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The Un/Making of ‘Creole Nationalism’: C. L. R. James and the Politics of ‘Respectability’ in the British West Indies Youngjun Ha(Hanyang University) This paper is a study on the ambivalent relationship between the early thoughts of C. L. R. James and ‘Creole nationalism’ in the British West Indies. Creole nationalism was the term for Black middle class’s nationalism that advocated for West Indian self-government and ‘respectability’ as its cultural basis in colonial West Indies. The ideal of respectability was equally important for both the British Empire and it’s colonies in West Indies. The English middle class of the Victorian era showed off the superiority of their own culture through respectability and made an attempt to justify their ‘liberal imperialism’ based on it. But for the Black middle class, respectability represented a necessary tool to combat popular racial images of their race as lazy, dirty, unintelligent, morally lax, and sexually rapacious. The Black middle class appropriated English middle class’s respectability to resist against British rule and to hold national hegemony in colonial Trinidad. In particular, through political work, James tried to create a national identity and justify self-government based on local and racial transformation in the ideal of respectability, as in the pamphlet The Case for West Indian Self-Government. It meant to privilege the Black middle class experience as the prime characteristic of national identity and to exclude the heterogeneous experiences of Black lower class and other immigrants in the British West Indies. Creole nationalism had provided a solid foundation for national independence in Jamaica, Trinidad, and Tobago in 1962. At the same time, James also seemed to reveal the problems of the idea of respectability in the pursuit of nation-building, especially in his literary work, Minty Alley. By looking at his political and literary works together, this paper intends to show how James’ early works played an important role in the un/making of Creole nationalism against/for the ideal of respectability in colonial Trinidad.

The Logic of Zhengfa: Warfare, Calendar, Clock, and Firearm Weapon in 15th-Century Chosŏn Daham Chŏng(Hanyang University) This paper is to rethink 15th century Chosŏn’s warfare against Jurchens with transnational perspective. Unlike Korean historians’ views that underestimate those wars as self-defense, which originated from nationalists historiography’s hereditary victimhood on “foreign invasion”, those wars were clear representation of the political idea Early Chosŏn created on its position in Northeast Asian interstate order, which situated Chosŏn high above Jurchens. Basically, those wars were defined as “war for punishment and correction of world order”, Zhengfa(Kr. Chŏngbŏl), by the bipolar rhetorics of the language of Universal Empire, which Chosŏn kings dared to appropriate. Accordingly, on the other side of physical violence of war, Chosŏn’s egocentric rhetorics which kept bipolarizing the heavenly mandated punisher and the convict, were repeatedly represented. Along with proclamation of war, it was emphasized Jurchens have belonged to Chosŏn since the dynastic founder. Then, Chosŏn kings were described as benevolent parents, and Jurchens were inevitably characterized with immorality of parricide. It was those particular rituals and traditional sciences which symbolized this vertical hierarchy in this war. From the departure of armies, via battle fields, to their returning to the capital, powerful combination of traditional rituals and sciences including clock, calendar, and firearms, kept justifying physical violence of war, by representing the imagined hierarchy under heaven where divine legacy of Chosŏn king ruled and Jurchens should obey. Through this warfare, Chosŏn kings ultimately tried to build up its “Lesser Suzerain” status in Northeast Asia vassalizing those Jurchens, in a periphery of the bigger frame of Ming Sinocentric East Asian order.

Research on Transnational Comparative Women’s Studies: Focused on Asian Women’s Studies Gayoung Min(Hanyang University) Asian women’s studies have shown divergent historical contexts beyond western perspective as an intellectually postcolonial work. But these work have lead to reproduce the nationally and regionally bounded. This research aims to examine the way for Asian women’s studies which have aimed to criticize western-centered perspective and reveal asian context to go beyond Asian boundedness. Specially this research aims to reproblematize the boundary of Asia by examining ‘division of civilization during the period of imperialism and division of human rights’ during the period of developmentalism after the world war II. Historically women’s human rights have been used to represent non western societies in a way of inferior to Western society and through this process hierarchy of areas have been justified. Women’s human rights in the age of imperialism and developmentalism had played a crucial role to represent the colony and no western society in a contrasting way of civilization vs tradition and savior for human rights vs victim of inferior human rights. Sati represented as a tradition against India women had been constituted as an universal tradition by collaboration between India elites and imperialist with erasing diverse interpretations and practices around sati in India. By comparing sati with a witch-hunt in Europe, while sati was represented as an ongoing practice to make India women’s life dangerous, witch-hunt was represented as an ended practice. To represent non western society as the homogeneous and the ahistorical serve to represent women as a victim of tradition by erasing cultural differences and complexities. The pattern around civilizaion between imperial and colony has been repeated around human rights between the 1st world and the third world. the concept of ‘division in human rights’ has emerged based on the dichotomy of universal savior vs universal victim. It is important to notice how ‘non western human rights’ has been invented. Narayan shows that how a dowry-murder has been represented as a India tradition, while it is a form of domestic violences that occurs in almost every country. She asked why dowry-murder has been represented as a local problems and murders in domestic violence have been invisible while the ratio of murder in domestic violence in the USA is similar to that in India. While a dowry-murder has been considered as a problem , general domestic violences have not issued. In a contrast while murders in domestic violence have not been visible, general domestic violences have been considered as an important social issue. The process to construct issues about women’s human rights as a local tradition shows that the process to construct non western society as an other of western society is situated on cross internal and national connection. The fact raises a need for a transnational comparative research by showing multiple connectivities among nations. This method will open a space of possibility to problematize a category of Asia and go beyond a category of Asia.

Marine Space and Network: Focused on the Hanseatic Leaugue as a Network Space Chun-Shik Kim(POSTECH) Not only the actual trend of excellent achievement from socio-scientific research but also recent enlargement of research boundary of maritime studies have been challenging us to explore “Hanseatic League (Deutsche Hanse)” from various perspectives. This paper mainly deals with “Deutsche Hanse (Hanseatic League)” as a complex networking space having locality and temporality at the same time. In particular, the Baltic region in late medieval is retraced using the keywords that the Hanseatic network was mostly based on commercial trade. In the Middle Ages, cities and towns have used marine space not only for trade but also for their networking with political, economic and socio-cultural purposes. This enabled those marine spaces to make exceptional development of the manufacturing technique. This is the “Hansebund” or Hanseatic League that showed a brilliant prosperity from the Baltic to the North Sea, 12th to 15th century. The Hanseatic cities had their own legal system and furnished their own protection and mutual aid, and thus established a sort of political autonomy and in some cases created political entities of their own. The Hanseatic league leaded by German cities achieved domination of trade in the Baltic with striking speed over the 13th century. Wide commerce and trade activities in this region contributed to the development of capitalism and the intensity of the middle class as a result played significant role to dissolve feudalism. Moreover the autonomy given by the empire and despot influenced Northern Renaissance in various ways. The fact that religious reformation triggered by Martin Luther was successful is also a convincing evidence that this region was under the direct and indirect influence of free Hanseatic culture. As described above, Hanseatic region, deserved to be named as an independent civilization area in the European history, was formed in Baltic region for communication and material civilization with the development of handicraft, urban architecture and shipbuilding. The Hanseatic culture became a pride and honor for the citizen, and the tradition of Hanseatic League is still diffused into the daily life by transforming itself as a materialized civilization. Correspondingly, the region is even now also recognized as a substantial force for EU integration. In that sense we find “die Neue Hanse” which was revived in 1980s as a evidence for this. Although merged by empire in the year of 1669 due to the reinforcement of kingship, it was one of the vigorous regions for communication and civilization over 500 years from the middle 12th century to the late 17th century. Namely if the Mediterranean region is a lake for Greek and Roman civilizations, North Sea and Baltic Sea were breastfeeded by “Deutsche Hanse” communication space in that period.

Linguistic Politics and Conceptual Struggle over the Nazi Memories Inho Na(Daegu University) How the Germans have made efforts to overcome the Nazi past is well introduced by many Korean historians who try to make a comparison between Korean and German historical processes of past conquest. But the German linguistic politics over the Nazi criminal past receives no attention, even though it has been continuously an important element in the history of the Nazi past conquest. This paper tried to fill such vacuum. The linguistic politics over the Nazi criminal past, which has been always controversial, means the normative control of ‘historically correct speech’ related to the Nazi past as well as the criticism of the Nazi vocabulary and concepts. The German controversy over the linguistic politics related to the Nazi past began immediately after 1945 and continued to be intensified through the late 1980s. It can be divided into two phases: 1. The first is characterized by the criticism of the Nazi language and the anti-criticism of this in the context of denazification. The critics of the Nazi words like Viktor Klemperer and a group of philologists tried to build a warning monument which should serve to memorize the ‘corrupted language’ of the Nazism. Through this, they wanted to exclude the Nazi vocabulary and concepts from the public discourses in the German society. 2. During the Conservatives and Progressives competed for the preoccupation of the meanings of important concepts in the 1970s, the linguistic politics was magnified. In such situation, since the mid-1980s appeared the second phase in which the positive linguistic politics for establishing the ‘correct memory’ proceeded. The progressives called as ‘left’ in Germany made an effort to draw a normative boundary between what is ‘sayable’ and not ‘sayable’, that is, to establish a strict linguistic norm related to the Nazi past. On the contrary, the conservatives tried to extend the limit of what is ‘sayable’, criticizing the linguistic politics of the ‘left’ which they denunciated as ‘political correctness’.

The National Trust: Its History and ‘Britishness’ Heera Chung(Kyung Hee University) This PaperThis Paper deals with history of the National Trust and its ‘Britishness’. The National Trust is the most important and successful voluntary society in Britain. But its history is still to be better known. Locating the Trust in the context of modern British history, this paper argues that the Trust attempted to be a preservation society for the nation including British colonies. It has reflected concerns about national identities. The National Trust was established in 1895 by Sir Robert Hunter, Octavia Hill, and Canon Rawnsley. They were concerned with preserving open space of natural beauty, and were also interested in safeguarding buildings of historical importance. The Trust attempted to find the essence of national identity was to be found in the fields and hedegerows, and in historical buildings. It desired to monumentalise English political, religious and cultural traditions for English-speaking peoples at home and abroad. The Trust believed that the nature and the historical monuments should be preserved for the nation. The concept of the nation by the Trust was much more extensive than that by other comtemporary preservationists whose main interests in southern England. During the 1930s and the 1940s the Trust’s mission shifted to preserving country houses, cooperating with the declining aristocracy. Although the country house scheme was to preserve historical monuments, it alienated the Trust from ordinary people. It failed to be a society for the whole community of British people. Since the 1970s the Trust attempted to expand its definition of what is worthy of preservation. New projects included preserving vernacular architecture, industrial archaeology, and also the life of the ordinary people. This led dramatic rise in membership, especially from the middle- and working-classes. The National Trust succeeded in retaining its identity as a preservation society for the nation, and also in being a cultural code representing Britishness.

A Discussion about Prenationalism of China over 〈Nanjing! Nanjing!〉(Ruchun, 2009): Where is Nationalistic Resistance Heading? Heegyeo Kim(Kwangwoon University) The nantionalism of Korea has been theoretically continued to thrive under the strong wave of postmodernism. It was desirable that the nationalism of Korea became flexible as it possessed its lapidary. However, the flexible nationalism also emasculates the resistance to violence among East Asian countries to a certain extent. The current Open-nationalism reaches to the level of completed intellectual pursuit while the nationalism of Korea in the past was one of the most powerful methods to struggle for accomplishing the pre-colonialism since the colonization of Korean Peninsula. The author have interests in China’s characteristics and its potential power as a peacemaker that protects neighboring countries from war and violence. Especially, we spotlight on China’s propensity for pre-colonialistic nationalism and its role. The immediate objective of this research is to analyze the argument over historical re-interpretation for historicizing war and violence between nationalism and free-nationalism of China through a film,〈Nanjing! Nanjing!〉. Based on this, we intend to investigate 1) how China tries to historicize the Nanjing Massacre which victimized Chinese people by war and violence even after New China had been established by accomplishing free-colonialism and by obtaining the territory and sovereignty 2) how Chinese pre-nationalists and nationalists define Japan who has been a perpetrator without squaring themselves 3) whether China also settle the historical issues bind them to war and violence. Through these analyses, we could have a reflective opportunity to search for directions of our pre-colonialism.

The Contact Zone between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Contemporary Art in the Anthropological Museum in Britain Seong Eun Kim(NJP Art Center) This paper seeks to uncover what lies behind the changing conceptualisation of the anthropological museum in the UK. British anthropology began as an academic discipline about exploring ‘other’ cultures, and was largely museum-based in its earlier days. The British Museum in London houses a substantial amount of anthropological collections amassed since the 17th century; the Pitt Rivers Museum founded in 1852 is closely affiliated with the Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology in the University of Oxford. Having been framed by the British colonialist world view, the two museums today cannot but revisit the past and revise the relationships with the other cultures that have been brought from all over the world to the museum space. This is not least because the multicultural composition of the British society itself becomes more complex than ever in an increasingly connected world. The museums need to attend to different voices to reinterpret their history and collections. One of the ways for the museums to bring in new perspectives is to invite contemporary artists to produce works of art in there, who live a transnational life while keeping eye on their specific cultures of origin. This paper looks into the works of two international artists from Nigeria and Tibet respectively, whose works of art are shown in the contexts of the British Museum and the Pitt Rivers Museum, thereby commenting on cultural identity and historical memory represented by the museums.

Postcolonial Revolutionary Frantz Fanon’s Resistance and National Liberation Movement Jae-Won Lee(Yonsei University) Frantz Fanon - a prominent figure of the 20th French intellectual society, born in French Martinique and who fought against colonialism through the political struggle and literary resistance - has long been forgotten in France. It is not difficult to understand this kind of his position in France when we remember the fact that he criticized colonial tyranny within assimilationism. For the French, referring to Fanon is revealing their shameful past. Not only in french but also in western academic world, he was considered as ‘an apostle of violence’, with his name forbidden to be mentioned, and even in Algeria, where he led independence struggle as a psychiatrist, he was not fairly evaluated. This thesis aims to give prominence to Fanon’s political practicality, trying to correct the misunderstanding and distorted evaluation of Fanon. There are various words to call Fanon ; a French and a black Martinique, a psychiatrist and an Algerian liberation struggle Champion, an anticolonial practitioner and a postcolonial theorist. However, many people still remember him as a symbol of intellectual in action. Fanon, who led resistance movement as a prominent figure of FLN, was an intellectual who emphasized the politics and practicality of the theory more than any other intellectual. Through this thesis, I hope that you will find the way of the third world postcolonial liberation movement by putting Fanon’s ideas and life in the new colonial international relationship which still works on in the name of neoliberal globalization and that you will understand the meaning and the influence of material and mental decolonization Fanon offered in our age.