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During last twenty years, more of several hundred titles on microhistory appeared and showed a significant change of perspective: From the 'social' to the 'cultural.' Most of the first generation of microhistorians intended to construct a new model of modernization which would approach more properly the reality of ordinary people. For them, microhistory was only a new kind of social history. There was, however, a different cultural current as showed in the works of Carlo Ginzburg, who, in spite of his own consistent socialist faith, had a much more interest in the 'cultural,' not the 'social,' of people. This point is very important to the second generation of microhistory roughly after the 1990s. The cultural turn now prevails among the present microhistorians of the world. The 'micronarrative' throws a fresh light on the narrative style of recent global history: Wider perspective rather requires thick micronarraive, not more traditional macronarrative. Recently, Korean social and cultural microhistorians also tend to focus upon the concrete aspects of popular and elite cultures through the micronarrative.

According to Heidegger, a human being is a "being in the world(In der Welt Sein)." The world here means the world constructed by stories. Scientists think the world consists of atoms, whereas historians believe the world consists of stories. What historians are groping for in the past is not a fact itself, but a story's structure. Historians rewrite history by rediscovering the story's structure from the past, which E. H. Carr referred to 'an endless conversation between the present and the past.' It is through storytelling that the past gives us meaning. However, the modern historiography which tried to establish history as a scientific discipline developed toward removing narrative history. This narrative history recurred in the mid-1980s when postmodernism proclaimed the end of the grand narrative and microhistory came into the spotlight in this atmosphere. The debate about the 2011 guidelines for writing middle school history textbooks is basically a discursive struggle about how to do the storytelling of modern Korean history. Historical storytelling cannot be single numbered and all the storytelling is political. Therefore, a political discursive fight is inevitable. The key point is how to create a rational communicative relationship in historical contestation. The field for rational communication can be opened up when we hold a discursive contest of 'story versus story' under the assumption that history is a storytelling ending with no correct answer. Writing and teaching history textbooks like the Holy Scripture should be avoided. The recurrence of narrative history is for the Reformation of history education. The educational system which operates through the relationship of teacher as priest and students as laymen and centers around history textbook as the Holy Scripture must be reformed. Storytelling history pursues the universal priesthood in history education. The goal of history education should be set for training students to construct a historical story on their own by communicating with the past through textbook.

It is no longer an exaggeration to state that recently a word ‘transnational /global’ has replaced ‘post-modern’ to become the most dominant and controversial discourse in the field of historiography as well as among social scientists. This article intends to explore theoretically the (im)possibility of re/over-writing an alternative mode of intellectual history, which Criticizes the linit and danger of Eurocentric mode of thinking and which is in tune with transnational dimensions and perspectives. After critical examination of what Arif Dirlik, Michel-Ralph Trouillot, Ranajit Guha, and Susan Buck-Morss have insisted respectively concerning a new and ideal model of world/universal history, the author Proposes two paths that may lead intellectual historians beyond the hegemonic territory of Euro/Western-centricism: 1) intellectual historians in a global age is required to be sensitive enough to detect a story of intellectual interaction and intercourse which had taken place at ‘contact zone’ of different societies, cultures, nations, and/or civilizations; 2) intellectual historians of the third world, in particular, should learn and practise how to stand on their head and hands to disturb the fundamentals of imperial cosmopolitanism and thus to re-erect the distorted facade of ‘local cosmopolitanism.

This article tries to re-illuminate the changes in the mentalité on Korean tigers in the 19th century from the perspective of Korean tiger, Chosun people and the Westerners. Korean tigers lost their top predators’ status in the Korean peninsula in late 18th century because of the tiger hunting policy by Chosun. In early 17th century, Yoo Mong-in had already called this risk as ‘human disarrangement’ comparing to ‘tiger disarrangement.’ In the 19th century, their habitat was limited to lowland along the coasts, islands, royal tombs or royal game preserve, and wolves became the strong aversion replacing Korean tigers. The arrival of the Westerners in the 19th century generalized the crooked image of the Korean Tiger Hunter. Originally, the Tiger Hunting Korean Army was a military organization that Chosun Dynasty established to protect people from disasters, and it was the core force that defeated the invasion of various western countries in the middle of the 19th century. However, the westerners misunderstood them as simple ‘Tiger Hunters’ or ‘Mountain Hunters’ and thought them separated from the government of Chosun. In the 19th century around the port opening, Korean tiger mentalité that Koreans had made and developed for a long time was changed dramatically. The Korean Tiger which used to symbolize the power of the King was changed into the image to explain the ordinary lives of the people. Even in the ruling class, the image of the strong force that the tiger was expanded to the imperial nations and westerns including Japanese that came to Korea also wanted to exclusively possess the traditional mentalit of Korean tigers. The interest in Korean Tiger until the 19thcentury became the ground to develop it into new phases at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

During the late 19th Century, the German imperialism established their new colonial base in Kiaochow area in China. This paper is focusing on the ways of implementing racial hygienic policy in the Kiaochow (Kiauschou) and showing the relationship between German imperialism and racial policy. In particular, this paper discusses several historical connections between the colonial policy and their own biopolitical policies: firstly, the imperial racial hygienic program was based on the Social Darwinism which was flourished in the western imperialism, and it played a direct causal factor in justifying the Holocaust in the Nazi era. Secondly, the research achievements and discourse on racial hygiene became an important backbone of the colonial racial policy, which reflects the contemporary racial views and cultural imperialist tendencies in the German society. On the basis of the racial hygienic view, the imperial government and colonial government set up their policies on the inter-racial marriage and mixed blood in the Kiaochow colonial area. Furthermore, the colonial policies, which were relied upon the German racial hygienic view, were incorporated with the imperial view on living space (Lebensraum), racism and the politicized science.

At the present time, ‘Cultural Turn’ in Humanities is disseminated to social science such as sociology, politics and science history etc. And as you know, globalization led to a drastic rescaling and restructuring of the meanings of space at both local and national level. Likewise, numerous disciplines are inclined to reflect on space and place in multi-layerd and multi-scalar dimension. We can call this current 'Spatial Turn'. This article aims to introduce this trend and intensify some of the cultural realities from the perspective of space and place. In this turn, space and place are not just an object of immutability or a carrier of researchers' own ideas, rather, they have significant meanings as continually mutable or changeable things with consistency. The current of 'Spatial Turn' shows it stresses 'Linguistic Turn' and 'Cultural Turn' of everyday life, language, culture and space as we could see in the thoughts of Henri Lefebvre, Michel Foucault, Michel de Certeau and George Perec. New cultural history has an interest mainly in the explanation of language text, linguistic discourse and cultural phenomenon, so, it could result in a superficial approach. At this point, it needs to be approached, not by 'in-space' but by 'through-space' aspect, as showed in the examples of the cultural politics and the political economy of culture. I want to interpret this 'Spatial Turn' with 'the space of candle demonstration' in the year 2008 based on 'Cultural Politics' which would show us the operation of the event. We could be at risk if we refuse to view the candle space with the interpretation of 'Autonomia Group' who thought of it as a transparent rational space of a collective intellect. However, I think that space can be linked to the 'heterotopia', but not of skepticism of Michel Foucault, rather of a hopeful utopia of Henri Lefebvre in which more elements of ambiguity, interchangeability, subsume and exclusion can get entangled. Political economy of culture is about the mutual interaction of dialectics of semiotic phenomena and material world. That is, it attempts to examine the dialectics of discourse and materiality and the reproduction of political economy by making semiotic the cultural phenomena including identity, discrimination, network of meaning, limit of rationality, ethical thing and finally try to reconceptualize the politics. So, political economy of culture is useful to research the symbolic meaning of representation composed by spatial planning of cultural cities or entrepreneurial cities. But Political Economy of Culture itself is also criticised for its tendency to make all the events, processes, trends and structures semiotic and therefore reduce the economy and politics to a simple semiotics. Focusing on Actor-Network Theory contributes to an opportunity to reflect upon an interactive heterogeneous network space which implies uneven multilayal quality articulated by interconnected human and nonhuman actors. And we expect to build up the possibility of a new interpretation to space and place from a wide-range appropriation of that theory, but it may also have some other limits on the way.

The present study aims to analyse the wave of the pogroms which broke out in early 1880s and spread through the southern regions of the Russian Empire There are two purposes of this article as follows: analysing the causes which led to the pogrom in this period and its impact on consciousness of Jewish communities in Russia. The word 'pogrom' came from Russian verb "gromit'"(crush) and it had come to be identified with repeated violent attacks on Jewish communities. Jews, who settled in southern and south-western regions of Russia, so called 'the Pale of Settlement' since the annexation of Poland in late 18th century, were forbidden to live outside the Pale. With in the Pale Jews were not permitted to live in villages and agricultural communities. The Russian government had established more than 600 laws and regulations to limit the rights of Jews. On the surface, it may seemed that the pogrom occurred to take revenge on Jews, inspired by the rumors that Jews had assassinated Alexander II. But the pogrom of the 1880s was outbreak of economic tensions and competitions between Jews and Russians caused by the economic reforms of Alexander II including a liberation of the serfs. The reign of Alexander II with his great reforms brought to the Russian Jewry some relief and partial extension of their rights. For this reason Jews assimilated into Russian society more intensively than ever before. But the pogroms of the 1880s slowed down the process of Jewish assimilation and awakened national consciousness among the Russian Jews-especially among the some Jewish intellectuals who were convinced that assimilation was the only solution to the Jewish problems in Russia. Eventually the pogroms of the 1880s prompted a mass immigration of the Russian Jews to the United States and other countries and indirectly gave a boost to the early Zionist movement in the Russian Empire.

The present paper aims to examine the activities of the General Jewish Worker's Union in Russia and Poland (Всеобщий еврейский рабочий союз в России и Польше, Бунд), commonly known as the 'Bund'. The Bund had been in pursuit of the two contradictory movements, one class struggle and the other national movement. In the process of dreaming of a better world, the Bund strove to make a better world through class conflict and revolution while maintaining its national identity as Jews. The Bund was a socialist party of Jews, founded by 13 poor students in Vilnius in 1897 and it had been active throughout 1921. The Jewish socialist movement, having started from a secret discussion group of Jewish students and workers, made constant efforts to bring about both class and national liberation, sometimes in collaboration with and other times in separation from the Russian Socialist Democratic Party, the leading force of the Russian Revolution in the turbulent times of the late 19th to the early 20th century. Following the Pogrom in 1903, the Bund had separated from the Russian Social Democratic Party and put more focus on addressing the national question of Jews in Russia. Then after the 1905 Revolution, when the Russian government cracked down the revolutionary forces, the Jewish organization returned to collaborate with the Russian Socialists and put joint efforts to abolish the 650 discriminatory laws against Jews, in the February Revolution in 1917. After the February Revolution, the Bund which had been in support of the Temporary Government in the February Revolution did not support it in the October Revolution. However, it kept supporting the Revolutionary Government again, witnessing the Bolsheviks to oppose the pogrom against Jews committed by the White Army in the Civil War. The Bund had led a total of 312 strikes of Jewish workers between 1898~1900 which took place in the north-west part of Russian and in Poland. Between 1901-1902, it published newspapers in 400,000 issues, organizing 170 strikes and 30 street demonstrations. Until 1921, the Jewish movement held eight times of the Congress and 13 general assemblies. The Bund, transforming from an intellectual gathering to the labor movement, played an important role in making Yiddish as the major language in the communication amongst Jewish proletariats. It worked itself up to the political party. When the majority of its members were purged in the earlog 1930s, the movement saw its fortune declining and its dream frustrated in the really existing socialism in the Soviet Union. However, it should be emphasized that it laid the foundation for the Russian Revolution, contributing to the development not only of the Jewish or Russian history but also to that of the world history.

This paper was focuses on characteristic of lives of Russian Jews after pogrom through Isaac Babel's works. Isaac Babel was a writer Who led the most typical life of Soviet Jews. His dramatic life ranging from pogrom experience of his childhood, to the limitations and failures due to Jewish identity, to social success and career, and to arrest and tragic death Well illustrates contradictions then Jews have experienced. His autobiographical stories of "Red Cavalry" and "The Odessa Tales" reveal problems and consciousness of the then Soviet Jews. Russian Jews had a strong hostility against the ruling force, dreamed of lives as Supergoy who assimilated into the system at the same time, had contradictory values between conflict and compromise. Much pride in Jewish descent as well as a gap between a strong desire to become a Jew and lineage roots were interestingly depicted as vibrant and varied lives of Jews through characters in the work of Babel, as painstaking work to be assimilated into the system. Humor and confusion expressed in his works were complex and combined and product of consciousness of the writer Babel, consciousness of contemporaneous Jews, and identity of Jews experienced in conflict and compromise as none other than borderline person. Babel’s life and his main characters did not stay only in the Jewish legitimacy. They constantly strived to incorporate into the new order, and endeavored to assimilate into goyish culture, occasionally committed powerful betrayal in order to enter the most central part of the system. Nevertheless, their Jewish legitimacy filled with strong resistance to the system and mockery can be seen. Benja Screm from "The Odessa Tales" is a hero to the weak who mocks governance system at that time. Babel portrays Benja Scream as the savior of the oppressed races by pogrom. Ambivalent feelings such irreconcilable and two appearances of the conflict and compromise reveal well in lives of both Babel and Babel’s characters. In conclusion, at that time the Jews were destined to live as permanent borderline figure between two opposing worlds. And Babel went down in history as such a complier to fate as well as a victim.

The purpose of this essay is to shed light on the hitherto somewhat ignored theme, the participation of the Soviet-East European Jews in the war against Nazi Germany. How this sphere of warfare is entangled to Anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union? That is a topic to be discussed in this study. The author suggests to reflect on this problem in terms of social upheaval that the Russian Revolution brought about. Considering on the Exodus from the Pale of Settlement, the upward social mobility in the 1930's Soviet society, we can get better understanding on following points. How the Soviet jews were able to perform the commanding post in the Red Army? What was the contribution of Jewish scientists, engineers to the victory? What was the significance in discovering the achievements of Jewish war heroes?

Many indigenous tribes in Siberia worshipped the Raven and the Eagle as the symbol of the Sun. In this regard, the research of the Raven and the Eagle represented in their mythologies has a significant meaning for the research of our mythological concepts about the Raven with three legs('Sam-jok-o' in Korean). Among the indigenous people of Siberian paleoasian tribes, Chukchi, koryaks and Itelmens worshipped the Raven as the symbol of the Sun, light and fire and as the Demiurge, the first ancestor and the cultural hero. But, in their mythologies the Raven didn't live in the sky, separated from people, but lived together with people whom he had created and was shown as negative image of trickster. And they thought that the Raven had no special connection with their shamanism. On the other hand, Mongol-Turkic tribes, Yakuts and Buryats, worshipped not the Raven but the Eagle. They thought that the Eagle was the symbol of the Sun, light and fire. And they worshipped the Eagle as the first ancestor and the cultural hero by them as well. In their mythologies the Eagle was considered as the founder, the teacher of the first shaman and the defender of all shamans. As it is shown above, it is possible to consider that worship of the Raven is the peculiar character of paleoasians and worship of the Eagle is the peculiar character of the Mongol-Turkic tribes. As to our ancient representations about the Raven and The Eagle it is necessary to investigate their mythological concepts more deeply about the Raven and the Eagle.

What is love? Why are there so many love stories that endlessly reproduce the joys and the pains of love? Moreover, why do so many love stories depict such similar, stereotypical images of love? One of the reasons for the overflowing of love stories is, needless to say, that 'love' is one of the most fundamental and intense experiences which leave so unforgettable traces to human beings physically as well as mentally. But more important reason is that love is, according to G. Lakoff and M. Johnson, basically 'conceptual metaphor.' In spite of the realness and richness of love experience, it is not easy at all to arrange our experiences of love as a coherent whole without using various metaphors. For example, we usually straighten out our experiences of love by engaging words such as fever, war, journey. Hence, "love is fever," "love is war"-the old and traditional conceptual metaphors of love. The main purposes of this paper are twofold. The one is, by using the notion of conceptual metaphor as an analysis tool, to find answers to the questions of what love is and how human beings systemize their love experience. As a result, it will be shown that the conventional love metaphor that has been continued from the ancient Greece is that love is a double-edged sword which can redeem, but at the same time, destroy yourself. The other purpose is, by scrutinizing Toni Morrison’s novels, especially Sula, Song of Solomon, and Jazz, to prove that she does not overcome this conventional image of love. At the same time, however, it will be emphasized that the true power of Toni Morrison is to reveal and emboss the inhumane social conditions of the Black, by using ‘love story’ as a narrative tool.

As the early 20th century in America was on the revolution in sex and morals, the traditional Victorian feminity and masculinity had been redefined newly. In these environments, E. M. Hull's romance novel, The Sheik(1919) and the movie which was named after the novel(1921) represented a new cultural phenomenon. Rudolph valentino, an immigrant from Italy, featured in the movie, which made him an popular matinee idol. Varied and enthusiastic responses of American society to the novel and the movie showed that gender, sexuality and race had been disturbed and reconstructed in this era. Especially, the narrative of some primitive and romantic love leading to happy marriage meant that the concept of more egalitarian and heterosexual marriage was made up and admitted in the 20th century American society. Therefore, it is necessarg to examine the novel and the movie as important cultural texts and representations showing dynamics of gender and sexuality in the era. The genre of romance has been supported by lots of women from the 18th century when the ideal of love marriage emerged in the Western culture. It is not conclusive that the romance brings the instant equality and freedom to women because of its complicated and contradictory messages. However, the romance embodies some subversive desire to rearrange the existing patriarchy and exercise some power inside the system of women. The love story made consistently and newly in the specific historical conditions reflects slow but clear changes although it seems to offer women fleeting rest and fantasy.

This paper tries to investigate the actual conditions of civil transportation in the late Ming(明) Dynasty. In order to do that, I firstly analyze the details of transportation use and fare with dividing into two groups, land and water transport. And then, I examine the characteristics of civil transportation during this period by looking into the relationship between corruptible carriers, a problem requiring an urgent solution in the transport policy, and the advent of transport agents. The distinctive features of the transport services in the late Ming Dynasty are two fold. First, the transportation for regular route, serviced by the civil carriers, was well-developed centering around Jiangnan(江南) in the water transport. This form of the transport services, was produced on a commercial basis to cope with a lively movement of humans and goods. Second, the sedan chair was a commonly used transport vehicle. The sedan chair was very exclusive, so it was allowed for the limited use by law. But, so many people used it for transportation because it was a comfortable vehicle. It owed its success chiefly to the boom of tourism and the prevailing extravagance tendency in the late Ming Dynasty. And people used it as the method of a long-distance tour. Water transport fare was lower than land transport fare. Because of that, when people traveled the same distance, they attempted to take the water transport methods, if possible. Despite the success of the transportation business, problems such as breach of contracts by carriers arose. As transportation brokerage services was valuable to both customers and carriers, this problem was gradually solved. In the late Ming Dynasty, the transportation system was being formative.

One way or another extraordinary things happened in British politics and government in the period called the Thatcher years from May 1979 to November 1990. What happened in the period has been variously described as a 'revolution' , 'the battle for Britain" and a "Miracle'. The miracle ventured was to halt and reverse Britain's seemingly irreversible decline in the spheres of economics, politics, society and general culture. During twelve continuous years of Conservative government there was established the widespread belief that Margaret Thatcher's brand of 'New Right' conservatism succeeded in substantially solving the problems and establishing a new consensus based on New Right ideas. The economic, political and cultural changes made after 1979 are rooted in a distinctive and dominant philosophy, 'Thatcherism', from which success has supposedly been derived. Policies developed on this basis and implemented by government since 1979 were said to have been so effective in solving Britain's problems that by 1989 there was nothing left but to export the philosophy. After 1989 the certainty became qualified. The first main argument advanced in this paper is that, in Britain, New Right ideas, actually, came into prominence by default out of a catalogue of errors, and their persuasiveness has been grossly exaggerated on the Left as well as on the Right. The second is that, even by its own standards and criteria, the record of Conservative governments under Margaret Thatcher has been one of comprehensive failure, with a few mitigating achievements. The result of the failure was far-reaching change in British life that created a society different from any she envision or desired. It was a change that could only be brought about by highly centalized government. As she thrust market forces into every corner of British life with the aim of 'rolling back the frontiers of the state', the state grew ever stronger. The unavoidable result of Thatcher's attempting to reinvent the free market was a highly invasive state.

Jean Monnet, often in modern history of Europe, is known as "the father of Europe", like people who tried to the first embodiment of European economic integration through the European Coal and Steel Community. However, there are a lot of contradictions when we try to follow his ideological track for European integration. In the processes of European integration, Jean Monnet considered the depth of the French national interests. As this regard, he was different form the European Federalists at his time. Also he was different from the nationalist alike Gaullist at the point of that he tried to overcome the national sovereignty. Most of all he made an effort to the cooperation with the United States for achieving the European integration after the Second World War. Thus, to understand Jean Monnet, I propose three codes, if the first, as the nationalist Jean Monnet for the good of the French country, second, as a father of European integration, Jean Monnet, and finally the Atlantist. Therefore, it is reasonable to define Monnet as "boundary man" between Europe caution and Atlantisme or "The father of Europe", selected by the Cold War. At first glance, his ideological hardship for European integration does not show consistency. But paradoxically, this point makes Jean Monnet useful because today the European integration process represents the interests of national governments by maximize national profits and interests.

Kim Chang-sei (1893-1934) graduated from Severance Union Medical College in 1916, and he was the first Korean to become a Doctor in Public Health(DrPH) at Johns Hopkins University in 1925. Dr. Kim opened the discourse on national hygiene and national physical rebuilding, and was also interested in the health care system. However, as a fighter for national independence, he would not collaborate with the colonial government to improve the Joseon people’s health condition. He wanted to become a health director of an autonomous government, but the discourse of autonomy was abolished. Dr. Kim’s journey to Beijing in 1926 offered him an important opportunity to determine what his activity in public health would be in the future. He met John B. Grant (1890-1962) who had taken the lead in public health in China. Dr. Kim wanted to secure his independent health program with financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation. He planned hygiene- laboratory-managed health activity to improve the Joseon people’s health condition. Perhaps he needed to prepare a similar plan to John Grant's the First Health Station because John Grant had interviewed him when Dr. Kim asked for financial support. However, the Rockefeller Foundation did not want to support financial backing for individuals such as Dr. Kim and private institutions such as Severance Union Medical College in colonial Korea. As the plan of implementing hygiene laboratories was frustrated in colonial Korea, Dr. Kim looked for cosmopolitan space to secure political liberty and to enable hygiene experiment. Ultimately, he resigned his professorship of Severance Union Medical College in August 1927, and headed for Shanghai in November 1927. The National Revolutionary Army tried to unite China in the Northern Expedition. They aimed at anti-imperialism and anti-warlordism and occupied Shanghai on May 1927. As a field director of the Department of Community Health in 1927, he was responsible for publicity and health education with the Council on Health Education in China. Concentrating on publicity and health education, he broadcast his concerns about government and civilian activities. According to his article in The China Medical Journal in 1928, in which he analyzed bleak condition of public health in Shanghai, he had a solution that would improve this problem. At first, he noted the differences in health administration among the International Settlement, French Concession, and Chinese residences. He argued that if concession authorities, the Chinese government, and voluntary health institutions progressed toward international cooperation, and collaborated with the Nanjing government, they would contribute to international peace. Dr. Kim could not be satisfied with civilian activities, and he tried to participate in the health administration of the Chinese government or the concession authorities. In doing so, he thought to complete his hygiene experiment. Finally, he got his job in the department of health in French municipal concession. As a Shanghai cosmopolitan, he foresaw that the health care system in Shanghai could improve the health condition of residents, while cooperating with concession authorities, the Chinese government, and voluntary health institutions. But he resigned the short-lived position in the concession authorities and voluntary health institutions. He headed for New York to search for new activities, and finally he shot himself to death.

The aim of this article is to re-read the famous antiwar-film All Quiet on the Western Front(1930) on the historical context of the Weimar Republic of Germany. According to Benjamin Schröder, the powerful political myths in relating to the First World War Should be the main key with which the antiwarism of this historical film could be explained clearly, that is, war enthusiasm, war heroism, Dolchstosslegende. It is truthworthy that a film text should be analysed on the historical context that the film was produced and seen in the theaters. Chapter Two sheds new lights on the war enthusiam myth through the lens of a student soldier Paul Bäumer. As a result, the film argued that the war enthusiasm was only the construct of the political propaganda from the German military commander and the right newspapers. Chapter Three reveals out the reality of the war heroism myth, so that it was very different from the scenery that the German military commander and the right newspapers fabricated and reported. In particular, the so-called Langemarck myth was totally a forged document, according to the real appearance of the war that Paul witnessed. Chapter Four illuminates the question why the German army was finally defeated. Many consevativist personnel such as Hindenburg asserted after the war that the main cause of the German defeat should be brought out not from the inferiority of the German army power, but from the anti-German betrayals of the left political parties and peace movement activists. But Paul was sure that the German army should be defeated distinctly because of much misjudgements and failures of the German mitary commander and the inferior military strength. In Conclusion, the film All Quiet on the Western Front(1930) was one of the very parodixical antiwar films. The film declared that the story should be neither an accusation nor a confession. But the main actor Paul argued severly against the pro-war conservative powers, and he confessed that the important things should be not war, death and hatred, but peace, life and love. In this vein, the last parts of this anti war film can be reread as a soundless requiem for milions of the nameless fallen soldiers in the First World War.