue this, we examined the musical characteristics of Ulsan Nong-yo from a comparative perspective with Namdodeul(a field) song, which is protected as a national intangible cultural property, and Yecheon Tongmyeong Nong-yo. It is based on the judgment that the attribute can be properly extracted by going through the step of comparing it with something similar or placed. Rather than focusing on preservation, it was intended to re-recognize the musical value inherent in Ulsan Nong-yo by comparing and analyzing these two Nong-yo, which are active in terms of transmission and succession development, with Ulsan Nong-yo. Coexistence and win-win values were confirmed in the process of examining Ulsan Nong-yo, which served as a communication channel as a catalyst to strengthen the indispensable community foundation in agricultural society.

주요한은 1910년대의 소위 계몽문학기를 거쳐 1920년대 서구의 상징주의 문학 수용을 계기로 한 초기 근대시 형성과정에서 중요한 역할을 한 시인이다. 그는 1919년 교토[京都] 유학생 회지인 학우에 <에튜드>란 시를 발표하였고, 국내 최초의 근대 동인지인 창조의 동인으로서 <불놀이>와 <눈> 등의 시를 통해 근대시의 선구적 모습을 보여주기도 하였다. 주요한은 1900년 평양에서 태어났으며, 초등학교를 마친 뒤인 1912년 일본으로 건너가 명치학원에서 수학하였다. 그러나 1919년 3.1운동이 일어나자 학업을 중단하고, 상해로 건너가 임시정부 기관지인 독립신문의 편집인으로 일하게 되는데, 이 시절 그는 송아지라는 필명으로 <조국>, <즐김노래>와 같은 격렬한 민족저항시를 창작하면서 <불놀이>류와는 전혀 다른 시세계를 보여준다. 상해 시절 주요한의 개인사를 고려할 때, 1920년대 그의 시작 활동은 현실성에 대한 민족적이고도 민중적인 인식을 선명하게 보여준다. 그의 첫 시집인 󰡔아름다운 새벽󰡕은 이러한 인식의 결과인 바, <나무색이>, <고향생각>, <빗소리>, <샘물이 혼자서> 등의 작품을 통해 나타나는 민족적이고 향토적인 정서는 소박한 개인적이고도 보편적인 내면 정서의 표출을 통해 현대적인 서정시의 특징을 단적으로 구현하고 있다. 이 시기 주요한은 한편으로 민중시론을 제창한 바, ｢노래를 지으시려는 이에게｣민요와 동요의 창작을 통해 민중들의 일상적 생활감정을 반영하고, 한국어의 특수한 미를 구현하는 것을 조선의 현대적 서정시의 목적으로 삼았다. 여기에 나타난 그의 관점은 두 가지로 요약되는 바, 하나는 민족적 정서의 창조이며, 다른 하나는 조선어의 미학을 구현하는 일이다. 비록 그가 상해에 머무는 동안 독립운동에 관여하면서 자신의 민중적 세계관을 민요와 동일시하는 관점을 보여주기는 했으나, 그의 시론은 한국 근대시의 성립과정에서 특별한 의미와 위상을 가진다. 즉 그의 시작업은 중국의 한시나 시조를 거부하고 오로지 순수한 민족시의 전통적 시형과 문체를 계승하고자 한 결과로 나타난 점을 감안할 때, 그의 시학은 현대 서정시의 변혁을 추구한 것으로서 의미가 있다. 그 결과 한국의 현대시는 서구문학의 현대적 흐름 속에서 주체적인 시적 통찰력을 가질 수 있게 된 것이다.

Chu Yo-han is a major Poet who made a important role between the enlightment literary period of 1900’s and the reception of the western symbolism literature in 1920’s which was the period of searching the theoretical ground of modern lyrical poetry. He wrote the poem <Etude> on in 1919 Hak-Woo(學友) which was the Kyo-to(京都) foreign student magazine, and also showed pioneeric works like <Fire-working(불놀이)>, <Snow(눈)> participating in members of Chang-Jo(創造). Chu Yo-han was born in Pyeong-yang in 1900. After graduate primary school in 1912, he went to Japan to study in Maiji school(明治學院). Then he stopped the study after 3.1 independent movement in Korea, to go over Shanghai(上海), where he worked as the editor of The Independent Daily News(獨立新聞) which was the organ paper of Temporal Government. In those days, he wrote radical national resistant poems like <Motherland(조국)>, <Playing Song(즐김노래)> with the writing name ‘Song Aji(송아지)’. And after graduate Ho-gang(扈江) Unversity in 1925, he worked as the publisher of the Dong-Kwang(東光)magazine. In those days, he tried socialistic public movement participating ‘The Association of mental training fellowship(修養同友會)’ which was the interior network of ‘Heungsadan(興士團)’, where he was sent back to Shanghai with An Chang-ho(安昌浩). Considering this personal history during Shanhai period, literary works of Chu Yo-han in 1920’s show us national, and popular recognition of reality distinctively. His first anthology The Beautiful Dawn(아름다운 새벽) totally exposes this feature. The poems like <Fire woods(나무색이)>, <Thinking the native place(고향생각)>, <Sound of rain(빗소리)>, <Fountain alone(샘물이 혼자서)> which have the native, local sentiment make the specipic character of modern lyrical poetry simply exposing individual and general inner emotions. In this period Chu Yo-han advocated popular poetics, which purposed to reflect the emotion of people’s daily lives, and embody pecular beauty of Korean language. This intention was followed by the concrete method of creating folk songs and children’s songs in the critic <To the man who wants to make songs(노래를 지으시려는 이에게)>, which intended to make foundation of the road to fulfile the goal of Korean modern lyrical poetry. His thoughts can be summerized in two ways. One is laying stress on creating national emotion, and another is emboding beauty of the national language. Although his attachment in folk songs communicate with his popular world view, which was founded during the independent movement activity in Shanghai and of ‘The Association of mental training fellowship(修養同友會)’, his poetics has the special meaning and position in considerations of Korean modern hisrtory of poetry. Namely, his poetic works was faithfully made by his popular poetics, in which he tried to success the traditional form and style of national poetry rejecting Chinese poem or ‘Si-jo’. With this point of view, he also tried to enhance his popular poetics to the reforming theory of modern lyrical poetry. As a result of this, Korean modern poetry could have the subjective poetic insight in the overflows of western modern literary trends.

붓다에 대한 다양한 예경법 중에 요잡(繞匝)이 있다. 이는 예배자가　예배대상인 붓다의 주위를　돌면서 예를 올리는 것으로, 일반적으로 ‘우요삼 잡(右繞三匝)’이라고 한다. 하지만, 경전에는 요잡의 대상과 방향, 횟수가 ‘붓다’, ‘우요’, ‘삼잡’으로 한정되어 있지 않으며, 매우 다양한 형태로 나타나고 있다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 요잡이라고 하면, ‘우요삼잡’만을 말하며, 나아가 요잡연구는 불교건축, 탑돌이 등에서 일부 내용으로 다루어지는 정 도이며, 전문적인 연구논문은 한편도 없다. 본고에서는 우요삼잡과는 조금 다른 양상을 보이는 우요칠잡에 관하여 살펴보았는데, 특히 붓다의 다비식과 관련하여 고찰하였다. 대부분의 우요 삼잡이 생신(生身)의 붓다에 대한 예법이라면, 우요칠잡은 붓다의 다비식 이나 붓다의 광명 등과 관계하기 때문이다. 전륜성왕의 장례법을 그대로 수용한 붓다의 다비식에서 칠잡을 한 것은, 붓다의 금관이 구시나가라 성문을 지날 때, 다비장에 도착하여 향나무 주변을 돌 때, 가섭에게 곽시쌍부를 하실 때 등이다. 이 가운데, 가장 복잡한 양상을 보이는 것은 붓다의 금관이 구시나가라 성문을 지날 때인데, 『대반열반경후분』에 나타난 방향성은 우요, 좌요, 직 진 등이 혼재되어 있었다. 때문에, 본고에서는 ‘우요칠잡’이라고 하지 않 고, ‘칠잡’이라고 하였다. 칠잡은 원래 고대 인도의 국왕에게 올리는 예법이었으며, 이는 전륜성 왕의 7보에 대한 존경과 감사를 상징하는 것이었다. 한편, 붓다에게 행한 칠잡은 7각지로 해석할 수 있으며, 또는 『대반열반경후분』에서 설한 3잡과 4잡이라면, 삼계와 사생으로도 볼 수 있을 것이 다. 요잡에 대한 고찰은 한국불교에서 49재 등의 재의식에서 법당을 돌거 나, 탑돌이 등의 성격을 규명함에 있어서 매우 중요하다. 이에 관해서는 향후의 과제로 하고자 한다.

There is Yojap (繞匝) that is one of the various manners of worship for Buddha. It is the worshiper's practice while walking around the Buddha, who is the object of worship, and is generally referred to as ‘U-yo-3-jap (右繞三匝)’. However, in the scriptures, the object, direction, and number of Yojap are not limited to ‘Buddha’, ‘U-yo’, and ‘3jap’, and appear in a wide variety of forms. Nevertheless, when speaking of Yojap, it means that only ‘Uyo3jap’ is spoken, and furthermore, Yojap research is covered in part in Buddhist architecture and Tabdori (Going-round-pagoda), etc., but there are no specialized research papers. In this study, we explored U-yo-7-jap, which has a slightly different aspect from U-yo-3-jap, and in particular, it was considered in relation to the Buddha's cremation ceremony. It is because most of the Uyo3jap is a manner of living flesh (生身) Buddha, whereas Uyo7jap is related to Buddha’s cremation ceremony or Buddha’s light. The 7jap at the Buddha's cremation ceremony, which accepted Chakravartin funeral ritual as it is, includes when the Buddha’s brass crown passes the Kusinagara gates, when it arrives at Dabijang (Buddhist funeral ritual) and comes around the juniper, and when Gwakshissangbu (Showing two feet out of the coffin) is shown to Kashyapa. Among these, the most complex aspect is when the Buddha’s golden crown passes through the Kusinagara gate, and the direction shown in “the 2nd Half of Maha Parinirvana Sutra” was a mixture of Uyo, Gwayo, and Jikjin. Therefore, in this paper, it is not called ‘Uyo7jap’, but ‘7jap’. 7jap was originally a ritual given to the king of ancient India, and it symbolized the respect and appreciation of Chakravartin’s 7bo. Meanwhile, 7jap conducted to Buddha can be interpreted as 7Gakji, or Or, if it is 3jap and 4jap as preached in “the 2nd Half of Maha Parinirvana Sutra”, it can also be seen as 3 Worlds and 4 Lives. Investigations of Yojap is important in identifying the characteristics of Tabdori (Going‐round‐pagoda) when visiting the temple hall in Jae ritual such as 49Jae (Jae; Buddhist service for the dead) in Korean Buddhism, and will be a future research task.

Building on Song Yo-in’s discussion of “cross-cultural opacity,” this essay reconceptualizes the translation of culture-bound terms as a site where equivalence is not given in advance but negotiated through translator judgment. The essay is organized into four parts. The first part revisits Song’s triad of transliteration, definition, and analytical redistribution, and suggests that translation practice relies on a far broader range of strategies, including hybrid procedures, paratextual glossing, substitution, and omission. The second part challenges Song’s inbound/outbound distinction by introducing factors overlooked in his framework, such as translator idiolect, intratextual variation, and diachronic revision. The third part examines Song’s notion of emotive meaning, demonstrating that culture-bound terms often operate as carriers of evaluative and affective force and that preserving emotive meanings may require departures from strict denotational fidelity. The last part examines Song’s discussion of idiomaticization to show that cultural lexemes embedded in idioms no longer function as discrete cultural markers and therefore call for discourse-level interpretive solutions. In light of these four dimensions, the study positions Song’s theorization as a productive resource for contemporary debates on cultural translation and translator agency.

This study investigates phonetic characteristics of '-yo' particle in Korean,whose grammatical function is basically similar to the declarative particle '-ta'. The '-yo' particle follows the verb at the end of a sentence and it can be attachedto sentence medial non-verbal elements. Interestingly, the apparent '-yo'duplication is legal only in the presence of sentence-final '-yo'. This conditionleads us to an assumption that the medial '-yo' is linked to the sentence finalparticle at a certain linguistic level. Our main goal is to investigate to whichextent the phonetic characteristics of sentence medial '-yo' particle are comparableto those of the sentence final one. Speech data were collected from 9 femaleinformants in a laboratory setting and our measurements include pitch andtemporal dimensions (e.g., syllable lengthening and pause duration). We found(1) that the two '-yo' particles are phonetically similar to each other in termsof the types of boundary tone associated and the presence of lengthening, and(2) that they differ in the degree of lengthening and pause. Our phonetic resultscan help us understand the '-yo' duplication phenomenon.

한국과 일본은 넓은 시야에서 볼 때 매우 독특한 공통의 ‘동요 문화’를 갖고 있다. 근대 초기 서양 동요가 동아시아에 이입되면서 한국과 일본은 서양 동요를 적극적으로 수용하여 자기화하면서 창작동요를 만들고 나름의 동요 문화를 발전시켰다. 그러나 한일 간에는 ‘동요’ 개념을 비롯하여 서양 동요의 수용 방식에 미세한 차이가 존재한다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 공통점과 차이점에 주목하면서 동요 성립과 외래 동요 수용 방식에 대해 비교 고찰하고자 한다. 한국어 ‘동요’는 어린이 노래의 총칭임에 반해 일본어 ‘동요’는 기존의 창가에 대한 대안 개념으로서 다이쇼 시대부터 사용해온 역사적 개념의 뉘앙스가 강하다. 동심을 중시하는 예술적 가곡을 ‘동요’로 개념화하면서 ‘동요운동’을 통해 국가주의를 극복하고자 한 지식인들의 움직임은 일본에서 시작되어 한국에도 영향을 주었다. 방정환의 경우는 일본의 아동문화 운동을 식민지 조선에 창의적으로 적용하는 데에 성공했다. 독일의 동요 <어린 한스>의 멜로디에 일본 와라베우타의 가사가 결합한 창가 <나비>는 전후에 국가주의를 탈색하고 ‘동요’로 거듭났다. 창가 <나비>의 번안곡 <나비야나비야>는 한국어 표현상의 특징과 일본어 번역투를 다 가진 점에서 ‘한일 절충적’ 번안동요였다. 오늘날 한국에서 노래되고 있는 유아동요 <나비야>는 시대의 격랑을 헤치고 다듬어진 집단창작의 결과일지도 모른다. 번안동요는 여러 가지 면에서 자국문화의 중요한 일부인 동시에 이질적 문화가 융복합된 소중한 인류의 문화유산이다.

Korea and Japan have a very unique common culture of children’s song. With Western Nursery Rhymes entering East Asia in the early modern times, Korea and Japan actively embraced that and took it upon themselves to create Shoka(唱歌) to develop their own culture of children’s song. However, there is a slight difference between Korea and Japan, including the concept of children’s songs and the way Western Nursery Rhymes are accommodated. In this paper, I would like to make a comparative consideration of the modern culture of the formation of East Asian children’s songs and the mode of foreign music acceptance, noting these commonalities and differences. While the Korean word Dong-yo(童謠) is a generic term for children's songs, the Japanese word Doyo(童謠) is an alternative to Shoka, and has strong nuances of historical concepts that have been used from 1918 to 1945. Intellectuals’ move to overcome nationalism through the “Doyo movement,” began in Japan and influenced Korea as well. In the case of Bang Jeong-hwan, the Korean pioneer of juvenile literature and a children’s rights activist, Japan’s children’s cultural movement was successfully applied. “Chocho,” as a Shoka the lyrics of Japanese Warabeuta with the melody of the German nursery rhyme “Hänschen klein” (Little Hans), was reborn as a Doyo with decoloration nationalism after the war. “Nabiya Nabiyah,” a Korean Dong-yo rewritten by a Shoka “Chocho,” was a compensated song in that it has both the characteristics of Korean expression and Japanese translation. “Nabiya,” a Dong-yo sung in Korea today, may be the result of a collective creation that has been refined through the turbulent times. A Translated or Adapted song is a valuable cultural heritage of mankind, an important part of its own culture, and a combination of heterogeneous cultures.

습득은 그동안 단기간의 횡적 연구로 인해 그 양상을 명확히 규명하기에 어려 움이 있었다. 그래서 본 연구는 종단에 걸친 질적 연구를 통해 ‘요’의 습득 양상을 살펴보고자 한다. 다양한 범주의 형식에 결합될 수 있는 ‘요’는 초기 발화에서 서 술어의 종결형인 ‘-어요’의 형태로 나타났다. 점차 ‘요’의 쓰임 증대로 서술어의 종 결형 외에도 서술어가 아닌 문말 비종결형에도 ‘요’가 나타났다. 이러한 과정 속에 서 종결형의 경우는 종결어미 ‘-자, -다’ 뒤에도 ‘요’가 나타나기도 했다. 이는 ‘- 어요’로 인해 ‘요’를 하나의 분리된 문법 요소로 인지하지 못해 나타난 과잉일반화 현상으로 볼 수 있다. 이러한 현상은 ‘요’의 습득 초기보다는 높임의 개념을 인지 한 3세 아동의 후기 발화에 많이 나타났다. 아동은 발화 차시의 증가와 함께 과잉 일반화로 인한 오류를 점차 수정하면서 문말 비종결형의 ‘요’와 문중의 ‘요’의 쓰임 을 증가시켰는데 이는 ‘요’ 사용량 증가를 가져왔다. 그 결과 아동은 ‘요’의 의미와 ‘요’의 환경에 대한 인지를 통해 점차 성인과 동일한 문장을 산출하기 시작하였다. ‘요’는 아동의 초기 발화에서부터 활발하게 사용되었는데 아동에게서 ‘요’가 높임의 의미를 나타내기 가장 용이한 방법이기 때문이다. 이와 같은 ‘요’ 습득 단계는 “‘-어요’(종결형 ‘요’)→문말 비종결형 ‘요’→‘요’의 과잉일반화→문중의 ‘요’”의 순서 로 나타났다.

The language acquisition in children is a difficult subject for a short-term study since it has various personal variables. Therefore, this study aims to investigate the acqusition of ‘Yo’ in children through a longitudinal and qualitative research. ‘Yo’, which could be combined with various forms under various categories, is usually started from a simple articulation and then, developed to ‘-Eoyo’ as an ending of a predicate. With the expansion of use of ‘Yo’, it is even used for other than an ending of a predicate. During this process, ‘Yo’ even follows ‘-Ja’ or ‘-Da’, which are general endings. Children often use ‘Yo’ to express their concept of honorifics understood and acquired through the use of ‘-Eoyo’, and it could be considered as overgeneralization. This type of phenomenon is more common after the age of 3 years old when the concept of horrifics is understood rather than the early stage of acquisition of ‘Yo.’ Along with an increase in the period of articulation and gradual correction of errors made by overgeneralization, children tend to use ‘Yo’ for non-endings and discourse particle and they start to create sentences similar with of adults. ‘Yo’ is frequently used by children even at the early stage of articulation because it is the most simple way to use a honorific. The process of acquisition of ‘Yo’ is shown in an order of “-Eoyo”(final ending ‘yo’)-“Yo”(non-ending ‘yo’)-overgeneralization of “Yo”-discourse particle “Yo.”

삼성생명은 2010년 5월 주식시장 상장을 맞이하여 제 2의 도약을 준비하고 있었다. 그 전략의 일환으로 기존의 안정적이고 보수적, 정적이며 약간 올드한 이미지를 젊고 친근하며 역동적이고 미래지향적인 이미지로 바꾸는 대대적인 IMC 캠페인을 준비했다. 이렇게 탄생한 것이 “안녕하세요?“ 캠페인이다. 자칫 지나치게 일반적이어서 진부할 수 있는 ”안녕하세요“라는 인사말을 중독성이 강한 CM쏭과 빅모델을 기용하여 새로운 느낌으로 다가간 점이 이 캠페인의 성공요인이라고 보인다. 이 캠페인은 2010년 4월부터 11월까지 집행되었으며, 조사결과 광고태도, 브랜드태도, 가입의향면에서 의도한 목표를 성공적으로 달성한 것으로 평가된다.

Expecting initial public offer in the stock market in May 2010, Samsung Life Insurance Company wanted to take advantage of the opportunity to further strengthen its market position. Samsung Life Insurance wanted to reposition its image from a strong, conservative, stable, and somewhat old insurance company to a young, friendly, dynamic and forward-looking financial company. The strategy to accomplish the repositoning was the "An-Nyoung-Ha-Se- Yo"IMC campaign. It employed a hip, pleasant, and easy to follow CM song along with famous and likable star models. This campaign ran from April to November of 2010, and research results suggest that it successfully accomplish its objectives among the targets in terms of attitude toward the ad, brand attitude, and purchase intention. Keywords : Samsung Life Insurance Company, An-Nyoung-Ha-Se-Yo campaign, corporate image, corporate reputation

This study is intended to explain the grammatical feature of the complex final ending '-kineun(yo)' and to reveal its meaning and function. For this purpose, the grammatical feature when '-kineun(yo)' was used as the final ending of the complex form was investigated and the meaning and function of '-kineun(yo)' dealt with as the grammatical item in the Korean textbook and dictionary were examined. In addition, the examples of '-kineun/-kin', '-kineunyo/-kinyo' appeared in the <21th century Sejong plan corpus> were analyzed by means of the corpus-based approach. Consequentially, first, the sentences grammatically containing '-kineun(yo)' could be seen in the category of fragmentary sentence, which derived from the interrogative sentences containing the irony. Secondly, the meaning of the '-kineun(yo)' was negative and it was used for denying and rebutting the other party's remarks, for protecting the face of speakers and listeners, and was used for representing the naturalness as a meaning of emphasis and for scolding/blaming/complaining. This study is significant in investigating various aspects of '-kineun(yo)' from the discourse dimension through the grammatical review of the complex final ending '-kineun(yo)' and the corpus data.

본고에서는 상대 일본어의 대표적인 문헌인 『만엽집』, 『일본서기』, 『고사기』에 나 타나는 마운(麻韻) 2등자의 [サ(沙紗)ㆍマ(馬麻)ㆍカ(加)]를 중심으로 이들을 오음ㆍ한음의 자음형과 비교한 후, 오음의 자음형과 다른 만요가나(万葉仮名)를 고대 조선의 백제ㆍ신라ㆍ고구려의 자료에 나타나는 자음형과 비교하여 이들의 유사성 및 한국ㆍ일본 양 언어의 연관성에 관하여 고찰하였다. (1)본고에서 [유형2]로 분류한 [サ沙紗/マ馬]는 기기만요(記紀万葉) 차자표기의 자음 형이 오음 -e형과는 다르면서 한음과 동일한 -a형으로 나타나는 타입이다. 이러한 기 기만요의 -a형은 백제ㆍ신라의 인명이나 지명 등의 고유명사 표기에 사용되는 자음 형과 동일한 -a형으로 나타나고 있다. 또한 기기만요가 성립하기 전시대의 자료인 상대 삼금석문(上代三金石文)자료의 명문(銘文)과 추고조유문(推古朝遺文)에도 -a형으로 나타난다. -a형으로 나타나는 이 자음형은 시대적인 시간차가 있기 때문에 한음의 혼 입이라고는 생각되지 않는다. 이러한 기기만요의 -a형은 그 한자를 전달한 한인계의 도래인에 의한 것이라고 생각된다. (2)본고에서 [유형3]으로 분류하고 있는 [カ加迦ㆍマ麻]는 기기만요ㆍ오음ㆍ한음의 자음형이 동일한 -a형으로 나타나는 타입이다. 이들 기기만요의 -a형은 [加耶]․[韓] 과 같이 고대 조선의 고유명사 표기에 빈번하게 사용되고 있는 점이 주목된다. 한일 양국의 상대문헌 자료에 근거해 살펴본 결과, 기기만요의 차자표기는 고대 조선의 언어체계에서 영향을 받았을 가능성이 높다고 판단된다. 또한 [加ガ]로 대표되는 청탁 혼용의 예 역시 고대조선에서 일본으로 건너가 일본 상대문헌의 기술에 관여한 도래 인의 모국어의 간섭에 의하여 고대 조선의 언어체계가 만요가나의 자음형에 반영된 증거라고 생각된다. 따라서 기기만요에서 마운 2등자의 -a형은 중국에서 고대조선에 수용되어 고대조 선의 언어체계에 맞춰 변화한 한자음을 일본에서 이와 유사한 음으로 받아들이고자 하는 과정에서 형성된 형태라고 생각된다. 이로 인해 기기만요의 차자표기에는 오음 의 체계와는 다른 자음체계가 혼재하고 있으며, 이를 통해 한반도 자음체계의 영향 을 엿볼 수 있다.

In this　research,　I compared notations of Chinese characters of Kiki-Man’yo with notations of Chinese characters in Sino-Japanese Go’on　& Kan’on. The subject is limited to the rhyme Ma(麻), and I studied the characters focusing on Sa(沙紗)ㆍMa(馬 麻)ㆍKa(加)ㆍ(1) Sa(沙紗)․Ma(馬) of the borrowed notation is classified as Type2 which appears in the same form -a in SinoJapanese Kan’on. but, it is different from form -e of Sino- Japanese Go’on. These notations of Chinese characters -a are same as notations of -a that appear as proper noun in Kiki-Man’yo which recorded in personal and place names of Baekje or Silla literature. The present writer think that these notations of Chinese characters -a of Kiki- Man’yo appeared under the influence of trace which was willing to accept as a sound similar to the sound of the language system of naturalized citizen of Korean people system brought to Japan the Chinese characters. (2) Ka(加迦)․Ma(麻) of the borrowed notation is classified as ‘Type3’ which is same as -a in Kiki-Man’yoㆍSino-Japanese Go’onㆍKan’on. these forms -a of Kiki- Man’yo are noted that have been used frequently in the representation of the proper names of ancient Korea as Gaya(加耶), Kan(韓). As far as I can judge, on the basis of these literatures Kiki- Man’yo, may have been affected by the language system of ancient Korean. And also undistinguish of Seidaku represented by Ga(加) is evidence which is from the fact that a naturalized citizen who was brought over from ancient Korea was involved in the description of the ancient literature.

The objective of this study is to focus on the usage of sentence-final particles by learners in contact situation conversations and to clarify what kind of functions can be observed and also what problems in usage may occur. Specifically, with reference to previous studies, we comprehensively investigated the functions of sentence-final particles at various levels, including rules of significance, speech functions and communication functions. Based on this, we analyzed and studied particle usage by learners. Moreover, by paying attention to the relationships between sentence-final particles and speech sequences, we analyzed problems with sentence-final particle usage among learners from a speech sequence perspective, and also identified the functions of the sentence-final particles used in speech sequences. Further, by including as the subjects of our research not only domestic learners in Japan but overseas learners as well, we were able to propose solutions to problems with sentence-final particle usage that arise due to differences in domestic and overseas learning environments and, at the same time, to consider issues related to Japanese language education and the acquisition of sentence-final particles by domestic and overseas learners.