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This paper addresses the Korean plural suffix -tul which started out as a noun with the meaning of ‘others (of a similar kind)’ or ‘these (just listed)’ and grammaticalized into a bound plural suffix. One peculiarity in Present-Day Korean is that it became reanalyzed as a formant whose function is not merely a pluralizer but also a discourse marker signaling the speaker's attitudes. Its development presents a number of intriguing aspects of grammaticalization. It shows not only the traditional [lexical > grammatical] change but also [grammatical > discourse] change. It also exhibits ‘persistence’ in that its presence usually implies plurality of the sentential subject. Further, it strongly suggests that language users often use intercategorial analogy in grammaticalization, a point argued for in recent literature. This paper shows the intercategorial fluidity that lingers around the grammaticalizing form and intersubjectification that constantly pushes a form into the interpersonal domain.

This paper attempts to account for synchronic and diachronic aspects of the syntactic status of the to-infinitive particle in English. From the perspective of grammaticalization, the to-infinitive particle is discussed to be an inseparable affix in the inflected infinitive PP which changes into a head of TP by P-to-T movement after the inflectional reduction. I show that the to-infinitive particle exhibits tense/modal/aspectual distinctions. The proved paths of grammaticalization from the lexical/semantic features to the functional/formal features, and from the concrete features to the abstract features are in support of the current syntactic structure of the split TP {MP-TP-AspP} where MP is selected by C, TP by M and AspP by T.

This paper analyzes the grammaticalization of English modals. The comparison of the diachronic versions of the Bible clearly shows that the grammaticalization of English modals has been developing gradually and not abruptly. To explain the gradual stages of the grammaticalization of modals within generative grammar, I propose that parameter-resetting of diachronic changes is a result of the change of the status of markedness, especially concerning English modals. As the rate of occurrence of modals as lexical verbs and auxiliaries overlaps and crosses each other, the parameter-resetting occurs, which changes the status of the unmarkedness of the modals as lexical verbs to marked lexical verbs. In Shin (1992; 2006; 2019), I find evidence of English reflexivization, null-subject parameter including impersonal verbs, and the change of English word order. Another evidence is that of Fischer et al. (2000:17―8). After the date of the assumed parameter-resetting of the inherent case’s availability in the second half of the thirteenth century, examples of adjective followed by a PP can still be found, side by side with the former adjective + object. A universal evidence besides English is that of the present-day Chinese yào, which functions either as a lexical verb “want” or an auxiliary verb “will,” like the OE willan.

My observations show that the preterit and the HAVE perfect are in free variation with the HAVE perfect marked in Old English, and rather unmarked in Middle English with reference to my markedness theory (Shin 1992). The grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect starts or strengthens in the Middle English Wycliffe Version influenced by French passé composé. It shows correspondence to the English HAVE perfect in that besides the meaning of the preterit like that of Anglo-Saxon and Wycliffe, it also commutes with the English HAVE perfect in function and form with the distinction of être and avoir depending on the verb. The ratio of the Wycliffe of 98 HAVE perfects versus 71 preterits in comparison with the ratio of AS 0 HAVE perfect versus 167 preterits shows this stage of grammaticalization. The grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect was (almost) established around the early period of Early Modern English (1500-1800), Tyndale and King James Versions with the BE perfect still in variation with it in a few cases (17 and 18, respectively). The final stage of the grammaticalization of the HAVE perfect with the disappearance of the BE perfect and new appearance of the Present perfect progressive (continuous) has arrived by the end of the nineteenth century, or in Late Modern English or Present English.

The aim of this paper is to discuss grammaticalization process ofthe three Korean sentence endings -canha, -ketun, and –nikka through the reviewof previous literature. These sentential-end markers in modern Korean historicallyevolved from connective markers (Lee & Park 1999; Koo & Rhee 2000). Thereview shows the evolution of these grammatical forms with new functions. Theoverview of studies also suggests that Korean as an agglutinativeSubject-Object-Verb language with rich morphological devices has a uniquepattern of grammaticalization contrary to that which occurs in Indo-Europeanlanguages, which are widely examined in grammaticalization studies.

This paper examines the grammaticalization of the negative adverbs kyeltankho/ kyelkho and kessite ‘never’ in Korean and Japanese from the viewpoint of language contact. In previous research, kyeltankho, kyelkho and kessite have been considered the same expression. However, this view requires modification. In fact, kyeltankho has undergone degrammaticalization from an NPI, unlike kyelkho and kessite in the modern languages. Specifically, until the middle of the 20th century, kyeltankho was more grammaticalized as an NPI than kyelkho, but since the middle of the 20th century, kyeltankho has undergone degrammaticalization from an NPI under pressure from kyelkho. In other words, kyeltankho has not progressed to Stage 3 as an NPI and has lost its grammatical features as an NPI. This paper argues that the main reason for this linguistic phenomenon is language contact with Japanese. This paper presents (i) the grammaticalization processes of kyeltankho and (ii) five pieces of evidence to support the above claims.

This paper clarifies the grammaticalization of a single form that belongs to multiple grammatical categories, specifically considering the so-called sono-ta hitei expressions hoka, kiri, shika, and pakk-ey ‘only’ in Japanese and Korean. These expressions behave as both negative polarity items (NPIs) and adverbial particles. The arguments of this paper are as follow: (i) These expressions are characterized by the following generalizations: The grammaticalization of adverbial particles and NPIs occurs at about the same time. Likewise, degrammaticalization of these grammar categories also occurs at around the same time. (ii) The reason for this could be that adverbial particles and NPIs belong to the same category, that is, the minor category. (iii) If a single grammatical form has more than one minor category, these categories possess a strong grammatical feature like a group. Therefore, they behave in the same manner when entering or exiting a minor category.

The purpose of this article is to examine the various forms of ‘pota’ and then to examine the its grammaticalization process an d features. The grammaticalization process was divided into thre e categories such as 'generalization of meaning, abstraction of m eaning, and acquisition of grammatical meaning'. Furthermore, b ased on such categories, the grammaticalization degree and char acteristics of ‘pota’ were also examined. As the grammarization process of ‘pota’ is radioactive, it cannot be set as a regular gra mmarization process, and it is used in a variety of ways such a s main verb, auxiliary verb/clitics construction, and postpositiona l particle/adverb. The meaning of the verb ‘pota’ is generalized from the meanin g of ‘見’ to the meaning of sensory behavior and sensory percep tion. Later, as the stage on abstraction of meaning was passed t hrough, the verb ‘pota’ lost the meaning of '見' and it has been used as an auxiliary verb or clitics construction. Furthermore, th e verb ‘pota’ becomes grammaticalization as the comparison post positional particle ‘pota’ and the adverb ‘pota’ in charge of gram matical functions.

The purpose of this article is to examine the various forms of ‘pota’ and then to examine the its grammaticalization process and features. The grammaticalization process was divided into three categories such as 'generalization of meaning, abstraction of meaning, and acquisition of grammatical meaning'. Furthermore, based on such categories, the grammaticalization degree and characteristics of ‘pota’ were also examined. As the grammarization process of ‘pota’ is radioactive, it cannot be set as a regular grammarization process, and it is used in a variety of ways such as main verb, auxiliary verb/clitics construction, and postpositional particle/adverb. The meaning of the verb ‘pota’ is generalized from the meaning of ‘見’ to the meaning of sensory behavior and sensory perception. Later, as the stage on abstraction of meaning was passed through, the verb ‘pota’ lost the meaning of '見' and it has been used as an auxiliary verb or clitics construction. Furthermore, the verb ‘pota’ becomes grammaticalization as the comparison postpositional particle ‘pota’ and the adverb ‘pota’ in charge of grammatical functions.

본 연구는 『좌전』에 나타난 ‘위(为)’와 ‘견(见)’ 수동표지의 문법화 과정을 체계적으로 분석하였다. 연구 결과에 따르면, 『좌전』에서 ‘위’ 구문은 총 12예(92.3%)로 압도적인 빈도를 보인 반면 ‘견’ 구문은 단 1예만 확인되었다. 이는 두 표지의 기능적 차이를 반영하는 것으로, ‘위’는 서사적 맥락에서 사건의 책임 소재를 명시적으로 표시하는 데 특화되었고, ‘견’은 비자발적 경험 표현에 더 적합하였다. 구체적으로 ‘견’은 [견O] 구조에서 출발하여 “실의 동사(시각 지각)→경험 동사→수동 표지”의 단계적 발전 과정을 거쳤으며, 이 과정에서 시각적 의미가 약화되고 동사성이 상실되었다. 반면 ‘위’는 [위O] 구조에서 “실의 동사→일반화 동사→조동사→수동 표지”라는 더 복잡한 진화 경로를 보였는데, 특히 조동사 단계가 수동 표지로의 전환에 결정적 역할을 하였다. 이러한 차이는 두 표지가 서로 다른 인지적 기제와 통사적 환경에서 발달했음을 시사한다. 본 연구는 고대 한어 수동 구문 연구의 지평을 넓히고 문법화 이론에 실증적 자료를 제공하였으며, 나아가 한어 수동 표현의 유형학적 연구에 기여하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 후속 연구에서는 『국어』나 『전국책』 등 다른 고전 문헌으로 연구 범위를 확장하고, 수동 표현과 사동 표현의 상호작용을 탐구하며, 한중 수동표현의 체계적 비교 연구를 수행할 필요가 있다. 이를 통해 고대 한어 수동 시스템에 대한 이해를 더욱 심화시킬 수 있을 것으로 기대된다.

This study systematically analyzes the grammaticalization process of the passive markers ‘wei (为)’ and ‘jian (见)’ in Zuo Zhuan. The results show that ‘wei’ constructions overwhelmingly dominate with 12 instances (92.3%), while only one example of ‘jian’ construction was attested. This quantitative asymmetry reflects their functional differentiation - ‘wei’ specializes in explicitly marking agentivity in narrative contexts, whereas ‘jian’ is more suitable for expressing non-volitional experiences. Specifically, ‘jian’ originated from the [jianO] structure and developed through the stages of “lexical verb (visual perception) → experiential verb → passive marker,” during which its visual meaning weakened and verbal properties were lost. In contrast, ‘wei’ followed a more complex evolutionary path from [weiO] structure through “lexical verb → generalized verb → auxiliary verb → passive marker,” with the auxiliary verb stage playing a crucial role in its transformation into a passive marker. These differences suggest that the two markers developed through distinct cognitive mechanisms and syntactic environments. This study contributes to broadening the research scope on ancient Chinese passive constructions, providing empirical evidence for grammaticalization theory, and advancing typological studies of Chinese passive expressions. Future research should extend to other classical texts such as Guoyu and Zhanguoce, investigate the interaction between passive and causative constructions, and conduct systematic comparative studies of passive expressions in Chinese and Korean. These follow-up studies are expected to deepen our understanding of the ancient Chinese passive system.

The objectives of this paper are to categorize the three words “그래(geurae)”, “뭐(mwo)”, and “왜(wae)” as a minor sentence, discourse marker, or ending auxiliary particle; examine corpora where those words are actually uttered; and explain the change to the three categories with grammaticalization. The previous studies of the minor sentences “그래(geurae)”, “뭐(mwo)”, and “왜(wae)” have focussed on the treatments of them as the single category of discourse marker or as the distinguished categories of interjections or discourse markers. However, this study focuses on the different statuses of grammatical categories and the processes of change of grammaticalization. As a result, the study shows that from the perspective of grammaticalization, the three minor sentences all undergo through changes into discourse markers and ultimately change into ending auxiliary particles depending on their discourse contexts.

본고는 언간 자료를 대상으로 조사 ‘-하고’의 용례들을 추출하고, 문법형태화를 살펴보았다. 이를 바탕으로 ‘-하고’의 문법적 특징을 논의하고, 그 사용 양상을 추적하였다. 우선 본고는 언간 자료에서 조사 ‘-하고’에 관한 용례들을 추출하였다. 이를 통해 본 논문에서는 조사 ‘-하고’의 문법형태화가 이미 중세 국어 시기부터 완성된 것으로 보았다. 그리고 그 문법적 기능은 현대국어의 ‘-하고’와 큰 차이가 없었다. 아울러 그 해당 용례들은 중앙 방언 화자들의 언간 자료에서 주로 추출되었다.

This paper surveyed the Vernacular letters ‘-hago’ extract usage examples, and discussed the grammaticalization. Based on this, this paper discussed the grammatical features of the ‘-hago’, and discussed the use aspect. In first, this paper examines extraction of ‘-hago’ in Vernacular letters. Through this, in this paper grammaticalization of grammatical morpheme ‘-hago’ has already looked to be completed from the Korean medieval languages. In addition, the grammatical features of modern Korean languages ‘-hago’ seems that there is no big difference. And after this paper tracked the patterns of use, the data were mainly extracted mainly from Vernacular letters of central dialect speakers.

중세국어 ‘거긔’는 ‘그긔’가 축약된 형태로서 다양한 구성을 이루며 아울러 다양한 의미 기능을 갖는다. ‘거긔’는 단독으로 사용될 때는 대명사의 기능을 하지만, 그 예가 많지 않다. ‘거긔’가 체언 뒤에 바로 붙을 때에는 ‘-에게’의 의미와 ‘〜 중에서’의 의미를 가지며 ‘-거긔’의 형태를 띨 때에는 ‘-에게’ 또는 ‘-에게서’의 의미를 갖는다. 이와는 달리 ‘거긔’가 용언의 관형사형의 수식을 받는 경우가 있는데, 이때에는 ‘-에, 에게, 〜중에서, 〜중에, 〜곳에’라는 매우 다양한 의미를 갖는다. 이를 통해 우리는 ‘거긔’의 문법화가 체언의 수식을 받는 경우와 용언의수식을 받는 경우로 나뉘어 진행되었음을 알 수 있다. 매우 복잡하게 분화되어 있던 ‘거긔’의 문법화 구성들이 현대국어에 와서는 모두 사라져 버렸지만, ‘거긔’는 문법화 현상의 복잡한 양상을 잘 보여주는 대표적인 예라 할 수있다.

Middle Korean word ‘kəkɨj’ orignated from ‘kɨŋ əkɨj’ and had many constructions and meanings. ‘Kəkɨj’ served as a pronoun but its examples are phenomenal. ‘N+kəkɨj’ fulfilled its function as ‘to N’ and ‘among Ns’. And ‘N+ʌjkəkɨj’ fulfilled its function as ‘to N’ and ‘from N’. It was possible differently to connect the adnominal ending ‘-n’ and ‘kəkɨj’. And this constriction fulfilled its function as ‘to’, ‘among’ and ‘in a certain place’. The grammaticalization of ‘kəkɨj’ shows two patterns; one is the ‘N+adnominal marker+kəkɨj’ and the other is the connection of the adnominal ending ‘-n’ and ‘kəkɨj’. In Present Korean the constructions connected with the grammaticalization of ‘kəkɨj’ had been disappeared. But the grammaticalization of ‘kəkɨj’ shows the complicated aspect of the grammaticalization.

Based on the theory of grammaticalization, this paper mainly discusses the syntactic and semantic characteristics of ‘Qi’ and ‘Qilai’ in 《Zhu Zi Yu Lei》. According to the syntactic structure, the paper divides the ‘Qi’ and ‘Qilai’ into three types: ⑴V+Qi, ⑵V+Qi+NP+lai, ⑶V+Qi+lai. The main conclusions of this paper are as follows: (1)In 《Zhu Zi Yu Le i》, ‘Qi’ and ‘Qilai’ mainly appear in new pivotal sentences and verb-complement construction. In new pivotal sentences, ‘Qi’ acts as verbs and already has two semanticized variations: One representing concrete space movement, the other abstract space movement. On the other hand ‘Qilai’ has only variation that represent abstract spatial motion. ‘Qi’ and ‘Qilai’ in the verb-complement construction are complemented by a further process of semantic differentiation, with variations that not only show space movement meaning, but also indicate the result and status meaning. (2)The separation type ‘Qilai’ is formed by combining ‘VQi+NP’ and ‘lai’. Therefore there is no identity between the separation type ‘Qilai’ and conjunctive type ‘Qilai’. (3)The conjunctive type ‘Qilai’ has not yet completely turned into a compound directional complement. (Kyungpook National University)

본고는 동사 ‘먹다’와 어미 ‘-어’가 결합한 ‘-어 먹다’ 구성을 연속 동사 구성, 합성동사, 보조용언으로 구분하고, 각 유형의 의미 기능과 차이를 논의하였다. 세 종류의 사전에서는 ‘-어 먹다’를 보조용언으로만 기술하고 있으나, 본고는 박진호(1998)의 논의를 따라 선어말어미 ‘-시-’의 결합, 대용, 공 백화, 도치, 용언 결합 여부에 따라 동일한 형태가 상이한 기능을 지님을 확인하였다. 연속 동사 구성 ‘-어 먹다’는 V1과 V2가 연결어미로 결합한 구조로, 선행절과 후행절의 결합이 합성동사나 보조용언보다 느슨하다. 또한 V1 이 V2 도치 가능 여부는 연속 동사 구성과 보조용언 ‘-어 먹다’를 구분하 는 기준이 된다. 보조용언과 ‘-어 먹다’와 합성동사 ‘-어 먹다’는 ‘그리하 -’ 또는 ‘그러하-’의 대용 가능성과 용언 추가 결합 여부에 따라 차이를 보인다. 한편 보조용언으로서의 ‘-어 먹다’는 화자의 감정이나 태도를 강조하 는 의미를 담고 있으며, 이는 문법화의 과도기적 현상으로 이해된다. 이 러한 점은 연속 동사 구성과 합성동사 ‘-어 먹다’와 구별되는 뚜렷한 기 준이 된다.

This study classifies the construction “-eo meokda,” formed by the verb meok- (“eat”) and the connective ending “-eo,” into serial verb construction, compound verb, and auxiliary verb usages, and discusses their respective semantic functions and distinctions. Although three major Korean dictionaries describe “-eo meokda” only as an auxiliary verb, following Park (1998), this study shows that depending on the presence of the pre-final ending -si-, substitution by keuriha- or keureoha-, ellipsis, inversion, and the possibility of further verb combination, the same form exhibits different functions. In serial verb constructions, “-eo meokda” connects V1 and V2 with a connective ending, and the relation between the preceding and following clauses is looser than in compound verbs or auxiliary verbs. Furthermore, the possibility of V1 inversion with V2 serves as a criterion distinguishing serial verb constructions from auxiliary verbs. Compound verbs and auxiliary verbs with “-eo meokda” differ depending on whether substitution with keuriha- or keureoha- is possible and whether additional verbs can be combined. As an auxiliary verb, however, “-eo meokda” conveys the speaker’s affective stance or emphasis, which reflects an ongoing process of grammaticalization. This provides a salient criterion for distinguishing it from serial verb constructions and compound verbs.

This study aims to reconstruct the original form of the Gyeongsang dialect's final ending “-dakai”, and to clarify its morphological, syntactic, and semantic characteristics. As this ending is interchangeable with the Midland dialect's “-danigga” in many aspects, it has received little special attention in studies of the Gyeongsang dialect until now. However, in actual discourse, the two endings possess different semantic features and are subject to separate syntactic constraints. The endings “-danigga” and “-dakai” share the basic meaning of revisiting the content of a past utterance at the time of the current speech. The focus of “-danigga” is on a consequent utterance that has not yet been realized. Hence, the listener is required to infer the content implied by “-danigga”' and to take actions that align with the speaker’s expectations. On the other hand, the Gyeongsang dialect “-dakai” emphasizes the act of utterance and displays an attitude of certainty towards the proposition. Because it is impossible for the listener to question content that the speaker has already confirmed as fact, “-dakai” is difficult to use in interrogative sentences.

국어사 연구가 한국어 통시태의 원인을 규명하고자 하는 방향으로 나아감에 따라 대조언어학적 연구 방법론이 활발히 이용되고 있다. 언어 유형론과 문법화로 대변되 는 대조언어학적 연구 방법론은 언어 보편성의 개념을 통해 자료의 공백을 보완하여 한국어 통시태 연구에 여러 기여를 했다. 그러나 한편으로는 이론이 중심이 되는 국 어사 연구에 대한 우려가 없는 것도 아니었다. 이 글에서는 언어 유형론의 연구 성과 가 국어사 연구에 기여한 바를 비판적으로 검토하고, 최근 언어 유형론과 문법화 연 구가 보편성의 추구 속에 가려졌던 개별 언어의 특수성과 지역성에 초점을 맞추고 있 다는 사실에 주목하여, 국어사 연구 또한 자료 중심으로 이루어져야 할 필요성이 있 음을 주장하였다. 특히 자료와 이론이 배치될 때 자료가 더 중시되어야 함을 강조하 였다. 또 표면적 유사성에 이끌린 대조 연구는 지양하고 언어 체계를 전체적으로 조 망해야 할 필요성도 논의하였다. 여기에 1차 자료를 중심으로 하는 연구까지 더해진 다면 언어 유형론의 연구 성과를 적용하는 데에서 벗어나 국어사 연구가 일반언어학 과 역사언어학 연구에 기여하는 방향으로 나아갈 수 있음을 논의하였다.

This paper examines the contributions of linguistic typology to the study of the history of the Korean language and discusses how linguistic typology can further contribute to the field, based on recent trends in typological research. As research in the history of Korean has progressed towards identifying the causes of diachrony in the Korean language, contrastive linguistic methodologies, represented by linguistic typology and grammaticalization theory, have been introduced. These methodologies, through the concept of linguistic universals, have filled gaps in the data and made significant contributions to the study of Korean diachrony. However, concerns regarding theory-centric research in the history of the Korean language have not been absent. This paper highlights that recent research in linguistic typology and grammaticalization focuses on the specificity and regional characteristics of individual languages, obscured by the pursuit of universality, and argues for the necessity of conducting research that is centered around data in the study of the history of the Korean language. It emphasizes the importance of prioritizing data over theory, especially when they conflict. Moreover, the paper argues against indiscriminate contrastive studies led by superficial similarities and stresses the need to view linguistic systems in their entirety. By incorporating research based on primary data, it discusses how moving beyond merely applying the research findings of linguistic typology to the study of the history of the Korean language, the achievements in the study of the history of Korean can contribute to the fields of general linguistics and historical linguistics.

본고에서는 대조언어학적 관점에서 한국어 부사 ‘다’와 중국어 부사 ‘都’의 의미 확장 양상 을 다루었다. 부사 ‘다’와 ‘都’는 기본적으로 두 가지 용법이 있다. 하나는 전칭양화부사로서 복수성을 갖추는 사람/사물/사건들을 총괄하고 ‘남거나 빠짐없이 모두’라는 객관적인 의미를 나타내는 것이다. 다른 하나는 어조부사로서 화자의 주관적 태도/평가/감정 등을 드러내는, 즉 주관적 의미를 나타내는 것이다. 부사 ‘다’와 ‘都’의 의미 확장 및 대응 양상은 네 가지로 요약된다. 첫째, 전칭양화부사로 쓰이는 경우 부사 ‘다’는 대체로 ‘都’와 대응된다. 둘째, 정도 성 강조의 의미를 나타내는 데에는, 부사 ‘다’도 ‘都’와 대응 양상을 보인다. 셋째, ‘의외성이나 반기대’의 양태적 의미를 실현할 때에는, 한국어는 부사 ‘다’를 흔히 사용하지만, 중국어는 부 사 ‘都’에 비해 부사 ‘还’이 더 자주 쓰인다. 넷째, 한국어 부사 ‘다’는 ‘실현할 수 없게 된 사태 가 이미 이루어진 것처럼 반어적으로 나타내는’ 반어법 용법으로도 쓰이기는 하나, 중국어 부 사 ‘都’가 이런 용법으로 쓰이지는 않는다. 부사 ‘다’와 ‘都’는 모두 객관적 의미에서 주관적 의미로, 덜 추상적 의미에서 더 추상적 의미로 의미 확장이 일어난다. 이 과정에서 부사 ‘다’와 ‘都’의 의미가 점차 허화(虚化)되는 경향이 있는데, 이와 같은 의미 허화의 과정에서 주관화가 한 몫을 한 것으로 생각된다.

This paper studies the semantic expansion of the Korean adverb “da(다)” and the Chinese adverb “dou(都)” from a comparative linguistic perspective. The adverbs “da (다)” and “dou(都)” have two basic usages. One is as a universal quantifier that includes plural people/things/events, indicating the objective meaning of “all”. The other is as a modal adverb that expresses the speaker's subjective (usually negative) attitude/evaluation/emotions, representing subjective meaning. The semantic extension and corresponding mechanisms of the adverbs “da(다)” and “dou(都)” can be categorized into four types. Firstly, when functioning as a universal quantifier, the adverbs “da(다)” and “dou(都)” exhibit a basic correspondence. Secondly, when expressing emphasis on degree, a corresponding relationship also exists between the adverb “da(다)” and “dou(都)”. Thirdly, when conveying the modal meaning of “mirative or counter-expectation”, the Korean adverb “da(다)” is frequently employed in this usage, whereas in Chinese the adverb “hai(还)” is more commonly utilized in comparison to “dou(都)”. Fourthly, the Korean adverb “da(다)” can be employed in an antiphrasis usage to convey that an unattainable state appears to have been achieved, yet the Chinese adverb “dou(都)” lacks this usage. In general, both adverbs “da(다)” and “dou(都)” have undergone a semantic expansion from objective meaning to subjective meaning and from less abstract meaning to more abstract meaning. During this process, the meanings of the adverbs “da(다)” and “dou(都)” tend to gradually become virtual, and subjectivisation plays a certain role.

This paper analyzes specific cases of <prefixization>, in which Japanese nouns change their meanings and functions to be used as prefixes. In the analysis, examples were retrieved from “The Balanced Corpus of Contemporary Written Japanese” (BCCWJ) online version (Chunagon), and the usage was analyzed. Including ‘Baka’, ‘Oni’ and ‘Kuso’ are used as nouns with negative meanings to express denial or insult people or things, when used as a prefix, their original negative meaning becomes quite rare and has gained a meaning that limits the degree of expression of the vocabulary. In previous studies, there has been no individual research on the meanings and functions of these terms, and no proper positioning has been made for the actual usage of ‘Baka’. Therefore, in this paper, we investigated ‘Baka’ as a case of <prefixing> of nouns, considered the process of semantic and functional changes from nouns to affixes as a grammaticalization phenomenon, clarifying the meaning and usage.

The purpose of this study is to clarify the grammaticalization of Russian verb давать/дать from dative verb to causative verb and also to compare its semantic functions and syntactic characteristics with Korean auxiliary verb ə/ɑ juda. At the beginning both verbs were just dative verbs, but in course of time they have acquired different meanings such as benefit, permission and so on. In the context of syntactic functions, combinatorial restrictions were mainly examined, especially that there are only perfective verbs after the dative verb davat’/dat’.