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This paper aims to introduce the language policy for immigrants in Sweden, focusing mainly on the system of bilingual teaching for immigrant children. The Swedish language policy for immigrants is twofold; one is to give all adult immigrants instruction in Swedish for 700 hours and the other is to give their children instruction in Swedish as well as in mother tongue in school classes. Such a policy was first schemed to promote intercommunications among immigrant family members at home and to help them maintain linguistic and cultural band with their home country. The policy motivated by the legislation for immigrants and minority people in 1975 was fundamentally based on the three principles; equality, cooperation and freedom of choice. In the beginning of school days most of lessons are instructed in children's mother tongue with Swedish as second language. The classes consist entirely of immigrant children of the same nationality. Afterwards, in the compound classes with two teachers, one Swedish and one from an immigrant group. The share of teaching done in Swedish increases gradually as the grade goes up. By grade six in elementary school it is possible to teach 50% of the lessons through the medium of the mother tongue and the rest 50% through the medium of Swedish. Besides, there are many kinds of auxiliary teaching available in both languages. The ultimate goal of the system is the maintenance of the immigrant children's own language and culture that are essential to ethnic identity, while trying to bring them to the same level of general knowledge, proficiency in Swedish and grasp of Swedish culture that Swedish children have. The Swedish model for immigrant policy is an integrative one aiming at a bilingual, bicultural life in Sweden. The bilingual instruction is proved to be effective in terms of language acquisition, accumulation of knowledge and sociopsychological aspects. This type of Swedish language policy for immigrants gives a good implication to Korean society, that has already entered a multiethnic and multicultural society.

The space in which the drama takes place will, as the story or drama text is created, come to represent the location of the drama. It is important that readers are encouraged to develop the imaginative flexibility to exploit the drama space and the objects it contains in order to extend and deepen the reality of the drama. The place within dramas always reflects a certain perspective on reality and the human. In this study I try to research the space within Scandinavian plays after Henrik Ibsen and contemporary Swedish dramatist August Strindberg. The space for Ibsen's and Strindberg's drama to take place was the drawing room. But the contemporary plays in the Scandinavian countries moves onto completely different ground, away from the drawing room and out into the streets or the landscapes, that is out into a bigger and more open space. The drama space is carefully marked out into different locations or times in the play. In Scandinavian dramas, the space is the very important element of choice that constitutes the dynamic of change and development. It arises from the conflicting demands of two (or more) desires, ideas or needs and engenders the need for decision. A key space in the Scandinavian plays such as a particular room or landscape constitutes a framework around the character as an active dramatic element. In doing this, the space contribute to maintaining the focus of the story as it develops in the drama.

The financial crisis of Sweden in early 1990s was caused mainly by the policy mistakes of ‘the third way’ policy pursued by social democratic government in 1980s. The economic boom caused by the financial liberalization and the aggressive depreciation of the third way policy formed bubble economy in real estate sector. As the bubble burst out in early 1990s, the finance companies and banks which had given much loan to the real estate sector were caught in crisis, and the crisis spread out into whole economy. The bourgeois coalition governmen intervened promptly and wisely and thereby succeeded in rescuing the Swedish economy from the crisis soon. At the last stage of the financial crisis, the Swedish crown was caught in the currency speculation by the international financial capital. To solve the currency crisis, the Swedish government gave up the fixed exchange rate system and introduced the floating exchange rate system. After transition into the floating exchange rate system, the Swedish government introduced the inflation targeting as the main principle for managing macro economy. And in 1998, the social democratic government amended the law concerning the legal state of the central bank. The new law enhanced the independency of the central bank and made it the sole task of the central bank to check inflation. And in late 1990s, the social democratic government introduced new rule for budget process for checking budget increase. By these policy reforms, the transition into the monetarist macroeconomic policy regime was completed. And the industrial policies and labor market policies were much liberalized, but the universal welfare state based on high tax is still maintained. I would call the current state of the Swedish Model as ‘the monetarist social democratic model’. The sustainability of the new Swedish Model would be tested by the current global economic crisis.

In terms of building of democratic institutions and democratic process in national agenda setting Korean democracy seems to have not reached democratic consolidation. Despite long process of struggle for democracy, Korea is still broadly suffering from fierce physical confrontations between ruling and opposition parties within the Korean Assembly, antagonism between the haves and the have-nots, regional and metropolitan divide, and lack of popular support in resource distribution and balanced regional development. Democracy in Scandinavia, however, seems to show a contrasting example: stable legal and institutional process based on reconciliation and consensus backup among social groups in agenda setting as well as distribution of national resources. The central hypothesis of this article says that both quality and political outcome of democratic institutions are mainly dependent upon the positive and active role of consensus building mechanism. The failure or, at least, lack of open consensus building mechanism in a country may cause widespread national disharmony, conflict and antagonism. From the Swedish case study of institutional and constitutional reform politics, this article argues that the successful case of Swedish democracy with high political and social quality is based on the role of consensus building in general and, on the role of Special committee system including SOU and Remiss processes in particular. It is also argued that dysfunctions caused by power domination of incompetent political parties in representative democracies should be complemented by the deliberative way of decision-making process in which many actors are participating in order to cope with the political ineffectiveness in emerging democracies including South Korea.

This paper attempts to explore the model of flexicurity of Denmark from a comparative perspective. The Danish flexicurity model is unique in the sense that it differs not only from Anglo-Saxon neoliberal social system with low employment protect, low social security and passive labor market policy but also from the traditional Scandinavian social democratic model with high exmployment protection, high social security and active labor market policy. I argue that the Danish social democracy that deviated from the traditional social democratic model introduced neoliberal ideas and strengthened social democratic ideas at the same time as a response to economic recession and globalisation, discussing distinctiveness and achievement of the model. In addition, I discuss the policy implication of the Danish flexicurity model to Korea.