Earticle

본 논문에서는, 한국어와 일본어의 한어동사를 둘러싼 여러 가지 현상에 대해서 고찰하였다. 특히 한어동사의 보이스체계의 변화라는 관점에 대해서, 일본어와 한국어 대응 관계를 보다 명확히 하는 것을 목적으로 하였다. 그 결과 어느 한쪽의 한어의 형태가 존재하는 경우와, 동일한 한어를 사용하여 동사화했을 경우에 양 언어의 상이한 양상을 보이는 것이 확인되었다. 게다가 양 언어의 자동사와 타동사의 관계 차이를 검토한 결과, 같은 한어동사라고 해도 사전에 의한 그 분류의 기준이 일치하지 않는 것을 확인하였다. 마지막으로 일본어의 「한어する」에 대한 「한어하다」와 「한어되다」의 대응관계에 있어서, 어느 한정된 한어명사를 대상으로 시대별 사전을 통해 조사ㆍ분류하였다. 그 결과 종래의 한국어의 「한어하다」와 「한어되다」의 대응관계가 세력범위의 변화라는 새로운 시점을 통하여, 「한어가다」도 포함하여 양 언어의 한어동사의 유형을 보다 명확히 설명할 수 있었다.

This thesis studies several phenomena concerning the Chinese loanword verbs between Korean and Japanese. Particularly, from the perspective of the change in voice system of the Chinese loanword verb, the purpose of this research is to make it much clearer to understand the corresponding relation between Japanese and Korean. The result shows that, in case of one existing part of the form of Chinese loanword, and using the same Chinese loanword, to verbify it, there were different aspects between both languages. In addition, regarding the intransitive verb and the transitive verb of both languages, as a result of reviewing the difference, even with the same Chinese loanword verb, by using the dictionary, it has been confirmed that there was no coincidence of the standard of classification. Finally, for the Chinese loanword ‘suru’ for Japanese, when it comes to a corresponding relation with the Chinese loanword ‘hada’ and Chinese loanword ‘deada,’ the limited Korean nouns, through the chronological dictionaries, have been studied and classified. As a result, from the new viewpoint of the corresponding relation of the traditional Chinese loanword ‘hada’ and Chinese loanword ‘deada,’ which was the change of one's domain, it was possible to make a clear explanation of the type of the Chinese loanword verbs of both languages including the Chinese loanword ‘gada.’

본고는 최근 신어에서 나타나는 1음절 한자어가 접두사적 용법으로 사용되는 현상을 고찰해 보고, ‘의미 변화’를 중심으로 이런 현상이 일어나는 원인에 대해 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 특히, 1음절 한자어의 어근, 접사 여부를 놓고 여러 연구에서 다양한 의견들이 있었는 데, 본고는 ‘의미 변화’를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 지금까지 한자어 어근과 접미사로 다루어 졌던 ‘국’, ‘상’ 등은 일부 어기와 결합되면서 기존의 의미를 잃고 새로운 의미를 가지게 되었다. 접두사적으로 사용된 ‘국’과 ‘상’이 결합한 단어에서는 이들이 원래 의미와는 다른 의미로 사용되었음을 알 수 있었다. 본고는 이들이 실제 언론 기사에서는 어떤 방식으로 사용됐는지 살펴보고 이들과 결합하는 어기의 특징에 대해서도 알아보았다. 마찬가지로 자립명사로 쓰이는 ‘금’, ‘광’, ‘핵’ 등도 기존의 의미와는 다른 추상적인 의미 를 얻게 됨으로써 접두사적 용법으로 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다. 특히 자립명사가 접사화되는 것은 일종의 ‘문법화’ 과정으로도 볼 수 있는데, 본고에서는 어떤 문법화 기제 로 이런 현상이 일어나는지 살펴보았다. 또 이들과 결합하는 어기의 특징과 제약에 대해서도 다양한 사례들을 통해 알아보았다. 아울러 추상적 의미를 가지게 된 ‘금’, ‘광’, ‘핵’ 등이 실제로 언어 현실에서 어떤 방식으로 사용되는지 언론 기사를 통해 확인해 보았다. 특히 언중들은 이들을 접두사적 용법으로 인지하고 다양한 신어를 만드는데 사용하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

This study aims to examine the recent phenomenon of one-syllable Sino-Korean words being used as prefixes in new words, and to examine the reasons for this phenomenon, focusing on 'semantic variation'. In particular, there are various opinions in the studies on the root and affix of Sino-Korean words, and we will focus on the semantic variation. The words ‘nation(國)’ and ‘up(上)’, which have been treated as root and suffix, have lost their original meaning and acquired new meanings when combined with some words. In this study, we'll look at how these words are used in real-life media articles, and the characteristics of the bases they are combined with. Similarly, 'gold(金)', 'light(光)', 'nuclear(核)' which are used as nouns, have acquired 'abstract meanings' and are being used as prefixes. In particular, the process of affixation of independent nouns can be seen as a kind of 'grammaticalization' process, and this study examines what kind of grammaticalization mechanisms cause this phenomenon. We will also study the features and limitations of base that combine with prefixes through various examples. We also examined how abstract words such as 'gold', 'light' and 'nuclear' are used in real life through media articles. In particular, we found that people recognized them as prefixes and used them to create various new words.

중국의 보통화(표준어)와 기타 방언을 보면, 어휘 형식이 문법 형식보다 우위를 차지하 는 모습을 보이는데, 왜 안국 방언에서는 문법 형식이 더욱 우세할까? 본문은 안국 방언 중 “VO”와 “Vde(得)O”의 대립 현상을 문법화의 새로운 패러다임으로 간주하고 이는 두 개의 상대적인 의미 범주가 두 종류의 대립적인 문법 구조로 문법화된 것임을 알 수 있 었다. 표면적으로 볼 때, 이 두 종류의 대립적 구조는 ‘인위적으로’ 형성된 것이 아닌‘V得O’는 자체적인 발전 법칙에 따라 연동식에서 동목식으로 변화하여 ‘주동’과 ‘VO’가 대립하지 않게 되면서 두 개의 대립적 구조가 자연스럽게 형성된 것이라고 할 수 있다. 그래서 안국 방언을 보면, 동작의 주관적인 가능성을 나타낼 때는 ‘V唠’ 형식을 사용하지만, 객관적인 가능성을 표현하고자 하는 경우 ‘V得唠’를 사용하고 있다. 그러나 보통화에서는 이러한 의미는 구조의 대립이 아닌 ‘能’이라는 어휘 형식을 빌려 표현한다. 또한 안국 방언에서 ‘V得O’의 생성은 연결사 ‘是’와 유사한 부분이 있지만 다른 점도 존재한다. 공통점으로는 모두 의미의 대립을 지니고 있다는 것이며, 차이점으로는 연결사 ‘是’는 빈 항목을 보충하고 있는데 반해, 안국 방언의 ‘V得O’는 문법 형식이 어휘 형식을 대체하고 있다는 것이다. 다양한 방언 속에서 문법 현상의 발전은 불균형하게 나타난다. 그 과정을 살펴보면, 대상을 표현하는 경우, 보통화에서는 문맥과 어휘 수단이 문법 수단보다 우위를 차지하는 반면, 안국 방언에서는 문법 수단이 다른 두 가지 수단보다 더욱 우세함을 알 수 있었다. ‘VO’와 ‘V得O’의 대립은 안국 방언 외에 허베이성 중부지역의 보예(博野)、리셴(蠡县)、 왕두(望都)、딩저우(定州)、칭위안(清苑) 등에서도 그 예를 살펴볼 수 있어서 추후 더욱 심도 있는 조사가 필요할 것으로 보인다.

There is a systematic opposition between “VO” and “Vde(得)O” in Anguo(安国) dialect. “VO” means the source and “Vde(得)O” means the object. “de(得)”in “Vde(得)O” is an auxiliary word. “Vde (得)O” comes from verb-sequence construction “Vde(得)O”. The emergence of “Vde(得)O” has a great influence on the related linguistic phenomena in Anguo(安国) Dialect: in modern Chinese and Mandarin, the source and the object need to be distinguished by means of lexical meaning or context; In Anguo(安国) dialect, source and object are represented by structure. “Vde(得)O” also has an influence on the usage of some “V”: some words, such as “bai(败)”, “shu(输)”, carry the causative object in Beijing dialect, while they can carry the recipient object in Anguo(安国) dialect. The main text considers the confrontation between “VO” and “Vde(得)O” in the Anguo(安国) dialect as a new paradigm for grammaticalization, and it can be seen that the relative semantic categories are grammaticalized with two types of opposing grammatical structures. The development of grammatical phenomena in various dialects appears disproportionately. Looking at the process, in the case of expressing an object, context and lexical means take precedence over grammatical means in Standard Mandarin(普通话), whereas grammatical means dominates over the other two means in Anguo(安国) dialect. The confrontation between 'VO' and 'V得O' can be seen in the central Hebei(河北省) province in addition to the Anguo(安国) dialect, so a more in-depth investigation is required in the future.

‘개’는 한중 모두에게 일상적이고 친숙한 동물이었으나 한중 두 언어에 나타난 ‘개’는 대부분 부정적인 함의를 지니고 있다. 그러나 오늘날 ‘개’에 대한 사회 문화적 관점이 변화함에 따라 그것이 지닌 부정적 의미도 다소 퇴화된 경향이 있다. 부정적 의미의 퇴화는 한국어 ‘개’와중국어 ‘狗’의 사용 범위를 확대하고 사용의 빈도를 높이는데 일조하게 되었으며, 나아가 최근한중 두 언어에서 출현한 ‘개’와 관련한 신조어들은 새로이 고정된 표현 방식의 하나로 자리잡게 되었다. 한국어의 ‘개’는 기존의 다양한 접두사 의미들 속에서 폄하의 의미가 제거된 채‘강조’의 역할을 하는 정도부사로 확대 활용되고 있다. 또 중국어의 ‘狗’는 외연 의미가 확대되어 폄하의 의미 없이 다양한 부류의 사람들을 지칭하는 접미사나 상태, 행위를 강조하는 정도보어와 같은 역할로 다양하게 활용되고 있다.

Even though ‘dog’ was a daily and familiar animal in both Korea and China, a word ‘dog’ shown in both languages mostly has negative implies. However, with the current change in the sociocultural perspective on ‘dog’, its negative meanings have been degraded a bit. The degradation of negative meanings contributed to the expansion of use range of the word ‘dog’ in Korean and Chinese, and also to increase the frequency of its use. Moreover, the recent ‘dog’-related neologism appearing in both languages has been settled down as a newly-fixed expression method. The word ‘dog’ in Korean is expansively used as a degree adverb with a role of ‘emphasis’ as the meaning of derogation is eliminated in meanings of the existing diverse prefixes. Also, in case of the word ‘dog’ in Chinese, its external meaning has been expanded, so that it is diversely used for the role of degree adverb emphasizing state/behavior or suffix referring to diverse people without the meaning of derogation.

본고는 90년대　이후의 중국어법학계의 配价理论 标记理论 认知语法 등 중국어　어법이론　범주의 연구동향 및 연구성과에 대하여 살펴보았다. 중국어 어법이론연구는 80년대를시작으로 이전과는 달리 새로운 연구동향이 나타났고. 특히 90년도 중반부터는 서구의 언어학이론을 운용하여 중국어 고유의 어법체계를 확립하는데 주력하여 연구영역、연구이론 및연구방법 등 많은 부분에서 눈부시게 발전했으며, 상당한 수준의 연구 성과가 이루어졌다. 본고는 90년대 이후의 관련 현황을 살펴보고, 연구 성과에 대하여 간단하게 정리， 평가를하였고 동시에 연구 과제별로 나누어 좀 더 심도 있게 분석하였다. 아울러 이 시기에 보여지는 몇 가지 특징적인 연구동향들을 정리、분석、평가하였으며 앞으로 좀 더 깊이 있게 연구가치가 있다고 생각되는 과제들을 제시함으로써 관련연구의 앞으로의 전망도 제시하였다이를 중국어 어법이론 연구 및 중국어 어법교학에 도움이 되리라고 생각한다.

There have been many influential research accomplishments in Chinese grammar both at home and abroad , quite a few of which have been made by scholars’ exposure to the language reality, their rigorous study style and great concentration on research, and many of which have been made by learning from and drawing on the oversea linguistic theories and approaches. The development of the language discipline requires everyone, in fact, everyone has such responsibility, to create new originative theories and approaches of language research analysis on the basis of taking Chinese for a major. This paper summarizes the developing survey and the research situation of Chinese Cognit ive　Grammar, and points out the problems of research. The author thinks this kind of g rammar research　has a very good prospect． This paper describes the valency theory markedness theory and congnitive theory of grammar as well as in China's development research, pointed out the problems and shortcomings, suggests future research directions.

The objective of this paper is to explore grammaticalization of top-bottom relational terms top and bottom into locative markers on top of and at the bottom of. Cross-linguistically, it has been observed that spatial notions often grammaticalize into locative markers, i.e. primary or complex prepositions. In English, of various spatial notions, top-bottom relational concepts also show gradual and intriguing developments, typically marking hierarchical conditions of status, position, state, or quality in addition to basic spatial notions. This paper describes such a semantic extension of top-bottom notion: [relational concepts >> spatial concepts >> abstract concepts], that occurred in the course of grammaticalization, based on semantic designations provided in the Oxford English Dictionary (2nd ed., 1991). In order to illustrate how particular meanings and semantic changes of top-bottom concepts evolve, basic cognitive mechanisms of semantic change are invoked here to explain such semantic changes, i.e. metaphor and metonymy. For investigating of structural development, i.e. from nominal sources in genitive construction [on-[the.top]-of-NP] into prepositional phrasal constructions [on-top-of-NP], this paper also shows the process of the formal development, focusing on 'reanalysis' which is defined as the reinterpreting or rebracketing of old structure. Furthermore, this paper deals with the functional-semantic specialization of the locative markers within the same semantic domain by using such corpora as MICASE, LOB, and Brown corpus. Finally, this paper discusses on the degree of grammaticality of the locative markers within the same category on the basis of their morphological weight and frequency occurrence, employing corpus data provided from the three corpora.

This paper addresses the Korean plural suffix -tul which started out as a noun with the meaning of ‘others (of a similar kind)’ or ‘these (just listed)’ and grammaticalized into a bound plural suffix. One peculiarity in Present-Day Korean is that it became reanalyzed as a formant whose function is not merely a pluralizer but also a discourse marker signaling the speaker's attitudes. Its development presents a number of intriguing aspects of grammaticalization. It shows not only the traditional [lexical > grammatical] change but also [grammatical > discourse] change. It also exhibits ‘persistence’ in that its presence usually implies plurality of the sentential subject. Further, it strongly suggests that language users often use intercategorial analogy in grammaticalization, a point argued for in recent literature. This paper shows the intercategorial fluidity that lingers around the grammaticalizing form and intersubjectification that constantly pushes a form into the interpersonal domain.

This paper attempts to account for synchronic and diachronic aspects of the syntactic status of the to-infinitive particle in English. From the perspective of grammaticalization, the to-infinitive particle is discussed to be an inseparable affix in the inflected infinitive PP which changes into a head of TP by P-to-T movement after the inflectional reduction. I show that the to-infinitive particle exhibits tense/modal/aspectual distinctions. The proved paths of grammaticalization from the lexical/semantic features to the functional/formal features, and from the concrete features to the abstract features are in support of the current syntactic structure of the split TP {MP-TP-AspP} where MP is selected by C, TP by M and AspP by T.

This paper analyzes the grammaticalization of English modals. The comparison of the diachronic versions of the Bible clearly shows that the grammaticalization of English modals has been developing gradually and not abruptly. To explain the gradual stages of the grammaticalization of modals within generative grammar, I propose that parameter-resetting of diachronic changes is a result of the change of the status of markedness, especially concerning English modals. As the rate of occurrence of modals as lexical verbs and auxiliaries overlaps and crosses each other, the parameter-resetting occurs, which changes the status of the unmarkedness of the modals as lexical verbs to marked lexical verbs. In Shin (1992; 2006; 2019), I find evidence of English reflexivization, null-subject parameter including impersonal verbs, and the change of English word order. Another evidence is that of Fischer et al. (2000:17―8). After the date of the assumed parameter-resetting of the inherent case’s availability in the second half of the thirteenth century, examples of adjective followed by a PP can still be found, side by side with the former adjective + object. A universal evidence besides English is that of the present-day Chinese yào, which functions either as a lexical verb “want” or an auxiliary verb “will,” like the OE willan.

My observations show that the preterit and the HAVE perfect are in free variation with the HAVE perfect marked in Old English, and rather unmarked in Middle English with reference to my markedness theory (Shin 1992). The grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect starts or strengthens in the Middle English Wycliffe Version influenced by French passé composé. It shows correspondence to the English HAVE perfect in that besides the meaning of the preterit like that of Anglo-Saxon and Wycliffe, it also commutes with the English HAVE perfect in function and form with the distinction of être and avoir depending on the verb. The ratio of the Wycliffe of 98 HAVE perfects versus 71 preterits in comparison with the ratio of AS 0 HAVE perfect versus 167 preterits shows this stage of grammaticalization. The grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect was (almost) established around the early period of Early Modern English (1500-1800), Tyndale and King James Versions with the BE perfect still in variation with it in a few cases (17 and 18, respectively). The final stage of the grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect with the disappearance of the BE perfect and new appearance of the Present perfect progressive (continuous) has arrived by the end of the nineteenth century, or in Late Modern English or Present English.

The aim of this paper is to discuss grammaticalization process ofthe three Korean sentence endings -canha, -ketun, and –nikka through the reviewof previous literature. These sentential-end markers in modern Korean historicallyevolved from connective markers (Lee & Park 1999; Koo & Rhee 2000). Thereview shows the evolution of these grammatical forms with new functions. Theoverview of studies also suggests that Korean as an agglutinativeSubject-Object-Verb language with rich morphological devices has a uniquepattern of grammaticalization contrary to that which occurs in Indo-Europeanlanguages, which are widely examined in grammaticalization studies.

This paper is to advance two mechanisms of linguistic change which are responsible for the process of grammaticalization of four English derivational suffixes, -dom, -hood, -ship, and -ly. They are reanalysis and analogy. Reanalysis refers to a process whereby speakers interpret linguistic categories differently causing change in boundaries, the most typical example being a compounding. Analogy refers to an extension of a certain rule or structure to other domains. Reanalysis is responsible for reinterpretation of a category into a different one; analogy causes a linguistic item to acquire a new categorical status. It is proposed in this paper that the diachronic development of the four English bound suffixes took place through the work of these two processes. All of these affixes were originally independent lexical items. But when they came after a certain noun, they were reinterpreted (or reanalyzed) as a part of the previous noun, creating a possible ground for it to be reinterpreted as a new category (i.e., suffix). Once reinterpreted, they were spread (or anaologically extended) to other nouns, eventually gaining firm affixal stata. The instantiation of mechanisms for this morphologization process indicates that many linguistic changes are not just historical changes that happened by accident but are systematic changes which are based on universal, human cognition.

This paper examines the grammaticalization of the negative adverbs kyeltankho/ kyelkho and kessite ‘never’ in Korean and Japanese from the viewpoint of language contact. In previous research, kyeltankho, kyelkho and kessite have been considered the same expression. However, this view requires modification. In fact, kyeltankho has undergone degrammaticalization from an NPI, unlike kyelkho and kessite in the modern languages. Specifically, until the middle of the 20th century, kyeltankho was more grammaticalized as an NPI than kyelkho, but since the middle of the 20th century, kyeltankho has undergone degrammaticalization from an NPI under pressure from kyelkho. In other words, kyeltankho has not progressed to Stage 3 as an NPI and has lost its grammatical features as an NPI. This paper argues that the main reason for this linguistic phenomenon is language contact with Japanese. This paper presents (i) the grammaticalization processes of kyeltankho and (ii) five pieces of evidence to support the above claims.

This paper clarifies the grammaticalization of a single form that belongs to multiple grammatical categories, specifically considering the so-called sono-ta hitei expressions hoka, kiri, shika, and pakk-ey ‘only’ in Japanese and Korean. These expressions behave as both negative polarity items (NPIs) and adverbial particles. The arguments of this paper are as follow: (i) These expressions are characterized by the following generalizations: The grammaticalization of adverbial particles and NPIs occurs at about the same time. Likewise, degrammaticalization of these grammar categories also occurs at around the same time. (ii) The reason for this could be that adverbial particles and NPIs belong to the same category, that is, the minor category. (iii) If a single grammatical form has more than one minor category, these categories possess a strong grammatical feature like a group. Therefore, they behave in the same manner when entering or exiting a minor category.

The purpose of this article is to examine the various forms of ‘pota’ and then to examine the its grammaticalization process an d features. The grammaticalization process was divided into thre e categories such as 'generalization of meaning, abstraction of m eaning, and acquisition of grammatical meaning'. Furthermore, b ased on such categories, the grammaticalization degree and char acteristics of ‘pota’ were also examined. As the grammarization process of ‘pota’ is radioactive, it cannot be set as a regular gra mmarization process, and it is used in a variety of ways such a s main verb, auxiliary verb/clitics construction, and postpositiona l particle/adverb. The meaning of the verb ‘pota’ is generalized from the meanin g of ‘見’ to the meaning of sensory behavior and sensory percep tion. Later, as the stage on abstraction of meaning was passed t hrough, the verb ‘pota’ lost the meaning of '見' and it has been used as an auxiliary verb or clitics construction. Furthermore, th e verb ‘pota’ becomes grammaticalization as the comparison post positional particle ‘pota’ and the adverb ‘pota’ in charge of gram matical functions.

The purpose of this article is to examine the various forms of ‘pota’ and then to examine the its grammaticalization process and features. The grammaticalization process was divided into three categories such as 'generalization of meaning, abstraction of meaning, and acquisition of grammatical meaning'. Furthermore, based on such categories, the grammaticalization degree and characteristics of ‘pota’ were also examined. As the grammarization process of ‘pota’ is radioactive, it cannot be set as a regular grammarization process, and it is used in a variety of ways such as main verb, auxiliary verb/clitics construction, and postpositional particle/adverb. The meaning of the verb ‘pota’ is generalized from the meaning of ‘見’ to the meaning of sensory behavior and sensory perception. Later, as the stage on abstraction of meaning was passed through, the verb ‘pota’ lost the meaning of '見' and it has been used as an auxiliary verb or clitics construction. Furthermore, the verb ‘pota’ becomes grammaticalization as the comparison postpositional particle ‘pota’ and the adverb ‘pota’ in charge of grammatical functions.