Earticle

This paper contemplates the usages and functions of SO demonstrative series in advertising copy. Most of SO demonstrative series in advertising copy are context indication. And context indication is classified as “when the preceding text exists” and “when the preceding text does not exist”. First, SO demonstrative series of “when the preceding context exists” emphasize and explain the preceding sentence once more by using “SORE, SOU, SONNNA, SOUIU, SOKO, SONO + noun”. In other words, it has directing function and emphasis function. Next, SO demonstrative series of “when the preceding text does not exist” case is, when only the SO demonstrative series is used without the preceding sentence, “SORE, SONO + noun, SONNNANI” is used to induce the consumer tobe curious about the indicated subject to focus on advertising. In this way, the directors of the SO demonstrative series in the advertising copy take an objective attitude toward the object to make the consumers curious. In other words, it can be said that the directive of the SO demonstrative pronoun series has afunction of “+ α” to increase the advertising impact, not just to direct something.

This study focuses on print advertisements utilizing “A-series” demonstratives, analyzing the contexts in which these demonstratives are used to refer to their targets. Existing research on demonstratives has primarily examined the distinctions and functions of Ko,So,A demonstratives and the expressive characteristics of advertising language. However, this study analyzes the contexts of demonstratives within advertising texts using advertisement examples, a topic not previously explored. The results of the analysis are summarized as follows:1. Formal Context　: The referents of “A-series” demonstratives can be identified from linguistic information such as sub-copies, body copies, and company names. In this context, “A-series” demonstratives function to attract consumers’ interest in the referents, guiding them to read the detailed parts of the advertisement. 2.Situational Context: This context involves photographs or illustrations within the advertisement, where “A-series” demonstratives direct the recipient’s gaze to distant objects, effectively creating a sense of viewing a scene from afar. 3.Shared Knowledge Context: The referents are general concepts likely understood by many through common experiences or general knowledge. The content of the catch copy indicates that it is based on shared knowledge. 4.Additional Context: This context involves cases where the referents can be inferred from linguistic information or images within the advertisement. The referents are shared targets, but they refer to specific targets that can be commonly understood through individual memories. Thus, it has been revealed that in advertisements, the demonstrative “A” is used primarily as a memory pointer, relying more on additional contexts that allow abstract recall and empathy towards the referent, rather than on substantial shared memory pointers. Unlike “Ko” and “So” series demonstratives, “A” series demonstratives possess the characteristic of pointing to unseen memories in the mind. This aligns with the additional context in advertisements, where consumers abstractly recall and empathize with the referents, making such usage prevalent. Additionally, advertisements often aim to enhance a sense of unity by expressing information in a way that mimics shared knowledge, even if it is not actually shared.

This paper investigates pronominal definites in Korean in comparison with English. Since Postal (1966), pronominal definites such as we linguists in English has been viewed as being similar to definite noun phrases such as the linguists. The core insight has been that pronominals in such definite descriptions behave like a definite article such as the. In the analysis of personal pronouns in Déchaine and Wilstchko (2002), different personal pronouns in English are analyzed into different categories (pro-DP vs. pro-φP) which accounts for the availability of 1st and 2nd person pronominal definites and for the unavailability of 3rd person pronominal definites (*they linguists) This paper shows that different personal pronominal definites in Korean can be analyzed in a similar manner to English proposed in Déchaine and Wilstchko (2002). This analysis is then re-considered under recent analyses on pronominal definites in English in which they share a core structure, idxP(indexP), with definite descriptions such as a definite noun phrase. An idxP approach is also previously suggested for demonstrative ku and pronoun ku in Korean. Building on these studies, Korean case is reanalyzed in terms of idxP. Under the proposed account, prominal definites in the language share idxP with demonstrative nominal phrases.

This paper investigates the emphatic use of demonstrative ku in Korean. Demonstrative ku has been well-known to indicate a deictic as well as anaphoric definite meaning. However, not much attention has been paid to its emphatic use. Literature on this topic is scarce; there has only been one study in Kang (2018) that provides a pragmatic analysis of emphatic ku. This paper examines the distribution of emphatic ku in comparison with a stressed demonstrative nominal (e.g., that CREEP) in English. It is proposed that emphatic ku is similar to an English stressed demonstrative nominal by not being used as a focal element, but by being used to indicate emphasis, building on its syntactic, semantic, and prosodic properties. It is also shown that emphatic ku is distinct from anaphoric ku. Emphatic ku modifies an adjective as an intensifier, while anaphoric ku occupies the specifier of DP as a function word. In addition, emphatic and anaphoric ku are shown to have distinct prosodic properties: namely, emphatic ku has a prosodically longer duration and carries the LH pitch pattern associated with an Accentual Phrase (AP) in Korean prosody, while anaphoric ku is shorter and carries either flat or falling pitch, indicating that it does not initiate a prosodic AP.

Since Abney’s (1987) Universal DP hypothesis, much research on a nominal structure has proliferated. For example, Bošković (2005) proposed a parameterized DP hypothesis by providing a list of diagnostics to distinguish DP and NP languages. A DP language (article language) has an article, while an NP language (an articleless language) does not have an article. This paper examines one particular diagnostics, namely adjectival LBE in light of data from Korean, an articleless language. Korean patterns with an article language, English, not allowing adjectival LBE. Nevertheless, it allows relative free word order of prenominal elements within a nominal phrase, similar to Serbo-Croatian, an articleless language. In Serbo-Croatian, adjectival LBE is allowed, and adjectives, demonstratives, and possessives show free word order. These facts are attributed to the lack of an article, and thus no DP projection in the language, in contrast to English that projects a DP. This paper shows that the absence of DP is not necessary in accounting for the free order of prenominal elements in Korean, contra Boskovic (2005). The consequence of this suggests that adjectival LBE may not be valid to distinguish DP and NP languages. This consequence is further supported by data from other articleless languages wherein the adjectival LBE is violated just like Korean.

It is well known that a plural marker is optional in languages that allow bare nouns, unlike English that does not allow bare nouns. This is so as a bare noun can denote either a singular or a plural meaning. However, in recent studies, it has been identified that even in a bare noun language such as Persian or Korean a plural marker is obligatory to indicate a plural meaning. The requirement of plural marker in these languages is identified to be only possible in an anaphoric context. This paper addresses an issue of why such a context in a bare noun language requires a plural marker. In particular, this paper focuses on the syntax of plural and anaphoric context that make possible the obligatory presence of plural. By building on the previous approaches on this issue, this paper proposes that a plural instantiates the Num(ber) head with a binary number feature such as [±plural]. Via Agree (Chomsky 1998), the feature on the Num head values an uninterpretable number feature on the D head that is the locus of definiteness. This paper shows that Korean allows an obligatory plural marking similar to English, but only in a restricted context, i.e., anaphoric context. Moreover, this paper identified that the strict presence of plural marking in Korean is cross-linguistic phenomenon found in other bare noun languages, which has not been paid much attention in the literature.

This paper examines the direct use of indicators in the Ko series used in advertising copies and what functions they play in advertising. In conclusion, in advertising copies, the Ko-type indicator directs and emphasizes the subject of advertisement or related things, and functions to stimulate consumer curiosity and draw attention. In advertisements, advertisers and consumer do not indicator directly to objects in front of them because they are not exist in the same time and space, but they create a place of conversation like that, making them feel realistic. In advertisements, only indicators such as “kore” and “koko” are used without directly revealing the name of the advertisement target, and direct or related to the advertisement target. In this case, it arouses consumer interest and interest in what the indicator points to. In addition, when used in the form of “kono+N,A,V”, the attributes of the advertisement target can be expected more than when only the indicator is used, but there are also cases where the advertisement target name is not clearly disclosed, stimulating consumers’ curiosity and drawing attention. In addition, “konoyo”, “konohosi”, and “konokuni”, which represent absolute space, and “konokoro”, “konosaki”, and “konoharu”, which represent absolute time are used in advertising copies, and in this case, it seems that the function aims at the advertising effect by arousing the sympathy of consumers.

This paper addresses the demonstrative of the A series, which can be seen in advertisement copy from the perspective of deixis.　Advertising copy tries to create a place of communication with consumers by using demonstrative in general conversations.　 The demonstrative used in the advertisement copy seems to have the function of original demonstrative as well as the function of enhancing advertising effectiveness. As a result of the review of the A-series’ demonstrative in the ad copy, most of them were used as non-deictic methods. In the concept of this being the one-sided message of the sender, it may be natural, but we could also see deictic usage among the copy. If used as a non-direct method, the subject of the demonstrative is classified as specific and unspecific, and each is thought to contain the sender’s intention to achieve the advertising effect.　The use of deictic does not clearly indicate the product name of the advertisement they want to advertise, but by using the A series of demonstrative, they attract the attention of the viewer and turn to advertise. Also, most of the non-deictic used in advertising copy was used in non-specific usage.　 It does not directly point to advertising targets. A-series directive refers to the thoughts of the memory, such as longing and thoughts, and the subject of the demonstrative is specific or unspecific. First of all, in the case of refer to specific things, point what any Japanese person can know or point to an advertising object that they want to advertise. This copy shows that it is creating an advertising effect by making the acceptor feel familiar. When pointing to something unspecific, the person who receives the advertisement imagines a variety of images because the subject of the demonstrative is not specific. As such, the demonstrative of the A series in advertising copy are mainly used as non-deixis uses to refer to unspecific things in ideas and memories, and by taking an objective attitude toward the subject of a referent, they have the effect of being at the same point as those who see the advertisement.　

Split of Subjects by Disciplinary Power and Problems of Education: From the Perspective of Hermann Hesse's Unterm Rad Hyo Chan Choi (Yonsei University) Revealing the strategy of disciplinary power, Hermann Hesse’s Unterm Rad, arouses circumstances of armed education to train an ideal man to serve the state and a destroyed humanity. Furthermore, he implies criticism of disciplinary power reproduced by the school. This is showed at the end where Hans Giebenrath (the main character) returned home because of nervousness caused by not adapting to the theological seminary and was found drowned. It is the disciplinary power producing modern subjects that brings on the split of subjects and ends up the collapse. This shows the shift to new modern subjects refusing to rituals. Hans Giebenrath refused to the destiny committed to ‘place’ of the birth and ‘mimesis’. He resisted the ritual discipline where people traditionally relied on and worshiped the supernatural being. It drives to the split of subjects. Walter Benjamin defined Newborn modern subjects as the shift from ‘ritual’ to ‘demonstrative’. It is a refusal to the traditional subjects performing rituals. In addition, Unterm Rad is a warning to dehumanized circumstances by school disciplinary power and a reflection on the disease of today's education beyond the time and place of transition.

Demonstrative NPs and pronoun it can be used to maintain coherence and refer back to the ideas mentioned earlier. However, there is quite limited research on such phenomena in L2 writing. This study explores the anaphoric demonstrative NPs and pronoun it, with Chinese Learner English Corpus as the data source. Altogether 203 compositions from ST3 and ST4 have been selected and subjected to data analyses so as to answer three questions: whether language proficiency differentiates the level of recapitulation; whether the learners of lower proficiency prefer using pronouns because they are less marked; whether the frequency of pronoun it, on the whole, is much higher than that of the other anaphors. The results reveal that the learners’ ability of recapitulation displays a spiral increase and that the selection of the anaphors is not affected by markedness but by cross-linguistic influence and the use of L2 chunks.

In this paper, we argue, in support of the revised version on Principle A, that demonstrative binding is possible if one or the other occurrence of the third person is put forth as if it were a demonstrative. We contend that Principle A must be understood as a condition of demonstrative binding in Korean, thereby suggesting that Principle B does not regulate demonstrative binding. Under Higginbotham’s (1992) proposal, whereby demonstratives can stand apart from the disjointness conditions, Principle B functions so as to exclude the possibility of common reference. The central idea of our analysis, however, is that in the case of Korean demonstrative binding, Principle A functions so as to include the possibility of common reference. Even if two elements have the same coindex, one cannot determine that they have the same value without the speaker’s intention. We present evidence from the previous approaches that kare ‘he’ and ku ‘he’ cannot be bound by a quantifier irrespective of domains. However, the previous approaches are undermined by the fact that Principle A restricts demonstrative binding in Korean. The crucial evidence against the previous approaches is based on the observation that the demonstrative ku ‘he’ admits a bound variable reading and that Principle A constrains demonstrative binding through common reference arising from the speaker’s intention. In conclusion, while variable binding and demonstrative variable binding seem to be considered as having the same semantic relations, the latter is not claimed to be subject to Principle B.

The purpose of the study is to analyse patterns of anaphoric resolution focusing on Asian learners’ writing. For this end, three Asian learners’ essays (Korean, Chinese, Japanese) are used to investigate the resolution of demonstrative anaphora (this/these, that/those) regarding anaphoric distance, types of anaphoric reference, anaphoric boundary. First, the anaphoric distance is measured by word numbers between antecedents and anaphora. Second, the types of anaphoric reference are classified by their grammatical structure such as nouns, phrases, sentences. Third, the investigation of an anaphoric boundary focuses sentence position of antecedents: intrasentential and intersentential anaphora. The result shows that the Asian learners’ patterns of anaphoric resolution patterns are different from those of native learners. Furthermore, Asian learners are not likely to have consistent patterns when they apply their opinions through the resolution system of demonstrative anaphora. (Busan University of Foreign Studies)

This study explored the choice of definite the and demonstrative that across direct and associative anaphoric contexts in fifty-six L1-Korean L2-English learners and twenty-eight native speakers of English (NSE) as a reference group. The L2-English participants were divided into two groups on the basis of their grammatical proficiency as measured by a cloze test. Additionally, L1-Korean and L2-English forced-choice elicitation tasks were conducted to examine how they choose L1 and L2 determiners across the distinctive anaphoric contexts. The results showed that the NSEs highly preferred the across all contexts. Meanwhile, in the direct anaphoric contexts, the L1-Korean L2-English learners exclusively preferred ku in their L1 and the in their L2 regardless of their L2 grammatical proficiency, properly mapping ku onto the. In the associative anaphoric contexts, they dominantly preferred the zero article in their L1, but the low-proficient L2 learners chose the much less often than the high-proficient ones, demonstrating their fluctuant choice between the and that. These results suggest that the low-proficient L2 learners undergo great difficulties in distinguishing the and that in contexts where implicit antecedents emerge, improperly mapping the zero article in their L1 onto either the or that in their L2. The possible linguistic reasons for their unstable choice and pedagogical implications were further discussed.

本稿は、指示代名詞の近称にあたる「這回」の歴史的展開について考察した。近世․近代の文献に見られる 「這回」は、先行研究のように、近世初期の朱子学や漢詩文にも見られたが、直接的原因は、中国俗文学ではない かと思う。 「這回」は、まず唐話辞書から調べると、色々の辞書に顔を出していることから、中国俗語として認識されていたことが 分かる。すべて「コノタビ」と解釈している。当時、多く読まれた『水滸伝』『西遊記』『金瓶梅』『紅樓夢』や 「小説三言」などにも見られ、中国俗語として通用していた語であったと思われる。日本では、中国俗文学を翻訳した通 俗物や少数ではあるが「日本人作白話体小説」「繁昌記」にも見られ、多様な範囲にわたって用いられていたこと が分かる。 明治期における中国俗語の受入れについては、二つの方法があると考えられる。一つは微視的なもので、近世後 半期に流行っていた「読本」系の言葉を援用したこと。もう一つは巨視的な立場で、中国俗文学などを読んで、そこ からの言葉を援用したこと。両方とも十分考えられる。しかし、筆者は後者の立場を取りたい。大部分の中国俗語は日 本において読本以前の作品に現われ、既に日本人の目に触れていたものが多く、それが読本の言語(文字)生活にも 現われている。それから、明治期の知識人は、自分の作品に『水滸伝』『西遊記』『金瓶梅』『紅樓夢』などの 書目を書き込んでいる作家が多い。そのことから、直接読んでいる可能性も高いことが分かる。とにかく「這回」を通し てみても、中国俗語が日本文学における豊かな言語(文字)生活に役立っていたといえよう。

This study analyzed the elements that can know the referent in the concept of context, focusing on copies of printed advertisements used by KO-series demonstrative. First, in the overall contextual aspect analysis, there were many examples of situational contexts in which the referent could be known by pictures during advertisements, and it was found that [KONO+noun] was mainly used. This is thought to be a photograph of the referent by KO-series demonstrative, who have a usage of referring to the object in front of them. Second, in the context of common　knowledge, [konokuni], [konoyo], [konohosi], [konozidai] represents the space or time in which advertisers and consumers exist together, which is thought to have a function of inducing empathy from consumers who watch advertisements. Third, in the formal context, The consumer who are interested in the KO-series read catch-copy, sub-copy, and body copy to know what they instruct, which functions to induce consumers to look closely at the advertisement. Finally, as for the additional context, an example appeared in which the referent could be inferred through the formal context or the situational context. In this way, in the case of speculating the object of instruction through the primary context, the referent is not clear. In other words, it is thought that the additional context functions to focus on advertisements by making the object of instruction unclear.

In the financial commodity transaction, due to the asymmetric information, there is striking difference between financial service providers and financial consumers on how much they master the information. Financial consumers are obviously at an unfavourable position. In order to solve the asymmetric information between financial service providers and financial consumers and achieve the substantial equality between them, financial service providers need to fulfill the contracting explanation obligation. The contracting explanation obligation of regulation by private law is good for protecting the financial consumers and the healthy development of the financial market. At present, there are some defects in China contracting explanation obligation on the elements of reticent fraud, the legal provisions, the regulatory system and the Internet model. Based on the these defects, the paper gives some feasibility proposals.

在金融商品交易中, 由于金融服务者与金融消费者之间信息上不对称, 两者所掌握的信息 存在显著差距, 其中金融消费者处于明显不利地位。为了解决金融服务者与金融消费者的信息 不对称情况, 从而实现两者的实质平等, 金融服务者需要履行缔约说明义务。金融服务者缔约说 明义务的私法规制有利于保护金融消费者, 有利于金融市场的健康发展。目前, 中国缔约说明义 务在沉默欺诈构成要件、 法律规定、 监管体制和互联网模式下存在一定的缺陷。基于对这些缺陷 的考察, 本文提出相应的应对策略。

Han, Seung-Wu. 2013. A study on the correlation between demonstrative ｢ano｣ and ｢wa/ga｣ in japanese. Journal of Linguistic Studies 18(2), 87-100. 今まで松下大三朗(1930), 三上(1953）、久野暲(1973)、庵(1997）などの先行研究では、日本語の助詞｢は｣と｢が｣の区分をそれぞれ｢旧情報｣と｢新情報｣と述べている。しかし、筆者は｢旧情報｣と｢新情報｣に区分するより｢は｣は｢情報共有｣、｢が｣は｢意外性｣をもつことを主張したい。このような主張をもとにして｢あの｣が日本語助詞｢は｣と｢が｣がどのように選択されるかについての考察をしてみよう。久野（1973）は文脈指示の｢ア｣の出現を規定する原理は、次のとおりに述べている。｢代名詞が現実の世界における指示対象を話し手と聞き手の両方よく知っている場合にのみ使用される｣と述べている。つまり、｢あの｣が使用される場合は、話し手と聞き手の両方に精通し、名詞句を構成する際に日本語の助詞｢は｣は｢が｣を選択するコンテキストでは、松下大三朗(1930)、三上（1953）、久野（1973）、庵（1997）などが記述される旧情報である｢は｣を選択しなければならない一つの新情報である｢が｣が選択されている場合もある。以上のようなことで日本語の助詞｢は｣と｢が｣は、単に新情報と旧情報に分けるのではなく｢は｣は｢情報共有｣、｢が｣は｢意外性｣をもつと考えて、本研究を進めていきたい。(Daelim University)

A comprehensive account of the adnominal demonstrative expressions of contemporary Japanese has not been developed in the literature. In this article, we will address the six groups of adnominal demonstrative expressions, and reveal their functional differences through quantitative and qualitative analyses. The expressions of the kono-group refer to an entity or a single category (“unique reference”) and do not have the illustrative function of implicitly referring to other entities as an example of referents. Our analyses indicate that the expressions in the non-kono-groups are commonly characterized in that they exhibit illustrative reference but that they differ in terms of the manner of illustrative reference, the strength of illustrative reference, etc. The function of illustrative reference is especially tied to the konoyouna-group, the koushita-group, and the kouitta-group. The expressions in these groups do not have the function of unique reference. The expressions in the konoyouna-group illustratively refer to approximate referents. On the other, the expressions in the kouitta-group are associated with representative illustrations. The konna-group and the kouiu-group display both the function of illustrative reference and that of unique reference. The expressions in the konna-group tend to refer to unique entities when inherent and specific objects are referred to. Further, in the case of the cataphoric use, they may refer to unique entities when the content of referents (linguistic information) is presented sufficiently and non-excessively. Unique reference in the case of the cataphoric use is also observed in the expressions in the kouiu-group.

본 연구는 한국의 대학교에서 일본어를 전공, 비전공으로 배우고 있는 한국어 모어화자인 일본어 학습자를 대 상으로 일본어 지시어「コ·ソ·ア」습득 과정을 설문조사를 통해 그 결과를 분석 고찰했다. 설문조사는 송만익 (1991)의 일본어 지시어 분류에 의거하여 총 24항으로 현장지시(現場指示) 12항목, 비현장지시(非現場指示) 12항목으로 조사를 실시했다. 그중에서 현장지시의 결과에 중점을 두어 고찰해 보았다. 그 결과 비현장지시(非現場指示) 외에도 현장지시(現場指示) 도 습득의 어려움이 있으며 모어간섭(母語干渉· 正の言語転移·負の言語転移)에 의한 오용과 모어와 상관없이 나타나는 오용들도 있었다. 특히, 일본어 지시어 문법 간의 혼동에 의해 습득이 어려운 항목들도 있었다. 본 조사를 통해 한국어와 일본어가 1대1 대응하는 항 목의 지시용법도 습득이 어려움이 있으며 일본어 지시용법 간의 혼동으로 초급 때 학습한 지시용법이 중급 상 급까지 영향을 준다는 것을 이번 조사를 통해서 알게 되었다. 그리고 이번 조사를 통해 일본어 교육을 위한 확 실한 일본어 지시어 분류가 필요하다고 생각한다.