Earticle

이 글의 목적은 1960년대 청맥 지식인 집단의 ‘식민성’ 인식에 주목하여 이 시기 민족주의 담론의 재구성 과정을 해명하려는 것이다. 박정희 정권의 집 권 첫 해이자 한일회담 운동이 한창인 1964년 창간된 ≪청맥≫은 박정희 정 권에 대한 가장 비판적인 지식인 잡지였다는 점에서, 특히 통일혁명당(이하 통혁당)과 연계된 잡지였다는 점에서 주목받았다.≪청맥≫은 1960년대 지 식인 집단의 지형도에서 가장 급진적인 위치를 점했고, 그들의 민족주의 담론 역시 그러했다. 청맥 지식인 집단은 ‘식민성’에 대한 재인식을 통해 민족주의 담론을 급진화하면서 새로운 저항담론을 생산하려 하였다. 이 저항담론이 당 대의 맥락에서 가진 가능성과 한계를 살피는 것은 이 글의 또 다른 목적이다.

The purpose of this article is to explain the reconstruction process of the nationalism discourse of the Cheongmaek intellectual group in the 1960s. The Cheongmaek intellectuals aimed to reconstruct the nationalism as a counter discourse by reconsidering the ‘coloniality.’ They thought the underlying causes of poverty and backwardness in Korea was caused by the neocolonial international order. They regarded the international relations at that time as the world historical turning points that the Third World was rising and the international order was multipolarizing. They asserted that ‘reunification’ was historical task at a turning point in Korea The Cheongmaek intellectuals expanded the concept of ‘coloniality’ to cultural field by ‘cultural colony’ theory in mid-1966. They tried to build a new national culture by protecting their identity of ethnic culture and reconstructing korean history and tradition. As postcolonial cultural strategy for this purpose, they emphasized the construction of national knowledge and ‘Minjung’ as a new subject. In the mid-1960s, the production of national knowledge by intellectuals means changes in discourse topography concerning nationalism. The intellectuals at this time tried to confirm the embryo of modernity and ‘Minjung’ as a new subject in Korean tradition and history. These results had reflected the academic achievement of intellectuals since the 1950s, and at the same time, mean that the radical nationalism appeared after the April 19 Movement had evolved into the stage of ‘Science’ beyond the stage of ‘movement’. Therefore, it shows that the discourse struggle concerning the nationalism will be developed in cultural field, specifically academic fields such as history, literature and philosophy.

이 글에서는 문학, 비평 그리고 역사학 등 분야에서 각론 차원에서만 다뤘던 ≪창비≫를 구성했던 지식인과 이들이 내부적/외부적으로 지향했던 이념적 계 보를 종합적으로 살피고자 한다. 구체적으로 먼저 70년대를 전후로 ≪창비≫의 주요 필진이었던 지식인들의 구성과 민족문학과 역사학(내재적 발전론), 번역 및 사회과학 그리고 자립경제론/민족경제론 등을 통해 드러나는 이념적 계보를 각 분야별 지식인과 이들이 쓴 글을 통해 살핀다. 다음으로 이 들이 구성했던 대안적 이념의 특징과 이들이 사유했던 운동주체를 검토할 것 이다. 다만 본 연구는 그간 이뤄진 소설, 시 그리고 문학비평 분야에 대한 깊 이 있는 독자적인 연구보다 ≪창비≫가 당대 현실과 문학 텍스트 간의 관계를 변화시키는 양상과 그 속에서 자리 잡은 이념 변화에 주목하고자 한다.

This paper is to argue that analysis of Ideological lineage of Changjakgwabipyung(Changbi) Group. The Characteristics of Changbi Group is Firstly, the early days of Changbi Group was alliance of anti right-wing writers. The early stage of Changbi Group was negative to tradition. After late 1960s, they identifed ‘nation’ as their key concept accepting theory of internal development. Secondly, Changbi Group was ‘Intellectual Alliance’ including critic, historian, social scientist and writers represented National Literature. They pursued universality of Korea by emphasizing Donghak, Silhak and March Movement and 4.19 Uprising. Thirdly, Changbi group identified their role liberation character of Silhak. They regarded their identity as critical intellectual(writer) by emphasizing writer of Silhak in late Choson peoriod. In conclusion, the fundamental ideological base of Changbi Group was tensions between real world and literature. That is to say, they emphasized literature itself could not contribute real change of Korean society.

≪창작과 비평≫지면에 나타난 민족담론은 박정희 체제의 그것과 묘하게 연결될 수 있는 것이었기에 비판적 지식인들은 체제의 민족주의와 구 분될 수 있는 대안이 필요했다. 이로부터 무차별적이고 동질적인 국민-민족 대신 지배-피지배, 계층적 차이가 부각될 수 있는 민중개념이 중요한 대안으 로 나타났다. 민중은 곧 민족의 실질적 핵심으로 상정되었는데 그 민중의 핵 심은 또 농민으로 설정되었다. 요컨대 농민은 민중-민족 계열의 핵심적 집단 주체로 재현된 것이었다.

This study is focused on the analysis of the rural discourse of Changjakgwabipyung in 1970s. Because of the result of industrialization, the urbanization of Korea was entering critical phase in 1970s. The urban area is not only the arena of struggle for existence but the collection point of harmful consequences of industrialization. Elite intellectuals thought it as two ways. First, it was the evils of westernization which was non-national. Second, it was a decadence that was often characterized by commercialism, egoism and mammonism. The harmful consequences of industrialization had a bad effect on rural area as well as urban area. It was the city to destroy and degrade the rural area. Consequently city-country confrontation was emerging seriously. But the country, otherwise city, was transformed into the subject of salvation to cure the corruption. In 1960s, the country was a symbol of backwardness and feudalism. But in 1970s, it was dramatically transformed into a angel of salvation. The country was represented as a repository of national tradition and the peasant was symbolized as a core of people who was a core of nation in Changjakgwabipyung. As competition principle and life-style of capitalism were diffused into Korean society in 1970s, the discipline and value of community were weakened. Critical intellectuals of Korea intended to relieve the social confrontations and conflicts with nationalism and collectivism . It was similar to the policy of Park Chung-hee regime. They thought the rural area and peasant as the remedy of industrialization decadence, it was an irony in terms of historical conjuncture that peasant and rural area were collapsing. But it was possible only under the condition which the collapse of rural area and peasant were inevitable. The virtue and glory of country and peasant should be represented not on the basis of now but on the past. Rural area and nation were between collapsing present and the discourse of salvation and two gazes of ruling elite and critical intellectual were crossing it.

이 논문은 근세에서 20세 기 초반에 이르는 시기 프랑스의 고아 문제에 대한 인식과 정책적 대처를 살 펴보고 여기에 담긴 고아의 정치성을 규명하고자 한다. 따라서 이 논문은 전 통적 의미에서의 프랑스 사 연구라고 할 수 없으며 이 논문의 핵심적인 관심 은 프랑스로 추상할 수 있는 근대-국가이다. 이런 의미에서 “프랑스”라는 국 가적 맥락은 다양한 국가-효과(state effects)와 실천의 한 범례로 보아야 한다

An “orphan” may seem as objective and universal as possible a category, because such designation stems from existential crisis. Yet such apparent universality, even if it were true, does not translate into any historical insights. It is rather fruitful to follow many different names given to orphans and try to understand the power-knowledge network(s) behind them. This paper traces such different names in the French context that is understood as an amalgam of multifarious and sometimes contradictory practices. Adjectives like exposé, abandonné, and assisté reveal specific ways, in which the respective power-knowledge understood orphans. Each of the epochal moments, such as the absolute monarchy, the French Revolution, the bourgeoning Bourgeois society and the Third Republic, constituted and reconstituted orphans. Modernity may seem only possible comprehensive framework but such postulation is also internally contradictory. Modern social and political theory is premised on the modern individual, who should be considered potential and potent orphan, while modernity as a system of practices has constantly dissolved, reappropriated and reinvented orphans.

이 논문은 ‘고아’에 얽힌 이러한 모순에 초점을 두면서 고아가 ‘인간’이라는 범주에 대해 제기하는 인식론적인 의미와 정치사회적인 의미를 살펴보고 그 의미들 간에 발생하는 복잡하게 얽혀있는 역학을 살펴보고자 한다. 이러한 논의에 ‘인조인간’은 매우 적합한 대상이다. 이는 (인간이 아니라) 인조인간이 야말로 ‘고아’라는 정체성을 존재론적 차원에서 온전히 전유하는 존재이기 때 문이다. ‘고아’가 될 수 없는 인간을 대신해서 ‘고아’라는 인간의 실존적 조건 을 뒤집어쓴 인조인간과 서구 사상, 정치 지평의 관계를, 먼저 아감벤의 논의 를 빌어 이론적인 차원에서 살펴볼 것이다.

This paper explores the contradictory and entangled dynamics between the concept of ‘humanity’ and the modern nation-state through the figure of ‘orphan.’ Orphan is a site where the way the western tradition of philosophy has conceptualized the category of ‘human’ is most clearly revealed. Artifical intelligence such as robot, cyborg, or humanoid is a good example of orphan, showing its role in the construction of ‘humanity’--especially, the ‘citizen’, the modern version of humanity. Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein articulates the fundamental paradox in the idea of ‘human,’ ‘family,’ and ‘modernity’ through the problematic existence of monster. Monster is the most vulnerable and helpless kind of orphan—he is a “bare life” in Agamben’s expression. At the same time, however, he is the one who makes human an orphan through the very problematic nature of his being. Kazuo Ishiguro’s Never Let Me Go describes the global condition where orphans are mass-produced to sustain human life and well-being. Here clone, modern version of monster, is a good example to show that the modern power both protects and persecutes life and that the global articulation of ‘humanity’ is irrelevant to the reality of ‘bare life’.

이 글은 제국/식민지 체제에서 고아와 혼혈아가 재현되는 양상과 그것이 해 방 이후 호출되고 기억된 양상을 주체의 정체성 정립, 식민지 피지배자의 표 상, 귀환하고 회수되는 정체성의 차원에서 주목하고자 한다. 식민지와 해방 직 후의 서사에서 고아와 혼혈아가 스스로를 민족적 주체로 정립하는 과정을 식 민주의에 대한 저항으로만 파악하던 관점에서 벗어나, 식민과 후식민의 과제 와 여기에 개입되는 윤리적 이데올로기에 대한 검토를 통해 살펴보고자 한다.

The modern age in Korea can be understood in the middle of a big frame in family romance. It is not accidental that Lee Hyeong-sik, who is a hero of 『Mujeong(heart of stone)』 in Korean novel that addressed a problem of the modern entity for the first time, appears as orphan. However, another unconsciousness, which needs to have the Japanese empire as another father, positions in the family romance dubbed a sense of political orphan-hood that did need to be experienced by the modern period in Korea. Orphans denied a father. However, what did need to have a new father called the Japanese empire, is caught by the logic of the colonial ‘double bind.’ In such case, another children, who were born due to the affiliation of those two fathers, are given a name dubbed ‘mixed blood.’ What allowed the existence in people of mixed race, who had proceeded with living in the colony, to appear as hero of a work with capturing them almost uniquely, is Yeom Sang-seop‘s novel. In Yeom Sang-seop’ ｢Namchungseo｣ and 『Love and Sin』, a person of mixed race appears between a bourgeois family head, who was a branch manager in the Korean Enlightenment Period, but amassed a big fortune now with relying upon the colonial authority, and a Japanese concubine. What the narration of Hwang Sun-won‘s 『Human Grafting』 is delivering is just a point that the colonial orphans’ life came to have close relationship even with orphans‘ life following the liberation and the Korean war. What the principal and the employees for a corrective institute in a work put the best effort is just a point of striving to be delivered the relief supplies by the US Army in America. This point informs of many things about a problem of colony and post-colony. The illumination on life of orphans, who proceed with living with depending on the relief supplies of the US army, is developed into the aspect of being mixed the orphans and the mixed blood as a result of its stationing as the stationing of the US army had been extended since then. The process that the memory of orphans and mixed blood continues to come back is not what is different from the process that just its reality, which had been aimed to be suppressed by Korean people and unconsciousness in Korean culture, returns. The existence of orphans and children of mixed race, which had positioned in the abyss of our literature through experiencing colony, makes the true task of post-colony recalled by returning to the central part of literature and history amid the long process in post-colony.

이 글은 일본계 부모에게서 태어나 백인 가정에 입양된 아이들의 인종 정 체성이 혼종 결혼 정책에 의해 구성되는 방식을 검토한다. 특히 이 글이 주목 하는 것은 혼종 결혼 정책 안에서 백인 가정의 일본인 입양아가 가지는 정체 성이 혼혈 일본계 미국인들과 온전히 일본계 혈통을 가진 일본계 미국인들을 구분하는 논리와 밀접한 연관을 가지고 있었다는 점이다.

This essay examines the ways in which the race identity of Japanese orphans adopted by white parents was defined by the Western Defense Command’s mixed marriage and mixed blood individual policy during the internment of Japanese Americans, 1942-1945. At that time, the Western Defense Command ruled that “all persons of Japanese ancestry” must evacuate from the West Coast and be sent to internment camps. The mixed marriage policy, however, was devised to exempt some mixed-race children born to mixed marriages between Japanese and non-Japanese. The policy also exempted a full-blooded Japanese child adopted by white parents from evacuation orders. To be eligible for exemption, mixed-race children of part Japanese ancestry should have less than 50% of Japanese blood and be able to prove that their “environment” before the war had been “Caucasian.” This blood quantum rule was never applied to Japanese children adopted by white homes and it was assumed that such children were under the Caucasian environment of their white adoptive parents. This essay argues that the mixed-marriage-policy exemption of full-blooded Japanese children raised by white adoptive parents from evacuation orders was not an aberration. It reveals that the mixed marriage policy did not―or could not―account for the lack of inconsistencies in measuring the Caucasian environment of mixed marriage families and adoptive families across racial lines between Japanese and white. The mixed marriage policy and its unaccountable inclusion of the Japanese children of white adoptive parents as sort of non-Japanese race category showed that race categories are elusive and arbitrary.

본 글은 구텐베르크의 인쇄술이 등장하기 이전 중세 말에 이루어진 서적생산의 한 단면으로 14세기 파리의 서적생산을 소개하고자 한 다. 시기적으로 14세기는 유럽사회에서 12세기부터 장기적으로 성장해온 문자문화가 본격적으로 만개하기 시작한 시기이다

In the domain of history of book, the Printing Revolution is strongly emphasized as a remarkable landmark in the production of books. This point of view premise that only the invention of Printing is the decisive or dominant factor of the augmentation of production of books in Europe in the Late Middle Ages. Surely it‘s importance cannot and must not be neglected, but it is also situated in the more large context of the increase of production and demand of books. Actually this historical phenomenon preceded the invention of the Printing and stimulated it. In this point of view, this article is intended to observe the production of manuscripts, especially in 14th Century Paris which looked the blooming of book culture and the critical change in literacy. First observation is dedicated to the medieval meaning of the ‘author(auctor)’ as the text producer, which designate principally the God as World Creator until 13th Century, but gradually the human ‘creators’ form the end of the 13th Century. Moreover we can verify a sort of the ‘author consciousness’ like the case of Voir dit of Guillaume de Machaut. Secondly, we observe the material producer of book, ‘libraires’ who not only made but also sold various manuscripts for the noble or bourgeois consumers as well as for the students of Univeristé de Paris by the pecia system. The libraires for the precious manuscripts are located in the Île de la Cité in front of the Notre-Dame de Paris and those for the scholastics(stationnaires), near the University and the Saint-Jacques. The third point is the fluctuation of the production of books in 14th Century in France in the relationship of the political and social situation. If we consider the massive depopulation after the Black Death and during the war, it is amazing to observe the stability of the book production in 14th Century. On average the survivals in the last half of the 14th Century bought three times more than the precedents! What is more important than this quantitative indication is the remarkable growth of the lay reading public, principally the members of the Royal Court at Paris and the political elites, risen with the state system in birth. Especially the kingship who wanted to be a center of this state system tried incessantly to hold an initiative in the literary culture in order to establish a conformity in political communication system. Desire for reading book of the new lay public, that is the condition precedent and indispensable that is must be underlined as well as the invention of Printing, an remarkable effect of this phenomenon.

이 글은 먼저 이슬람의 여행 전통을 하나의 커다란 그림으로 그려보고, 그 속에서 각각의 여행자들이 지니는 의미에 대해 살펴볼 것이다. 이 과정에 서 우리는 문인의 신분으로 여행을 떠났던 많은 사람들의 존재를 확인하게 될 것이며, 또한 그 가운데서도 특히 여행을 직업으로 삼고자 했던 문인들의 존재에 주목하게 될 것이다. 이 글에서는 이와 같이 수십 년 동안 낯선 땅을 오가며 평생을 여행가로 살았던 이들을 특히 “문인 여행가”라 칭하고, 그들의 여정과 삶을 한층 더 자세히 살펴보고자 한다.

Travel is a very important keyword in understanding the Islamic civilization since it plays a role as a kind of “window” through which one can look into the religious and cultural characteristics in the Islamic world. Traditionally, to be specific, there have been a number of those who, so called “Literary Travellers,” chose to make travelling their job or to take advantage of it as a survival strategy for them. Among them were Ibn Battuta and Evliya Çelebi who had a lot of outstanding and extraordinary experiences from long-distance trips in premodern Islamic history. Their competitive careers and the expectations of any other experiences from trips in the future not only allowed them to establish closer relationships with the exalted personages including the Sultans, but brought them both wealth and honours as well, although they could not take up any posts officially. As a “Envoy of Communication,” what is more, they promoted the exchanges of many different fields between the muslim communities and delivered a huge amount of information across the wide-ranging area as far as their comtemporary policitians’ geographical views could be reached. In short, the existence of literary travellers in the Islamic society suggests that a set of communal values are implicit in their travelling. It can be also said, in other words, that these Islamic values which, when they were on long journeys, they kept in their minds on the roads where they had never walked before still remain in the Islamic world of today. That is why I would like to pay attention to them and their journeys.

이 글은 독일 가톨릭교인이 가톨릭교회와 독일 민족에 대한 정체성 사이에서 어떤 태도를 취했는가를 살펴보기 위해, 먼저 독일 가톨릭교인이 외부의 비난처럼 비독일적이었는지를 검토하고, 다음으로 ‘독일성’과 가톨릭교회가 결합된 독 일 ‘민족교회’ 논의를, 마지막으로 이들이 가톨릭교회의 보편성과 독일 민족의 특수성 사이에서 어떤 태도를 취했는지를 살펴볼 것이다.

In general, German Catholic have been regarded as ‘nonnational’ and ‘international’ in the German national history in the 19th century. Since B. Anderson considered ‘nation’ as ‘imagined community’, it is necessary to ask constructions of nation by German Catholics and their positions between catholicity and nation. It will be tried to answer in case of Catholic conservative press propagated the papacy supremacy in the middle of 19th century. They insisted without regional differences they were national in the three points: their ‘heartbeat’ for Fatherland and its freedom and power and contribution of their laity clubs to the unification of Germany. They discussed positively about ‘National Church’, because Catholic church never denied each Nationality in the world and promoted it for the catholicity. But they refused a National Church separated from Rom. They posed regionally different between catholicity and nation. Munich Catholics thought both incompatible. But Rhenish Catholics were convinced of the Catholic base of German nation. Catholics in Vienna and Breslau relativized nation into a natural, healthy nation and a hostile nation. They couldn‘t completely ignore it, nor admit it. German Catholic conservatives were included into German nationalism. But in case of conflict of two loyalties, they preferred catholicity to nation.

본 연구는 19세기 독일의 산업자본주의 발달과정과 국가의 산 업화 인력양성 지원방안에는 어떤 것들이 있었는지, 더불어 산업계에서는 이 를 어떻게 수용하고 해결방안을 모색했는지 알아보기로 한다. 당시 대기업으 로서 산업화의 시작을 알리며 중심축을 형성했던 여러 기업 중에 철도 기계 분야의 대기업인 보르지히(Borsig), 전기 분야의 대기업인 아에게(AEG)와 지 멘스(Siemens)에서는 어떤 자사 인력양성 모델이 있었는지 살펴보겠다. 끝으 로 이런 산업자본주의 시대의 당대 기업의 인력양성현상이 오늘날의 독일의 인력양성에 어떤 영향을 미치며 또 연속성을 갖는지가 검토될 것이다.

This paper studies the vocational education culture in enterprises, which emerged in the rapid capitalized industrialization period in Germany in 1871-1918. During this time, companies began establishing their own vocational systems. In Germany, this industrial-educational cooperation between schools and companies through a vocational and educational system has been promoted for a long time as an education tradition in society. After the secondary education I system, students receive theoretical education in vocational schools and three-year practical education in the schools’ partner firms or institutions, with which the schools’ students sign a contract at the start of their practical education. This is the so-called “dual system.” This dual system deserves to be not only in the secondary education system, but also in the university system, that is, the higher education system. In this traditional way, enterprises such as Borsig, AEG, Siemens, Volkswagen, etc. make a lasting and faithful contract with students, their future workers. Companies are interested in their future qualified workers because they want to reduce the cost of educating and training the youth to adopt new structures and new work. This enterprise education culture has persisted for over 100 years now.

본 연구는 영국 민족주의를 지향하고 있는 BNP의 정치적 활동과 성장이 다문화주의에 대한 비판과 밀접한 관계가 있다는 차원에서 분석해 보고자 한 다. 먼저 본 연구는 인종주의와 이민문제에 대한 BNP의 정책변화 과정에 초 점을 두고 BNP의 역사를 간략히 살펴볼 것이다. BNP가 반대세력들의 맹렬 한 공격에도 불구하고 2002년부터 2010년까지 지방선거에서 두각을 나타내 는 과정과 원인을 분석해 볼 것이다. 또한 본 연구는 다문화주의 정책에 대한 BNP의 입장과 이를 반대하는 BNP의 담론을 분석할 것이고, BNP와 영국 극 우정당들의 미래를 생각해 보고자 한다

This paper attempts to analyse the rise of the British National Party, a far-right political party in the UK, in terms of its criticism of multiculturalism. Since 2001 BNP, a minor political party in the UK, has rapidly grown in an electoral system which favours two main parties. The BNP was founded in 1982 following a split within the National Front. Until 1999, when Nick Griffin took over the leadership of the BNP and began ‘modernising’ the party, it was regarded a minor fascist party. Since 2000 anti-multiculturalism has become a central tenet of BNP ideology. The BNP has argued that multiculturalism serves to marginalise the indigenous population at the expense of immigrants and minority ethnic groups. Following the September 11 attacks in the US and the July 7 attacks in London, the BNP started attracting rapidly growing levels of support that soon reached unprecedented heights. The electoral success of the BNP resulted from the support of the white-working class who felt increasingly cut off from the Labour party which was under the leadership of Blair. Along with modernisation the BNP appeared to be distancing itself from its earlier fascist activities. The shift from racial to cultural threats also led the party to devote more energy to mobilising anti-Muslim sentiment. However, the BNP soon revealed its stand on scientific racism emphasising racial differences, and gave this as a reason why immigrants could not be accepted within the British nation. In fact, the BNP has stood on the tradition of racial fascism. In the local elections of 2012, the BNP failed to gather votes and, according to the media, the BNP‘s electoral success was over; Griffin’s strategy of modernisation lay in ruins. The BNP failed to attract large numbers of middle-class voters, women, and young people. It appeared that the BNP‘s raciest ideology alienated the voters. On the other hand, new extreme-right wing parties like the UKIP and EDL started gaining popularity. The BNP paved the way for the emergence of the new right-wing groups.

자본주의라는 용어는 우리가 흔하게 사용하고 그 뜻을 정확하게 알 고 있다고 생각하지만 사실은 모호하고 다중적인 의미를 가지고 있다. 전문 적인 분야에서건, 일상에서건 이러한 사정은 크게 다르지 않다. 이 글은 자본주의의 다양한 의미들의 역사를 추적해보려 한다.

Capitalism is, according to the Encyclopædia Britannica, an economic system that is based on private ownership of the means of production and the creation of goods or services for profit. Most dictionaries emphasize that capitalism is an economic system. But we use generally in everyday life the term capitalism to remark about a cultural phenomenon, as well about an economic system. The term capitalism is ambiguous and it has multiple meaning. What is capitalism? This article examine the history of term capitalism. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the term capitalism was first used by novelist William Makepeace Thackeray in 1854 in The Newcomes, where he meant “having ownership of capital”. Also according to the Oxford English Dictionary, Carl Adolph Douai, a German-American socialist and abolitionist, used the term private capitalism in 1863. The initial usage of the term capitalism in its modern sense has been attributed to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. After Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the term capitalism has a meaning of economic system. Max Weber use, by contrast to Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, the term capitalism for explain the non-economic aspect of capitalism. Fernand Braudel and Immanuel Wallerstein analyse the totality of capitalism, a historical system including politics, economy and culture.