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분카 8년(1811)에 일본을 방문한 조선통신사는, 쓰시마[對馬島] 에서 국서 교환과 같은 외교 의례를 수행한 ‘역지빙례(易地聘礼)’ 형식을 취했다. 일본에서는 쇼군의 대리인 ‘상사(上使)’와 막부 관 료 일행이 에도[江戶]와 쓰시마를 오갔으며, 여정 중 각 번(藩)은 이 일행을 접대해야 했다. 역지빙례가 성립된 주요 요인 중 하나로 국내의 ‘재정 부담 경 감’이 거론된다. 막부는 에도가 아닌 쓰시마에서 통신사를 응접함 으로써, 연도(沿道)에 위치한 여러 번의 부담을 줄이고자 했다. 이 러한 통신사 응접에서 막부의 ‘간이성폐방침(簡易省弊方針)’이 실 제 효과를 거두었다고 여러 연구에서 평가되지만, 보고자는 해당 학설의 실증이 부족하며, 국내 각 번의 부담이 실제로 경감되었는 지에 대해 추가 검토가 필요하다고 주장한다. 또한, 경제적․부담 측면 등 ‘지원하는 쪽의 관점’이 결여되어 있다는 점이 조선통신사 연구의 과제로 지적되고 있다. 본 논문은 이러한 연구 과제에 따라, 상사 및 막부 관료에 대한 접대와 간소화를 하기번 사례를 통해 고찰한다. 분카 8년 이전의 통신사에 대한 접대와 상사 및 막부 관료에 대한 접대는 직접 비 교할 수 없지만, ‘번의 부담’이 경감되었는지 여부를 ‘지원하는 쪽의 관점’에서 살펴보는 방식으로 검토를 가능하게 했다. 1장에서는 상사 및 막부 관료의 이동 시 하기번[萩藩]의 준비 및 실제 접대에 대해 논의한다. 특히, 번사(藩士)의 접대지 파견, 선물․식재료․선박 제공 등 하기번이 접대 방침을 결정하는 데 어떤 요소를 고려했는지를 명확히 한다. 2장에서는 매․말 등의 의례 물품 이동 시 하기번이 추진한 접 대 간소화에 대해 다룬다. 문화 8년 통신사에서 매와 말 등의 의 례 물품은 쓰시마번과 고쿠라번[小倉藩]이 호송을 담당했다. 호레 키[宝暦] 연간 조선통신사 방문 당시와 비교했을 때, 하기번이 접 대 간소화를 검토한 자료가 존재한다. 해당 자료를 바탕으로 하기 번의 접대 간소화가 실제로 이루어졌는지 검토한다. 3장에서는 하기번의 상사 및 막부 관료에 대한 접대 간소화와 관련된 배경을 고찰한다. 본 논문은 당시 하기번이 히로시마번[広 島藩]․오카야마번[岡山藩]과 연계하며, 분카 8년 통신사의 업무 를 담당한 막부 관료와도 관계를 맺고 자번(自藩)의 접대 방침을 간소화 방향으로 수립했음을 지적한다. 구체적으로 어떤 논의가 이루어졌고, 실제 접대가 어떻게 수행되었는지를 논의한다. 결론적으로, 하기번이 상사 및 막부 관료에 대해 시행한 접대와 간소화 정책에 대해 규명하고자 했다. 나아가, 당시 통신사 외교가 단순히 대마도와 조선 간에만 국한된 것이 아니라, 국가 외교의 맥락에서 이해할 필요가 있음을 강조했다.

In the year Bunkah 8 (1811), the “Cultural Envoy from Korea” that visited Japan took the form of “diplomatic gifts for exchange” (易地聘礼), which included the exchange of official documents in Tsushima. From Japan, the shogun's representative, known as “the envoy” (上使), along with a group of shogunate officials, traveled back and forth between Edo and Tsushima, and the various domains along the route were required to provide hospitality to this group. One of the factors contributing to the establishment of the diplomatic gifts for exchange was the “reduction of financial burdens” within the country. The shogunate aimed to alleviate the burden on the domains along the route by receiving the envoys in Tsushima rather than in Edo. It is said that the shogunate’s “policy of simplification and reduction of extravagance” in receiving the envoys yielded practical benefits, but the author believes that the evidence supporting this theory is insufficient and that there is room for examination regarding whether the burden was truly alleviated for the various domains. Additionally, it has been pointed out as an issue in the study of the Korean envoys that there is a lack of perspective from the “supporting side,” such as economic and burden considerations. Therefore, this paper will examine the hospitality and simplification towards the envoys and shogunate officials, using the Hagi domain as a case study based on the aforementioned research issues. While it is not possible to compare the hospitality provided to the envoys before the Bunkah era with that provided to the shogunate officials, it is feasible to investigate whether the “burden on the domain” was alleviated by adopting the perspective of the “supporting side.” Chapter 1 will examine the preparations and actual hospitality provided by the Hagi domain during the passage of the envoys and shogunate officials. Specifically, it will clarify how the Hagi domain determined its hospitality policy based on factors such as the dispatch of domain officials to hospitality locations and the provision of gifts, food, and vessels. In Chapter 2, I examine the simplification of receptions considered by the Hagi Domain in connection with the passage of hawk and horse ships. During the Bunka-era Korean Envoys, the transportation of ceremonial items such as hawks and horses was handled by the Tsushima and Kokura Domains. Compared to the Horeki-era Korean Envoys, historical records show that the Hagi Domain considered simplifying these receptions. Based on these records, I analyze whether such simplifications were actually implemented by the Hagi Domain. In Chapter 3, I explore the background of the simplified receptions provided by the Hagi Domain to senior envoys and shogunate officials. This study highlights how the Hagi Domain, while cooperating with the Hiroshima and Okayama Domains, also interacted with shogunate officials responsible for the Bunka-era Korean Envoys and formulated its reception policies with a focus on simplification. Specifically, I examine what measures were considered and how the receptions were actually carried out. From the above, this study attempts to clarify the receptions conducted by the Hagi Domain for senior envoys and shogunate officials, as well as the policies aimed at simplification and cost reduction. Furthermore, it emphasizes the necessity of understanding the diplomatic missions of the Korean Envoys during this period not as matters confined to Tsushima and Korea but as integral components of national diplomacy.

文化8(1811)年に日本に来聘した文化度朝鮮通信使は、対馬で国書 交換をはじめとした外交儀礼を執り行う易地聘礼の形を取った。日本から は将軍の名代上使や幕府役人一行が江戸と対馬を往来し、道中の諸藩 は一行の接待に当たる必要があった。 易地聘礼を成立させた要因の一つとして挙げられているのが、国内の財 政負担軽減である。幕府は、江戸ではなく対馬で通信使を応接することに より、沿道諸藩の負担を軽減させようとした。このような通信使応接での幕府 の簡易省弊方針は諸研究で実益を挙げた、と言われているが、報告者 は当該学説について実証が不十分であり国内諸藩で本当に負担は軽減されたのか、検討の余地があると考える。また、経済․負担面など支える側 の視点が欠如しているとのことが朝鮮通信使研究の課題として指摘されてい る。 そこで本稿では、上記の研究課題に基づき、上使․幕府役人に対する 接待と簡易化について萩藩を事例に考察する。本来、文化度以前の通信 使に対する接待と、上使․幕府役人に対する接待について比較はできない が、藩の負担が軽減されたかどうかという支える側の視点に立つことで 検討を可能としている。 第1章では、上使․幕府役人の通行に際する萩藩の準備や実際の接待 について検討する。具体的には藩士の接待地派遣や進物․食材․船舶の 提供について、萩藩がどのような要素を踏まえつつ接待方針を決定していた かについて明らかにした。 第2章では、鷹․馬船の通行に際し萩藩が検討した接待簡易化を取り上 げる。文化度通信使において鷹․馬といった礼単は対馬藩や小倉藩が護 送を担当している。これらは宝暦度朝鮮通信使来聘時と比較して、萩藩で 接待簡易化を検討している史料が存在する。当該史料をもとに、萩藩の接 待簡易化が実際に行われていたか検討を加える。 第3章では、萩藩の上使․幕府役人に対する接待簡易化に関して、その 背景を考察した。本稿では当該期の萩藩が広島藩․岡山藩と連携を取り つつ、文化度通信使の一件を担当していた幕府役人とも関係をもち、自藩 の接待方針を簡易化に向けて策定していたことを指摘した。本稿では、具体 的にどのようなことが検討されていて、どのように実際の接待が行われていた かを検討した。 以上から、萩藩が上使․幕府役人に実施した接待と簡易省弊方針につ いて解明を試みた。さらに、当該期の通信使外交が対馬と朝鮮の間で完結 するものではなく、国家外交の中で捉える必要性があることを指摘した。

In today‘s globalized and highly interconnected world, cultural diplomacy is receiving renewed attention. Social and economic changes as well as geopolitical transformations have led to a new relevance for international cultural policies. Its key drivers and exchange policy are the pursuit of greater international recognition of a South Korea (ROK) ‗brand‘ through the international exposure of its culture and its cultural industries; and the desire to take advantage of the global interest in, and sustain the export income generated by, the international impact of the Korean ‗Wave‘ (Korean TV dramas, pop music, films and video games). ROK has a many organizations and mechanisms involved in cultural diplomacy and international exchange. Yet studies so far have failed to offer ROK a basic framework for establishing strategies for concrete and successful cultural diplomacy especially toward ASEAN. This paper firstly examines the background of ROK-ASEAN relations. Secondly, relevant discourse and the positive factors that could contribute to South Korea‘s cultural diplomacy towards ASEAN will be identified. Finally, the study analyzes the meaning of these factors in the ROK‘s formulation of strategies, and suggests for developing specific ideas into actual policies toward ASEAN.

The rise of Hallyu, the Korean Wave, and the increasing power of Korea in the world has increased the salience of Korean efforts to introduce and promote its culture throughout the world. This study examined and compared the British Council and the US State Department Bureau of Public Affairs, which operates the American Cultural Center in Korea. The study compared the background and history, core tasks, organization and structure, finance and funding, personnel, and level of autonomy of the two organizations following in-depth interviews with their directors in Korea. The British Council is a non-departmental quango, whereas Public Affairs is part of the State Department and works out of the US Embassy and the two present extreme contrasts in many other areas, including diplomatic status, arm’s length relationship, and funding systems. At the same time, both organizations share quite a bit in common, engage in public diplomacy, are dedicated to building trust and strengthening mutual relationships, view Korea as an equal partner, provide scholarships, do educational and arts and cultural programming, both prefer to play a facilitating role where possible and both are managed by a relatively small core of civil servants supported by a much larger number of local contract employees. The study found that the commonalities should be emulated as much as possible. Either model of autonomy would be effective but the more independent British Council model would have a number of advantages in the Korean case.

We aimed to understand how English textbooks in Korea reflect English education policies for improving the English language learners' cultural ability. In order to achieve the purpose of this study, we used the method of analyzing English textbooks because English textbooks are an important tool that most specifically reflects the English policy of a country. This study analyzed middle school English textbooks currently used in Korea. We analyzed nouns/pronouns related to cultures presented in the reading section included in each unit, and compared cultural diversity and cultural identity included in English textbooks in Korea. As a result, it was found that Korea tried to introduce the diverse cultures from the world and promote Korean traditional cultures into the world. So the cultural policy of English education in Korea can be evaluated to be appropriate for cultivating Korea young learners with the cultural capabilities which are essential to be successful leaders in the globalized world.

Cette étude a pour but de présenter une stratégie alternative pour aprofondir la relation bilateraleentre le Brésil et la Corée dans l'avenir à l'aide des échanges cultrels. L'importance de l'échange culturel est déjà prouvée par la Vague Coréenne teomoignée dans les pays asisatique. Il est important non seulement pour l'aprondissement des connaissances culturels l'un à l'autre mais aussi pour l'ouverutre de la marche derivative liée à la culture. Pendant dernièrs 50 ans, les échanges culturels entre eux étaitent relativement inactifs par rapport aux échanges industriels. Les échanges culturels faits jusqu'á présent ont été consacrés à quelques choses traditionels ou du passé. Entre les autres, la distance geographique est une bairrère la plus grande qui les empêchait. Il nous faut donc avoir quelques moyens qui puissent augmenter l'échange culturel en compensant cette difficulté phisique. Un Centre Culturel en sens traditionnel pourrait être une solution possib. Mais si l'on pense la dimension territoirale du Brésil. ce ne serait une bonne réponse. C'est donc pourquoi je suppose qu'il doit avoir un point de contact qui surpasse la limité spatio-temporelle tels que Centre Culturel ou Point d'information cybernatique. Dans cette éspace, nous pouvons fournir des informations nouvelles et pratiques sans cesse. Il est aussi possible d'avoir contacts interactifs. Dans ce papier, j'ai remarqué l'absence de la politique coréenne sur l'échange culturel et quel sont possibles barrières qui l'empeche. Et j'ai proposé une startégie alternative qui peut augmenter l'échange culturel entre les deux pays. Les proposition que j'ai présentée ici peuvent aider le Brésil à établir les politiques sur l'échange culturel avec la Corée.

To discuss the resumption of the stalled six party talks, simple comparative analysis of the positions of related nations alone is inadequate. What is needed is an analysis of the multi party negotiation structure and a third party intervention model needed for solving the problems between the related parties. At issue is the problem of deciding whether to consider an outside mediator to solve this impasse or to choose one of the related countries as a 3mediator. Also, should either China or South Korea be expected to take on this mediator role, one of the strategic consideration is deciding on what this role is going to be. Theoretically, the role of a mediator can be diverse and includes that of issue communicator, conflict mitigator or proposal arbitrator for solving cultural problems. It is questionable as to whether South Korea or China can be expected to fulfill this role of mediator during the six party talks. Lastly, questions remain as to whether mediation needs to be neutral or prejudiced or partial in order for it to be successful, In theory, the neutrality or objectivity is considered as an important factor for success in mediation. It remains, however, to be seen whether such factors laid out in theory can be applicable to the six party talks for solving the North Korean nuclear issue.

Since the late twentieth century to the present day, the world is drifting into two streams, which are globalization and postmodernism. However, these two streams have in common two features, that is, both deal with the actual society from the economic point of view and face counter-currents: glocalization and emergence of micro-discourses, such as gender, minority, among others. In this context, this study aims to analyze the cultural policy of Portugal that is member state of the European Union. To do so, first took the New State policy of Salazar and the policy of the EU to observe better what differentiates the current cultural policy of the Portuguese government. We reached the conclusion that the New State policy is characterized by oppressive, authoritarian, centralizing and homogenizing the heterogeneous cultural features of his people and others based on Catholicism, while the current cultural policy, released this year, by the initiatives that give priorities to cultural diversity in which the country finds itself.

Desde o final do século XX até nossos dias, o mundo está flutuando e balançando em duas correntes, que são globalização e pós-modernismo. No entanto, estas duas correntes têm em comum duas características, isto é, ambos abordam a atual sociedade mundial sob prisma econômico e enfrentam contra-correntes: glocalização e surgimento de micro-discursos, como gender, minoria, entre outros. É nesse contexto que o presente estudo visa analisar a política cultural de Portugal que é país-membro da União Européia. Para tanto, tomamos primeiro a política do Estado Novo salazarista e a da EU para observar melhor em que se diferencia a atual política cultural do governo português. Chegamos à conclusão de que a política estadonovista se caracteriza pela homogeneização opressiva, autoritária, centralizadora com base no Catolicismo, enquanto a atual política cultural de Portugal, divulgada neste ano, pelas iniciativas que dão pioridades à diversidade cultural em cuja sociedade se encontra.

The aim of this paper is to investigate and clarify the basic concept(background) and generative power concerning why Korea is focusing its past traditional culture and how they are trying to reproduce it in spite of the fact that Korea is trying to overcome the negative sides of its history caused by Japanese colonialism and the Korean War. Especially, in the 1970s, by its drastic change in cultural policy Korean government seemed to provide a turning-point, from which Korean society recurred to its traditional culture. However, this paper analyses how the popular-based cultural movement, which continued to make frontal attacks upon the governmental policies, is the essential generative power for the recurrence to the traditional culture. The popular-based cultural movement perceived 'the mask drama as a popular/folk art'to be a traditional culture and made it play a symbolic role in their resistance. As the Korean government faced the resistance of the cultural movement, they had to build theirown cultural policy in haste. Korean government dreamed about the realization of true tradition and national identity based on Korean nation and its national culture, while the popular-based movement, on the populace and its culture. Although both sides have had repeated confrontations and struggles around the revitalization of Korean traditional culture, their final purpose was no other than the construction of national identity. This paper also analyses and describes how those conflicts between the two sides became one of the unique characteristics of Korean nationalism.

우리 사회의 다문화 사회로의 이행에 따른 파생된 사회문제에 대한 다양한 대책 논의가 필요한 시점이다. 2006년 참여정부의 다문화정책을 시작으로 다문화에 관련된 다양한 정책이 집행되고 있다. 하지만 전통적인 관료제에 의한 접근방식으로는 다양한 정책적 이슈들을 통합하고 관리하는 것은 어려운 실정이다. 따라서 복잡다기한 다문화정책의 실효성을 확보하기 위해서 공공부분의 네트워크 구축을 통한 효과적인 지원방안을 강구하는 노력이 필요하다. 본고에서는 정책공동체의 개념을 활용하여 정부의 다문화정책 사례를 분석하고 성공적인 집행과 관리를 위한 단계별 전략 수립과 정책의 실효성을 확보하기 위한 효과적인 지원방안을 제안하고 있다. 이를 위해 다문화정책의 성공적인 집행 전략을 위한 ‘다문화정책공동체모형’을 제안하고 정책공동체 내의 네트워크의 기능과 역할을 분석하는데 초점을 두고 있다. 다문화정책의 집행과정에서 정책공동체가 어떻게 작동하고 있는지를 분석하는 작업은 정책 목표에 대한 집행의 일관성의 확보하려는 정책 당국의 노력을 이해하는 데 기여할 것으로 기대된다.

The trend toward multi-cultural society has been rapidly grown in many aspects. Nevertheless, the tendency of globalization are ubiquitous and sweep almost every corner of the world. However, the governmental efforts to make good combinations with the foreign culture have been rare that create some of the contradictions. The United Nation has recommended Korea having an inclusive attitude toward foreigners and the foreign cultures. To be a global leader, it is necessary for the Korean to generate multi-cultural societies by absorbing not only foreign labors, but also the foreign cultures. In this perspective, this paper have dealt with some of the issues of multi- cultural society. The Korean government should play a pivotal role in building a global community by establishing the network systems with other cultures. This paper suggest some ways of improving the globalization by structuring the multicultural policy communities. The establishing multi-cultural policy network means obviously making linkages with other cultures. This trend would, we hope, lead us to realization of a global leader in the very near future.

In this study I discuss the cultural policy determined by the Swedish government and parliament. Sweden's parliament laid down the objectives and basic principles of Swedish cultural policy in 1974 and the Swedish Arts Council was founded in 1974. In order to view on the history of Swedish cultural policy, I introduce Peter Duelund's model on cultural policies in the Nordic countries. He divides the transition of the policies in four phases: The Democratization of Culture(1960-1975), Cultural Democracy(1975-1985), Social and Economic Instrumentalisation(1985-1995), and Economic and Political Colonisation(1995-2007). Cultural policies always reflect the political and economic struggles to establish a frame for artistic and aesthetic expression and other direct and indirect tools that governments and the state apparatus use to fund, stimulate and reguilate the production, distribution and consumption of art. But after Riitta Heinämaa's report, “The Model of Four Moduler - New Nordic Program for mobility and residence" in 2006, the objectives and basic principles of the cultural policy in Sweden were revised. The constantly changing environment, globalisation, and growing competition had effected all art forms, which were also facing new challenges of cultural diversity, and interdiciplinary practices. For various reasons, Sweden's parliament and the Swedish Arts Council is seeking for new paradigm of cultural policy. In 2007 the new programs began and Nordic Culture point was founded to administrate them. In recent years the goal of the Swedish Arts Council is to renew and revitalize Nordic culture co-operation and art in the Nordic region and stimulate new impulses and initiatives from the local, national, regional and international operators, organizations and institutions. Furthermore, it contributes to establishing Nordic culture co-operation and art as an important element among cultural operators in the Nordic countries and autonomous areas and making this co-operation visible in a global context.

I have researched three nation’s(Korea, china, Japan) cultural police in this paper. Chinese Communist Party declared the slogan “The way to development of Chinese socialism culture. and Chinese Communist Party invested greatly in the cultural content industry for to realize the china dream. Japanese government suggested the cultural powerhouse based on the Japanese studies. and this project is supported by the legal and institutional to fulfill international cultural interchange. Korean government have made law for the Gwangju, the hub city of Asia. Gwangju will be the most important cultural center of Asia in the near future. According to studies, korea, China, japan are will be come into conflict with international cultural policy in Asia. so We have to Prepare cultural strategy for the coexistence

I have researched three nation’s(Korea, china, Japan) cultural police in this paper. Chinese Communist Party declared the slogan “The way to development of Chinese socialism culture. and Chinese Communist Party invested greatly in the cultural content industry for to realize the china dream. Japanese government suggested the cultural powerhouse based on the Japanese studies. and this project is supported by the legal and institutional to fulfill international cultural interchange. Korean government have made law for the Gwangju, the hub city of Asia. Gwangju will be the most important cultural center of Asia in the near future. According to studies, korea, China, japan are will be come into conflict with international cultural policy in Asia. so We have to Prepare cultural strategy for the coexistence

Japan declared its entry into a multi cultural society in the 1980s, about 20 years before Korea, and has been implementing the so-called Multi Cultural Commensalism policy. Thus, it appears to be an appropriate reference in planning and implementing Korea's multi cultural policy. In particular, this study focused on policies for immigrant women. This is because, even among multi cultural related groups, married immigrant women and female immigrant workers are at a social disadvantage. As a result of this research, Japan's Multi Cultural Commensalism policies related to women were characterized as local government-led policy implementation, the alienation of married immigrant women which resulted from relatively high interest in female immigrant workers, the absence of a basic law and Japanese Language education course supporting married immigrant women. However, the enactment of Domestic Violence Law and an increase in availability for the Survival Japanese education including ‘Easy Japanese' and the protection policies for the aged immigrant women seemed to have greater progress in the long term. Privy to this analysis, in order to have an efficient plan and enactment of Korea's future policy regarding immigrant women, this study suggested the need to infuse ‘Korean education curriculum for married immigrant women' with more flexibility by local governments, the need to build a larger sharing system of the Korean language education along with ensuring government's commitment to female immigrant workers and the activation of immigrants voluntary council.

본 연구는 문화콘텐츠산업분야에 특화되어 있는 한국콘텐츠진흥원의 지원책을 중심으로 2014년부터 현재까지 창업지원사업 참여자들을 대상으로 정부의 창업지원 사업에 대한 효율성 을 알아보고자 하였다. 기존의 창업관련 연구에서 많이 다루어지지 않았던 문화콘텐츠산업 분야 연구라는 점에 의의가 있다. 연구 결과 한국콘텐츠진흥원의 창업지원 정책들은 재무적, 비재무적 모두 긍정적인 효과를 나 타내었으며, 창업자들이 가장 효율적으로 느끼는 지원사업은 창업자금지원 사업이었다. 재무적 성과측면에서는 창업컨설팅지원이, 비재무적 성과 측면에서는 창업경영지원사업이 효율적으로 나타났다. 문화콘텐츠산업 특성상 즉각적인 매출발생 등 경영성과가 발생하지 못하는 경우도 많 아 창업지원책에 대한 효과분석이 쉽지 않았고, 창업지원사업 년 수가 짧아 표본수가 비교적 적 어 일반화시키기에는 무리가 있어 향후 지속적인 연구가 필요하다.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the efficiency of the Korean government's start-up support program from the perspective of participants since 2014, focusing on the support program of the Korea Creative Content Agency, which is specialized in the cultural content industry. It is meaningful in that this paper covers the cultural contents industry which has not been addressed much in the existing research on entrepreneurship. The research results of this paper reveal that the government’s support programs showed positive effects on both financial and non-financial aspects. The most effective program for founders is the direct fund support. In terms of financial performance, support for entrepreneurship consultation is found to be efficient while in terms of non-financial performance, entrepreneurship support project is efficient. In the cultural contents industry, there are many cases in which managerial performance such as immediate sales does not occur. Thus, it is not easy to analyze the effect of the start-up support program. It is also difficult to generalize our results because the number of years of start-up support program is relatively short. We leave the further pursuit of this topic to future research.

이 연구는 미국 브린모어 컬리지 도서관에 소장된 헬렌 채핀 아카이브의 자료를 중심으로 미국 국립문서기록 보관청, 미국 스미소니언 아카이브 등에 보관되어 있는 관련 자료를 조사하여 미군정의 한국문화재 조사 활동을 살펴본 것이다. 1946년 미군정은 동양 미술을 전공한 헬렌 채핀(Helen Chapin, 1892-1950)을 문화재 전문가 (Arts and Monuments Specialist)라는 직위로 초빙하여 한국 문화재를 조사하게 한다. 헬렌 채핀의 활동과 문화재 조사의 상황은 그동안 관련 자료의 부족으로 많이 알려지지 않았으나 이번 연구를 통하여 헬렌 채핀의 생애나 학문적 배경, 그리고 우리나라 문화계 인사와의 교류 등의 상황을 파악할 수 있었다. 또한 채핀이 작성한 자료를 통하여 문화재 조사의 상황, 조사 방법, 그리고 채핀의 세부적인 활동을 구체적으로 확인하였다. 채핀의 문화재 조사 기록과 한국 문화재에 대한 연구는 해방 이후 혼란한 상황 속에서 한국 문화재에 대한 정보를 제공하는 중요한 사료임을 확인할 수 있었다.

This study is to conduct fundamental research on the U.S. military government’s policy on Korean cultural properties by examining the Helen Burwell Chapin archive of Bryn Mawr College in the United States. Helen Chapin, who majored in Oriental art in 1946, came to Korea as an Arts specialist at the Cultural Bureau of the U.S. Military Government. Chapin’s official reports were found through the “Palaces in Seoul” in RG 332, a document of the U.S. Military Government in Korea preserved in the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration; still, Korea’s situation and activities at that time can be found in more detail through Helen Chapin’s papers.

This study explores the market situation and government policies of Chinese cultural industry in order to provide entry suggestions for promoting globalization of Korean digital contents industry. It analyzes how the Chinese market condition has been changed by the policies, and what kinds of entry strategies are appropriate for Korean digital contents firms under the situation that wholly-owned foreign companies are forbidden to provide digital contents-related service in China. On the one hand, Chinese government has protected and fostered cultural industry and domestic market for more than 10 years. Cultural industry is developed as a national strategy for promoting economy growth. On the other hand, as the base of Chinese cultural industry is still weak, Chinese government is devoting to developing more open-oriented and more innovation-oriented ways to boost the growth of cultural industry. Various policies are launched in enhancing independent innovation capacity with own intellectual property rights and brands, helping domestic cultural product providers explore overseas markets to enhance global influence of Chinese culture, and also in promoting cultural services enterprises by using digital technology to provide production, dissemination, marketing, and other services. Several entry suggestions of Korean digital contents firms are made. They are mainly focused on two areas, the first is platform-based online channels. The second is the producer service area. The new generation of network platform business model shows revolutionary innovation power in today’s business. Comparing with traditional supply chain, digital contents products operated by platform are more efficient in approval and with higher profit. Korean firms need to develop more localized and popular contents to face the fast changing netizen’s taste. In addition, Korean firms need to learn how to develop their intellectual property (IP) for “one source multi use”. As for the producer service area, there are three kinds of services with high development potential and successful probability. The first is globalization service for Chinese cultural products. The second is talent cultivation and professional education service for human resource of Chinese cultural industry. The third is small and medium-sized enterprise incubation services, especially focusing on how to help them to build brands, digitalization of traditional promotion methods as well as the creative HR management.

Since the socialist regime was established in China, the cultural heritage has become the object of protection, and while in a time of turmoil the cultural heritage has become the object of breaking. However, with the changes in the domestic and international environment after the reform and opening up, the new patriotism emerged in recognition of the cultural heritage including the cultural relics and intangible cultural heritage of the change occurred. This paper analyzes how the new patriotism impacts the cultural heritage policy in terms of the concept of cultural heritage policy, the management system of cultural heritage, and the implementation of cultural heritage policy, and the results are as follows. First, due to the impact of patriotism, the cultural heritage has be come a key means to enhance the stability of the socialist regime and legitimacy of the Communist Party. Second, due to the influence of patriotism, the scope of the cultural relics has been expanded, and the intangible cultural heritage protection and management system have been established. Third, 356 patriotism education demonstration bases have been selected over four times since 1997, and actively develop initiatives to foster patriotism by utilizing a variety of intangible cultural heritage of each region.