Earticle

본 연구는 복문으로 나타나는 일본어의 [知る]문과 이와 대응하는 한국어 [알다]문의 심층구조, 기능적 구조 그리고 표층구조의 특징으로 단문화현상을 고찰하였다. 구체적으로는 일본어의 [知る]문과 이와 대응하여 나타나는 한국어 [알다]문은 술어의 의미역으로 인해 심층구조에서 복문구조로 생성되지만 이들 구문들이 어떤 통사적 기능을 보이냐에 따라서 컨트롤구조와 상승구조로 구분할 수 있음을 명시하였다. 즉, [こと] 보문소를 취하는 일본어의 [知る]문과 [일] 보문소를 취하는 한국어 [알다]문은 상승구조이며, [の] 보문소를 취하는 [知る]문과 [것] 보문소를 취하는 [알다]문은 컨트롤구조임을 명시하였다. 이와 같은 통사구조를 제시하기 위하여 본 고찰에서는 관용표현이 이들 구문에서 어떠한 해석으로 나타나는지에 대한 의미해석을 이용하였다. 또한 일본어의 [知る]문과 한국어 [알다]문의 표층구조에서는 모두 단문구조가 갖는 통사현상이 나타난다는 사실을 분열문현상을 통해 제시함으로써 이들 구문에서 재구조화현상이 관찰된다는 사실을 명시하였다.

This study examines the syntactic structures and restructuring phenomena of the “siru” sentences in Japanese and the corresponding “alda” sentences in Korean that appear in complex sentences. More specifically, the study shows that although the “siru” sentences in Japanese and the corresponding “alda” sentences in Korean are formed as complex sentences in the deep structure due to the semantic role of the predicates, such syntactic structures can be divided into control structures or raising structures depending on the syntactic roles they perform. In a nutshell, the “siru” sentences in Japanese that take the complementizer of “koto” and the “alda” sentences in Korean that take the complementizer of “il” are of an raising structure, whereas the “siru” sentences that take the complementizer of “no” and “alda” sentences that take the complementizer of “geot” are of a control structure. To present such syntactic structures, this study focuses on the semantic phenomenon related to how idiomatic expressions are interpreted in such syntactic structures. In addition, this study shows that restructuring is observed in these syntactic structures, by demonstrating, through the incidences of cleft sentences, the fact that both the “siru” sentence in Japanese and the “alda” sentence in Korean show in their surface structure such syntactic phenomena as are found in simple-sentence structures.

본 연구는 일본어의 [V-続ける]문과 이와 대응하여 나타나는 한국어문의 통사구조들과 상적의미인 한계성 혹은 비한계성에 대해서 명시하였다. 특히 본 연구에서는 [V-続ける]문과 이와 대응하여 나타나는 한국어문인 [V-기-를-계속하다]문, [계속-V]문의 파생구조가 상승구조인지 컨트롤구조인지에 대해서 명시하였으며, 상적의미인 한계성과 비한계성이 각 문들에 어떻게 나타나는지를 제시하였다. 이와 같은 일본어의 [V-続ける]문과 이와 대응하는 한국어의 [V-기-를-계속하다]문, [계속-V]문의 통사구조와 상적 의미에 대한 분석은 5장 <표>와 같이 정리하여 나타낼 수 있다. 또한 5장 <표>로부터 일본어의 [V-続ける]문과 한국어 [V-기-를-계속하다]문, [계속-V]문이 대응하여 나타나는 이유에 대해서, [V-続ける]문과 [V-기-를-계속하다]문이 심층구조에서 상호 복문구조를 갖고, 파생구조에서는 상호 컨트롤구조를 공유하기 때문이며, 상적의미가 비한계성이라는 의미를 공유하고 있기 때문이라고 제시하였다. [V-続ける]문과 [계속-V]문이 상호 대응하여 나타나는 이유는 오로지 상적의미에 있어서 비한계성이라는 의미를 공유하고 있기 때문이라고 제시하였다.

This study considered the syntactic structures and aspect meanings of the Japanese “V-tuzukeru” sentence and its corresponding Korean sentences. This study also showed cause for the corresponding relationship between the Japanese “V-tuzukeru” sentence and Korean sentences. Especially the anlysis of the structures is focused on the derivation structures, whether it is a raising structure or a control structure. And the aspect meanings of the Japanese “V-tuzukeru” sentence and its corresponding Korean “V-gi-reul-gesokhada” sentence, “gesok-V” sentence are presented by telic and atelic. Through this analysis the corresponding relationship between the syntactic structures and aspectual meanings of the Japanese “V-tuzukeru” sentence and the Korean “V-gi-reul-gesokhada”, “gesok-V” sentence can be represented by in Section 5 Table. Also, based on Table, this study explains the reason for the corresponding relationship between the Japanese “V-tuzukeru” sentence and the Korean “V-gi-reul-gesokhada”, “gesok-V” sentence

This study aims to examine the language anxiety levels of 27 university students, and investigates the effects of drama activities on their levels of speaking anxiety as well as possible factors contributing to their anxiety during the drama activities. The data were gathered by means of a questionnaire, and a reflective journal. Descriptive statistics were used to determine the level of anxiety. The results revealed that a majority of students felt anxiety when speaking English in class. Most students’ anxiety has been reduced to a low level through the use of drama activities. In addition, students expressed positive opinions about using drama activities in speaking English. Based on these findings, some useful classroom implications for using drama based activities for decreasing EFL learners’ speaking anxiety. However, due to small scale research it has limitations to be generalized. Thus, larger scale research could be suggested for future research.

This paper is to map information structure into syntax structure by analysing Korean cleft sentences namely, 'Kesun' and 'Kinun' cleft sentence. The derivation of Korean cleft sentences is analyzed with two main ways, base generation and movement analysis. This paper insists that first, ‘Kesun’ cleft is the division by Topic and Identificational Focus and ‘Kinun’ cleft is the division by Contrastive Topic and Informational Focus. Second, basic syntactic function of the two cleft sentences in Korean is movement. and to support this movement, several functional categories are inserted, namely, a nominalizer ‘-n kes’ and ‘ki’, and Functional verb ‘-ida’. And the last, a basic tree diagram for Korean language is like the following. This tree diagram above shows that on the ground that ‘–n kes’ can accommodate tense and auxiliaries, Topic Phrase is located above ModP and because ‘-ki’ can accommodate Aspect and Root Verb, Contrastive Topic Phrase is located above AspP and under TP. Information structure believed to be located above syntactic structure can be clearly shown with this diagram and this can be applied to analyze not only cleft sentence but also information structrure related phenomena in korean language and even more to, hopefully, Indo-Eropean cleft setences.

본고는 시조의 핵심이라 할 수 있는 종장의 율격에 초점을 맞추어, 그 통사구조와 그 의미기능을 仙石 辛啓榮이 남긴 연시조, <田園四時歌>를 중심으로 하여 살피고자 한 시도이다. 시조에 대한 연구는 선 학들에 의해 지속적이고 다양한 방식으로 이루어졌으며, 그 결과로 많은 부분에서 성과를 거두었으며, 이는 종장에 있어서도 예외가 아니다. 하지만 필자는 종장이 지닌 특유의 통사적 구조와 그 의미기능 을 구체적인 작품 분석을 통하여 다시 확인하는 작업이 필요하다고 보고 논의를 진행하였다. 3장 6구 12음보로 정리되는 시조의 정형성은 시상의 흐름과 전환, 그리고 이를 통한 종결이라는 미학 을 실현하기에 적합한 양식이다. 그런데 이러한 시조의 미학적 특질의 핵심은 시조의 종장이 갖는 통 사구조와 밀접한 관련을 맺는다. 따라서 이러한 통사구조가 갖는 의미를 밝히기 위해서는 각각의 구조 적 단위들이 수행하는 기능을 함께 살펴야 할 필요성이 있다. 이를 위하여 본고에서는 시조 종장을 구 성하는 4개의 음보들이 갖는 통사구조적 특징과 그 의미기능을 아래와 같이 고찰하였다. 먼저 제 1음보는 통사적으로 감탄적 시어를 주로 배치하는 특징을 지닌다. 그리고 이는 시상의 효과적 인 전환을 모색하는 기능을 수행하는데 도움을 준다고 보았다. 다음으로 제 2음보의 경우에는 시조의 열 두 음보 중에서 유일한 과음보로서의 면모를 보여준다는 사실에 주목하였다. 대체로 3･4음절 내외 로 이루어지는 시조의 1음보는 지속을 통한 시상의 전개에 관여한다고 볼 수 있는데, 종장 제 2음보에 서는 5음절 이상으로 이루어진 과음보의 구조를 통해서 변화를 도모할 수 있게 된다. 그리고 이는 제 1 음보의 전환을 더욱 돋보이게 하는 기능을 아울러 수행한다고 보았다. 제 3음보는 제 2음보와는 다른 측면에서 독특한 모습을 지닌다. 시조의 각 장을 2개의 구로, 즉 시조를 6개의 구로 나누어 보면, 제 6 구에서만 앞의 음보가 뒤의 음보보다 큰 ‘평음보-소음보’의 역전된 구조로 되어 있음을 확인할 수 있기 때문이다. 필자는 이러한 이유를 종장 제 3음보가 지니는 시적 화자의 의지표명의 기능에 얹어 해명하 고자 하였다. 시조의 제일 마지막 음보를 문장의 종결어미에 견주어 볼 수 있다면, 종장 제 3음보는 화 자가 이르고자 하는 핵심적인 내용, 즉 의지를 표명하는 부분이라 할 수 있고, 이를 위해서 시조의 종 장 제 3음보는 의도적으로 평음보의 구조를 취하였다고 볼 수 있는 것이다. 그리고 이러한 선장후단의 구조는 마지막 6구의 분위기를 ‘상승 → 하강’으로 도치시킴으로서 작품의 종결을 예비하는 기능을 함 께 수행하는데 결정적인 역할을 한다고 볼 수 있는 것이다. 끝으로 제 4음보는 시상이 종결되는 곳으로 <전원사시가>의 경우에 있어서는, 앞선 제 3음보와의 관련성 속에서 ‘감탄형 종결’, ‘명령형 종결’, ‘의 지형 종결’의 셋으로 그 유형을 분류하여 고찰하였다.

This study is to find out the syntactic structure and meaning function of the last verse of the Sijo using the long Sijo titled “Jeonwonsasiga" authored by Sin Gye-Young (pen name: Seonseok). May studies have been made on Sijo (Korean traditional poem) works and accomplishments have been made to a certain extent. This applies to the last verse of the Sijo. However, as the detailed checking was needed for the special syntactic structure and its meaning in the last verse of Sijo, this study was conducted. The format of Sijo or 3 verses, 6 sections and 12 sound paces is a proper type for realizing the aesthetic characteristics of Sijo through the flow, conversion and finishing of ideas through it. The core of the aesthetic characteristics of Sijo is closely related to the syntactic structure of the last verse of Sijo. Accordingly, to find out the meaning of the syntactic structure, it is imperative to closely look at the functions of each structural parts of the last verse. For this purpose, the syntactic structure and its meaning have been studied as follows on the 4 sound paces constituting the last verse of Sijo. First, the first sound section usually displays the exclamatory words. It has been deemed to help to effectively convert the poem's idea. Next, in the second sound pace, it is characterized that is shows uniquely the over sound pace among 12 sound paces. Usually the first sound pace usually made of 3 and 4 sound parts is related to the development of the idea of Sijo. In the second sound pace of the final verse can plan a change through the over sound structure made of 5 sound parts or more. In addition, it has been deemed to more distinguish the conversion of the 1st sound pace. It shows the distinctive characteristic from other sound sections as in third and second sound paces. When each verse of Sijo is divided into two sections, one Sijo has 6 sections. In that case, it is found at the 6th section that there is a reverse of sequence such as “ordinary sound pace small sound pace" where the front sound pace is bigger than the last sound pace. The author tried to understand that by proposing that, the third sound pace has the function of the speaker's expression of the intention. If the last sound pace can be compared to the finishing words of a sentence, the third sound pace in the last verse can be said as the part for expressing the cores of the speakers. For this purpose, it can be said that the third sound pace of the last verse of Sijo gets the structure of ordinary sound pace. In addition, this front long and rear short structure made a critical role in preparing the finish of the Sijo by making its intonation form going up to going down. Finally, the fourth sound pace is the section where the idea of the Sijo is finished. In case of Jeonwonsasiga, it has been studied in relation to the first three sound paces by defining it into three types of ‘exclamatory finishing', ‘ordering finishing' and ‘will finishing' for studies.

This paper is to examine some aspects of topicalization and wh-construction in Korean Sign Language(KSL)through a comparative analysis to American Sign Language(ASL). It suggests that in KSL, there is not moved topicalization because grammatical marker, giving a very important influence to word order, does not east. And also wh-element should be in-situ, and the wh-element in final clausal position is a focus element which is base generated at head F of focus projection.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the characteristics of subject/object asymmetry observed in the acquisition process of tense phrase ellipsis (TP-ellipsis), specifically in the structure known as “sluicing,” by English-speaking children. The analysis is conducted through the lenses of intervention effects and Relativized Minimality. Methodologically, this study employs Merchant’s (2001) PF-deletion analysis and the “What You See Is What You Get” approach proposed by Culicover and Jackendoff (2005) to examine the internal syntactic structure of sluicing. The research reviews Wood’s (2009) grammaticality judgment tests on sluicing sentences conducted with two groups of English-speaking children, and Mateu and Hyams’s (2019) experiments investigating children’s comprehension of sluicing and relative clause structures with 60 English-speaking children. This study aims to observe the developmental timeline in which children comprehend sluicing structures, to connect the subject/object asymmetry and intervention effects with the principles of Minimalist Grammar, particularly through Relativized Minimality, and to provide robust evidence for the existence of an invisible syntactic structure TP within the ellipsis site of sluicing.

本稿では、韓日両言語の所有受動文の統語構造について考察し、所有受動文は統語的に単文構造をもつ直接受動文ではなく、複文構造をもつ間接受動文であることを明らかにする。 間接受動文は対応する能動文に現れない名詞句、或は能動文の必須項でない名詞句が受動文の主語になる。そのため、間接受動文は複文構造を成し、受動文の主語は主節の主語位置に基底生成される。所有受動文も能動文の必須項でない名詞句が受動文の主語になるので、所有受動文は複文構造をもつ間接受動文であると考えられる。しかし、所有受動文を間接受動文ではなく、単文構造をもつ直接受動文と見なす分析がある。所有受動文が対格重出の能動文から派生するとする分析と所有者繰り上げによって派生するとする分析である。本稿では、これらの分析における問題点を検討し、所有受動文を複文構造を持つ間接受動文と見なすことによってそれらの問題点が解決されることを明らかにする。 まず、所有受動文が対格重出の能動文から派生するとする分析については、全体名詞句の文法機能に関する議論と部分名詞句が文頭に語順かき混ぜされた文の適格性に関する考察を通して、その問題点を検証し、やはり所有受動文は複文構造をもつ間接受動文と見なすべきであることを主張する。 次に、所有受動文を所有者繰り上げによって派生するとする分析についても、部分名詞句を文頭に語順かき混ぜした文の適格性に関する考察を通して、所有受動文が複文構造の間接受動文であることを明確に示す。

漢語動詞を述語とする輕動詞構文は主題化,語順かき混ぜ,疑似分裂文化などとの統語現象において, 一律な振る舞いを見せるわけではない. 主題化などが適用された輕動詞構文は,その輕動詞構文に現れる動名詞が非對格の動名詞なのか或いはそれ以外の動名詞(非能格の動名詞や他動詞的な動名詞)なのかによって文の適格性が異なってくるのでれる. 本稿では主題化などの統語現象において,輕動詞構文間に見られる適格性の違いはそれぞわの輕動詞構文の統語構造か異なることから生じるものであると考え.生成文法の화조みの中で輕動詞構文の統語構造がどのように分析できるかについて考察を行う.そして,その考察の結果に基づき,二重對格の輕動詞構文に關しても考察を行う.本稿での考察結果は以下の四点にまとめられる. ①非對格の動名詞の場合,主題化,語順かき混ぜ.疑似分裂文化が適用されないのは,その主語が深層構造において目的語であることにより,적정속박조건の違反が起こるからである.これに對して,他動詞的な動名詞と非能格の動名詞の場合は,その主語が深層構造においても主語であるため,적정속박조건に違反せず,主題化などが適用され得るのである. ②非能格の動名詞と他動詞的な動名詞の場合,その主語は動名詞句の外側(つまり.輕動詞を主要部とする動詞句の指定部の位置)に生成される. ③兩言語の二重對格の輕動詞構文において,二番目の對格名詞句(卽ち動名詞句)に主題化,疑似分裂文化などが適用されないのは,二つの對格名詞句が統語構造上異なる位置に現れるからである. ④日本語でも少なくとも深層構造においては二重對格構文が許容される.

본 연구는 ‘-고 싶-’ 구문에서 ‘NP2’에 후행하는 ‘이/가’와 ‘을/를’의 교체 현상에 대한 중 국인 학습자들의 오류 양상을 분석하였다. 또한, ‘-고 싶-’ 구문의 통사구조를 재검토하였으 며 구어 말뭉치를 활용하여 ‘NP2이/가’에 후행하는 동사의 특징을 분석하였다. 중국인 학습 자들이 ‘-고 싶-’ 구문에서 소위 격조사 교체 현상을 인식하지 못하는 이유는 두 가지를 밝혔 다. 첫째, 중국어에는 격조사가 없기 때문에 중국인 학습자들이 격조사의 개념을 충분히 이해 하지 못한다. 둘째, 한국어의 ‘이/가’와 ‘을/를’은 각각 주격조사와 목적격조사로 교육되지만 실제로는 다른 용법으로도 사용된다. 이러한 이유로 소위 격조사 교체 현상의 본질과 ‘이/가’ 와 ‘을/를’의 정체성을 재규명할 필요성이 제기되었다. 본고는 ‘이/가’와 ‘을/를’을 격조사 체계 에서 벗어나 ‘도’, ‘는’과 같은 한정사로 보고 ‘이/가’가 타동 구문에서 ‘가형 목적어’의 기능을 하는 것으로 본다. 이를 바탕으로 ‘-고 싶-’ 구문의 통사구조를 ‘NP1(는) NP2-ø1-가 V고 싶다’와 ‘NP1(는) NP2-ø1-를 V고 싶다’ 두 가지로 제시하였다. 마지막으로 “국립국어원 맞 춤법 교정 말뭉치 2022(버전 1.0)”을 이용하여 ‘NP2이/가’가 약한 타동사와 더 잘 결합하는 경향성이 있음을 밝혔다.

This study analyzed the error patterns of Chinese learners regarding the alternation phenomenon of ‘i/ga’ and ‘eul/reul’ following NP2 in the ‘-go sip-’ construction. Additionally, it re-examined the syntactic structure of the '-go sip-' construction and using spoken language corpus, identified the characteristics of verbs following 'NP2-i/ga'. The reasons why Chinese learners fail to recognize the so-called case particle alternation phenomenon in the '-go sip-' construction were identified as two-fold. First, Chinese lacks case particles, which prevents Chinese learners from fully understanding the concept of case particles. Second, while 'i/ga' and 'eul/reul' are taught as nominative and accusative particles in Korean, they are also used in other ways in practice. For these reasons, the need to re-examine the essence of the so-called case particle alternation phenomenon and the identity of 'i/ga' and 'eul/reul' has been raised. This paper views 'i/ga' and 'eul/reul' not as case particles but as determiners like 'do' and 'neun', and considers 'i/ga' to function as a 'ga-type object' in transitive constructions. Based on this, the syntactic structure of the '-go sip-' construction was proposed as two types: 'NP1-(neun) NP2-ø1-ga Vgo sipda' and 'NP1-(neun) NP2-ø1-reul Vgo sipda'. Finally, using the "National Institute of Korean Language Spelling Correction Corpus 2022 (Version 1.0)", it was revealed that 'NP2-i/ga' tends to combine more frequently with weak transitive verbs.

명령은 화자가 청자에게 어떠한 행위를 해 줄 것을 요구하는 행위이다. 이런 명령은 언어적　의사소통에 있어서 반드시 필요한 것으로서 인간과 인간의 동작 및 인간관계와 밀접하게연관된다. 중국어와 한국어에 모두 명령문이 있으며 완전한 명령문의 문법적 구조를 구성하려면 양 언어 모두 네 가지 요소가 필요하다. 즉, 언어주체(S), 명령동사(V1), 행동주체(O), 동작행위(V2)이다. 중국어 명령문의 완전한 문법 구조는 “S+V1+O+V2” 이고 한국어는 “S는O에게 O가 V2(-어/아라)고 V1” 이며 보통 “O가 V2(-어/아라)”로 쓰인다. 이 논문에서는어휘문법적 층위에서 명령문을 구성하는 언어주체(S), 명령동사(V1), 행동주체(O), 동작행위(V2)가 중국어와 한국어에서 각각 어떻게 다르게 나타나는가 하는 것을 기술하고 대조분석했다. 이 논문에서 진행한 대조분석 연구는 한국어와 중국어의 명령문 관련　연구뿐만　아니라,그 결과물은 한국인을 위한 중국어교육과 중국인을 위한 한국어교육에 응용할 수 있으며 교재편찬, 문법표현의 배열, 학습자 오류의 해석 연구에 기초 자료가 된다.

Order is that a speaker asks a hearer for doing a thing. This order is whatis surely necessary for communication between human beings, and closelyrelated with human beings, and their movement, and interpersonalrelationship. Both of Chinese and Korean languages have imperative sentences, and bothneed four elements to form a syntactic structure of the perfect imperativesentence: the speaker (S), verb conveying an order (V1), performer of anaction(O), and action verb (V2). Complete syntactic structure in Chineselanguage is “S+V1+O+V2”, and imperative sentences in Korean“S+O+V2+V1”. This thesis described how differently the speaker (S), verbconveying an order (V1), performer of an action(O), and action verb (V2)comprising imperative sentences are appeared in Chinese and Koreanlanguages and carried out contrastive analysis in the lexical point of view. Contrastive analytical study conducted in this thesis can be of help to thestudies of Korean and Chinese imperative sentences, the results can be appliedto teach Chinese for Koreans and to teach Korean for Chinese people and canprovide basic information for compilation of teaching materials, arrangementof grammatical expression and interpretive study of leaners’ mistake.

The purpose of this paper is to study some phonological phenomena which may require direct reference to specific syntactic structure. Odden (1987,1990) shows that the Vowel Shortening rule in Kimatuumbi, which shortens the long vowel of a stem when it is the head of a phrase and is followed b some elements within the phrase, makes direct reference to labelled surface syntactic bracketing. But Cowper & Rice (1987) re-examine the phonological status of Kimatuumbi Vowel Shortening and show that it occurs within a prosodic domain as defined by Selkirk (1986). However, I discuss some examples Cowper & Rice cannot account for. Then, discussing the so-called `-ko ha-` delection in indirectly quoted sentences in Korean, I show that the deleted elements in indirectly quoted sentences are rhyme part /a/ of th Infl `-ta` and onset part /h/ of verb `ha-` along with Comp `ko,` Kwak (1992) argues that the prosodic domain for n-lateralization in l-n sould sequence in Korean is an intonational phrase. However, I show that in some cases l-delection occurs instead o f n-lateralzation in l-n sound sequence. It is shown that l-delection occurs only between a Verb which ends in lateral /l/ and Infl, Comp or Conj which begins with a nasal sound. Finally, in an attempt to show that l-delection is not the only postlexical rule which requires direct reference to specific syntactic structure such as `between V and Infl, Comp or conj,` I discuss Predicate Tensing in Korean. I show that Predicate Tensing, whereby lenis obstruents are tensed after a verb stem which ends in a nasal, is also a postlexical rule in that it occurs between V which ends in a nasal and Infl, Comp or Conj which begins with a lenis obstruent.

The dictionary related with words has many information, for example, their lexical meaning, morphological information and syntactic information, etc. However, for the dictionary of existing information which relates with the inner structure of a word is not accurate and detailed. The inner structure of a word has very important morphological information such as a word's formation process, productivity of a word's constituent units, etc. None the less, representations of a words' inner structure in the dictionaries of existing are not correct and are optional as well. This study attempts to describe correctly the inner structure of syntactical words in the dictionaries. In Korean, the syntactic word's structures have three types such as a ‘X-ending-X’ type, a ‘X-X-ending’ type and a ‘X-ending’ type. They have two basis and a ending in common. In Korean dictionaries, these three types have the inner structure as follows; (1) ‘X-ending-X’ type → [ X - ending ][ X ], (2) ‘X-X-ending’ type → [[ X ] [ X ] ending ], or [ X ] [[ X ] ending ], (3) ‘X-ending’ type → [[ X ] ending ]. In these cases, [ ] is indicated a synchronic unit or synchronic relations between units, and - is indicated a diachronic unit or diachronic relations between units.

This paper deals with the syntactic properties and structure of the English ‘contact clauses’ in the sense of Jespersen (1909-49). It first reviews the syntactic properties which distinguish between restrictive and non-restrictive full relative clauses in English and also their syntactic structures proposed in the previous literature. Then it discusses the syntactic properties and structure of the contact clauses in English. It is proposed in this paper that the category of the contact clause is TP, rather than CP. Contact clauses display the diagnostics of a syntactic A'-chain, and this paper argues that the relative head (the node to which the relative modifier is adjoined) is an A'-position which directly binds into the relativized position. Essentially, contact clauses are restrictive relative clauses which simply lack the apparatus of the syntactic operator movement