Earticle

The scholar Ugye is famous for being a Neo-Confucian and a writer. He wrote the renowned Sijo representing Sijo of the 16th century, which is now a national heritage. In the history of Sijo, his exquisite Neo-Confucian Sijo demonstrates the culmination of literary aesthetics. His Sijo is characterized by his underlying ‘Neo-Confucian life’. They are relatively unique works from Toegye’s “Twelve Songs of Dosan” and Yulgok’s “Nine Songs of Gosan,” and he is a scholarly writer who enhanced the status of the early Joseon Dynasty’s Sijo aesthetic by embodying the academic interpretation of Neo-Confucianism and political ideology in his works. The world of aesthetics in Ugye’s Sijo becomes clearer when analyzed in a structural way. His poetry’s excellence is even more evident in the nature and beauty of his Sijo beyond his Chinese poems and their world, given the subjective methodology of objectifying and interpreting the Neo-Confucianism of the Joseon Dynasty which pursued the discipline of kingship. In Joseon’s history of poems and pictures, Ugye had a special affection for talented writers. One example was, “When Ugye Seong Hon became a vice minister of the Ijo, he felt sorry that Im Je was in a low position with great talent, so he talked to him and tried to appoint him to a high position because he thought Im Je had the spirit out of dust of the mundane world.” This shows his character as a scholar-politician based on the spirit of a literary man who evaluated Baekho Im Je’s Chinese poems and his character and provided a position suitable for his ability. Ugye’s Sijo is different from that of Ganghohanjeong. In his representative work, “A green mountain is silent and a flow of water is shapeless/ A green wind is priceless and a bright moon is without an owner/ Among these, this body without disease will grow old without worrying”, he used Jeokbyeokbu by So Dongpa, the great poet of the Song Dynasty, as a material. He heightened the poetic atmosphere by bringing the expression of Jeokbyeokbu, which was the background material, as the source of the middle line, and used the core ideas and atmosphere of Jeokbyeokbu as auxiliary ideas. In other words, he raised the question of the philosophical nature of the universe including the essence of human existence by bringing Jeokbyeokbu, a classic poem in the East, to a representative poetic language or poetic spirit in the middle line, and it showed his novelty of using a technique that thoroughly deepened and expanded the meaning that could not be fully expressed in the short poem form of Sijo. He showed an ideology of good politics using the poetic language “Iljanghwaseomong” in an ancient event in the chapter of ‘Huangdi’ in Leizi. The poetic language “Hwaseomong” in “Iljanghwaseomong” expresses the political philosophical meaning through fables, which is distinguished from the idiomatic poetic language of “Iljangchunmongryu”. The main meaning of this fable is that the emperor first struggled to rule the country for his own sake, but neither his health nor his politics went well, but then he visited Hwaseo’s country in his dream and realized the highest political method. Through this poem, Ugye shows that supreme politics means everything is governed by itself only when the rulers give up their self-interest and reach a state of indifference and inaction without any action, which creates an exquisite fusion of Neo-Confucian ideology and Daoist behavior. In other words, he showed a critical attitude toward the negative aspects of political ethics caused by excessive artificial manipulation and ultimately the alternatives to it with a high-level political philosophy that goes with the flow. As such, the ultimate goal of Ugye’s poetic spirit is not a simple return to nature or hermit-like self-sufficiency, but a literary statement about political reality. Ugye, a Neo-Confucian scholar and outstanding writer who actively expressed his political ideology through Sijo, showed the excellence of literature onto which was grafted and embodied the political ideology based on Neo-Confucianism by creatively achieving a poetic structuring towards high level of poem in the history of Chinese poems and Sijo. The significance of Ugye’s Sijo in the history of literature is that, as a Neo-Confucian scholar, he unfolded the true values of life through literature and education, and presented an ideological view on politics in the form of an independent literary world.

일반적으로 퇴계는 16세기 동양 최고의 성리학자로 인식되어 왔다. 그것은 당시 조선은 물론 중국에서도 인간의 본성과 감정에 대하여 퇴계만큼 정밀한 탐구를 한 사람이 없기 때문이다. 뿐 만 아니라 퇴계는 인간 중심의 한국성리 학 성격과 특징을 결정하는데 가장 중요한 역할을 하였다. 본고에서는 이러한 퇴계 철학의 도학적 특성을 고찰하고자 하였다. 도학이란 송대( ) 성리학 의 다른 명칭으로 특히 유교적 진리 를 현실에서 매우 강력하게 실천하려 는 성격을 띤다. 퇴계는 평생 인간의 본성과 감정의 본질 연구에 전념하면서 동시에 유 교적 이상을 현실에 실현시키고자 노력하는 삶을 살았다. 퇴계는 우선, 고 대 중국의 공자-맹자로부터 송대의 성리학자들에게로 이어지는 유학의 정 통성을 수호하고자 노력하였다. 그것은 도교와 불교를 이단으로 규정하고 성리학을 수호하려는 노력이었다. 아울러 그런 성리학의 정통성이 중국으 로부터 조선에 어떻게 연결되는지를 규명하였다. 그리하여 조선의 성리학 자들 중에서 유학의 정통 정신을 잇는 계통을 밝혔다. 또한 조선의 성리학자들이 불교와 도교 등 이단에 빠지는 것을 지적하고 강력하게 비판하였 다. 퇴계는 오로지 성리학만이 정학( )이라고 선언함으로써 한국의 성 리학이 중국의 성리학과 구별되는 특성을 띠게 됨에 결정적인 역할을 하 였다. 퇴계는 일생 약 15년 정도 관직에 나아갔지만, 유교적 이상정치 를 펼칠 정치적 환경이 아니라고 판단하고 끊임없이 사직을 청하였다. 벼슬에 나아가고 물러남에도 그는 유교적 출처( )의 원리, 즉 의리의 실 천을 정확하게 지키고자 하였다. 그리고 사직 후 고향에 돌아와서는 유교 적 이상을 학자 제자 들에게 가르치는 수교( )에 전념하였다. 이런 점 들을 종합해 볼 때 퇴계는 성리학자이면서 철저한 도학자라고 할 수 있다. 특히 벼슬에 나아가 진리를 현실에서 직접 실천하기 보다는 유학적 진리 를 후대에 전하고, 후학을 직접 가르치는 ‘수교적 도학자’였다.

Generally, Toegye Yi Hwang is considered as the top Neo-Confucian scholar of the East, which is because no scholar in Joseon as well as in China has ever explored human nature and emotions as thoroughly as Toegye. For this reason, Toegye played the most important role to determine the unique trait and characteristic of Korean Neo-Confucianism: human-centered. The purpose of this paper is to study the “Dohak” characteristics of Toegye Yi Hwang’s philosophy. Dohak is an alternative name of Neo-Confucianism in China’s Song Dynasty. Specifically, it takes on the nature of the pursuit of the strict practice of the Confucian lessons or Confucian ways. Toegye Yi Hwang spent his entire life dedicated to the study of the essence of human nature and emotions, while at the same time trying to realize the Confucian ideals in the reality. He first made effort to protect the legitimacy of Confucianism, whose chain has started from Confucius and Mencius of ancient China and led to the Neo-Confucian scholars of the Song Dynasty. In this regard, he wrote a paper that criticized “Jeon Seup Rok”, the work of Wang Shouren from China, to protect the scholars in Joseon, which was his effort to label Taoism and Buddhism as heretical and to protect Neo-Confucianism. In addition, he explored how the legitimacy chain of Confucianism has started from China and led to Joseon. On top of that, he strongly expressed his criticism of the scholars of Joseon for indulging themselves in ideals of Buddhism and Taoism. By declaring that only Neo-Confucianism was the genuinely legitimate study, Toegye played a critical role for Korean Neo-Confucianism to be equipped with its unique characteristic which differentiates it from that of China. He has served as a governmental official for about 15 years; however, he consistently asked for resignation since he thought that the royal court could not offer a political environment ideal for pursuing Confucian idealistic governance. Even his practice of principles on come-and-go, that is, loyalty, has been applied to his taking and leaving the government post. Then, upon coming back to his hometown after resignation, he devoted himself to education by teaching the Confucianism ideals to scholars(pupils). Based on these consolidated aspects of him, Toegye deserves to be called a Neo-Confucianism scholar and a Dohak scholar at the same time. Especially, he focused more on “Sugyo Dohak with Educational Activities” where he delivered the Confucianism ideology to his future generations and taught younger scholars rather than practicing the ideology in the reality by taking up a government post.

반계 유형원은 17세기를 대표하는 실학자이다. 그는 당시의 현실에서 유학 의 원론으로 돌아가 사회를 근본적으로 개혁할 것을 주장하였다. 그의 주장은 의 과 에 근거한 에 근거한 의 개혁안을 시행 하자는 것이었다. 의 은 근본적으로 대동법의 착안점과 일치한 다. 그러므로 비록 대동법을 전면적으로 운위하지 않았으나 반계의 곳곳 에 대동법과 상통하는 요소들이 보인다. 대동법은 원래 16세기 도학에 연원을 두고 진상의 문제를 해결하기 위해 제시된 것이었다. 진상은 원래 만성적인 국가 재정의 결핍과 군주의 향락이 원인이었고, 여기에 각종 수탈까지 더해져 전반적인 사회 문제가 되었다. 따라서 사실상 전면적인 사회개혁 담론으로서 의 성격을 가진다. 하지만, 조선의 사회체제나 그 체제가 딛고 선 토대를 놓 고 볼 때는 상당히 기형적이었다. 반계는 이 현실에서 원론으로 돌아가 근본 적인 개혁을 주장한 것이다. 이렇게 볼 때 반계는 도학적 근거와 주체적 현실 인식을 근거로 전면적 혹은 근본적 사회개혁을 주창한 학자라고 할 수 있다. 이 주장을 담은 『반계수록』이 재야의 추천과 영조의 명으로 발간되었음은 이 주장이 도학적 원론과도 상충되지 않았음을 보여준다. 이는 기존의 도학과 실 학을 대립적으로 파악하거나 도학을 수구적 사고일 뿐이라고 인식하는 관념 과는 사뭇 다른 것이다. 17세기 개혁 사상들에 대한 종합적이고 전면적인 재 인식이 필요할 것으로 본다.

Bangye Ryuhyeongwon is an innovative Confucianist and Silhak scholar representing the 17th century. Bangye returned to the principle of Confucianism in the reality of the time and insisted on radically reforming society. His argument was that the real reform should be “land-based ”. Bangye's argument comes from the point of view of Real-Li( ), that Li( ) presides over reality without being separated from it. This land reform theory has the same starting point as Daedongbup( ). Therefore, although he did not mention Daedongbup separately, there are many parts in his land reform theory that are in common with Daedongbup. Daedongbup was originally proposed to solve the problem of “Offering to King( )” based on the ideological basis of the 16th century dàoxué( ). The truth was originally caused by the chronic lack of national finances and the enjoyment of the monarch, and various expropriations were added to it and became a general social problem. Therefore, it has the character of a discourse on social reform in effect. However, in terms of the social system of Joseon and the foundation on which it was built, it was quite deformed. In this reality, Bangye went back to the principle and advocated radical reform. From this point of view, Bangye can be said to be a scholar who advocated a total or radical social reform based on the dàoxué basis and the subjective perception of reality. The fact that this claim was published on the recommendation of Confucian literate not in office and King Yeongjo's order, Bangyesurok( ) containing this assertion, shows that this assertion did not conflict with the principle of dàoxué. This is quite different from the existing notion that opposes dàoxué and Silhak( ) or recognizes that dàoxué is merely a passive thinking. I think that a comprehensive and comprehensive re-awareness of the reform ideas of the 17th century is necessary.

17세기 초반, 조선에서는 국가재정 확충과 민생안정이라는 과제가 이율배 반적인 상황에 놓여 있었다. 두 과제 모두 절박했지만, 당시 여건상 동시에 시행하는 것이 불가능했기 때문에 어느 한 과제를 우선시한다면 다른 과제는 유보해야 했다. 이에 따라 조선의 학자와 정치가들은 각자의 가치관에 근거하 여 다른 선택을 했다. 국가재정 확충에 중점을 둔 정책을 추진하는 학자가 있 는가 하면, 어떤 학자는 민생안정에 입각한 정책을 제시했다. 또 어떤 학자는 이러한 정책적 대응 이전에 지도자의 수양이 전제되어야 한다고 강조했다. 이러한 모습이 잘 드러난 것이 호패법이다. 성인 남자에게 자신의 신상정 보가 적힌 호패를 차게 하고 이를 국가가 직접 관리하는 호패법은 각 고을의 호구를 파악하고 역( )을 부과하는 근거자료가 된다. 그런데 백성이 이 법을 불편하게 생각했기 때문에 조선시대 내내 시행과 폐지를 반복해왔다. 그러다 17세기 들어 전후복구 사업을 벌이고 국방력 확충을 모색하게 되면서 호패법 이 다시 추진된 것이다. 하지만 호패법은 백성의 이동을 통제하고, 빠진 세원 을 발굴하는 과정에서 백성에게 새로운 부담을 주었다. 이에 민심이 악화하였는데 이 지점에서 논의가 갈린다. 호패를 폐지하고 백성의 삶을 안정시키면 자연히 세역( ) 자원이 늘어날 것이라는 측과 일부 소란이 있더라도 조속 히 국가의 재정 여건을 개선하는 것이 궁극적으로 민생안정에 도움이 된다는 측이다. 국가 재정과 민생안정의 필요성을 모두 인정하지만, 지금 이 시점에 서 무엇을 우선해야 할지에 대한 견해가 갈리는 것이다. 본 논문은 이상의 내용을 정리하고 분석함으로써 인조 대 호패법 찬반 논 쟁이 갖는 의미를 확인하는 데 목표를 두었다. 대내외적 불확실성이 심화하고 다양한 위기가 중첩되었던 상황에서 조선 유학자들이 어떻게 대응하였는지, 어떠한 가치를 우선했는지를 확인함으로써 조선 유학의 실천적 역량을 파악 하고자 한다.

In the early 17th century, in the Joseon Dynasty, the task of securing national finances and stabilizing people's livelihoods was in a situation of antinomy. Both tasks were desperate, but it was impossible to implement them at the same time due to conditions at the time. So if one task was prioritized, the other task had to be reserved. Accordingly, scholars and politicians of Joseon made different choices based on their respective values. There are scholars who promote policies focusing on expanding national finances, while some have suggested policies based on stabilizing people's livelihoods. Another scholar stressed that the self-reflection of leaders should be premised before this policy response. This is well seen in Hopae( ) Law. Hopae Law is a system in which an adult man wear a Hopae with his personal information on it and the state directly manages it. Hopae Law is the basis for identifying the households of each village and imposing public labor. However, because the people felt uncomfortable with this law, it had been repeatedly enforced and abolished throughout the Joseon Dynasty. Then, in the 17th century, Hoppae Law was promoted again as it carried out post-war restoration projects and sought to expand its defense capabilities. However, Hopae Law put a new burden on the people in the process of controlling the movement of the people and discovering the missing tax sources. As a result, public sentiment has deteriorated, and discussions are divided at this point. Both national finances and the need for stabilization of people's livelihoods are recognized, but opinions on what to prioritize at this point are divided. This paper aims to summarize and analyze the above and confirm the meaning of the 'Hopae Law Controversy'. The move is aimed at understanding the practical capabilities of studying abroad in Joseon by checking how Joseon Confucian scholars responded at a time when internal and external uncertainties intensified and various crises overlap.

Confucius said his own ideological system as the "Tao", which is the highest category of his thoughts. Mainly divided into "heaven" and "humanity", he focused more on "humanitarian",that is "benevolence", as the core of his thought. With "benevolence" being released "the ritual", Confucius achieved the creative transformation of rites. And in order to restore rites, practice both "benevolence" and "the ritual", Confucius started the "junzi", as the ideal personality image, namely, the three moralities of "benevolence", "think tank" and "yong". In order to highlight the image of "junzi", Confucius compared with the "saints", "bad man", defined the unique personality image of "junzi", which was not only related to "DE", also is not necessarily "reign", but is the aggregation of learning, state, character and ability. However,In order to achieve this standard, people should try their best in the "learning", "behaving" and "conducting", and "administrating". Only by this, one was able to be a real "junzi".

The philosophy of Mencius stresses the building of a moral personality based on the good human nature. Yet he differentiates between “great persons” and “inferior persons”, noble persons and common people. The difference between the two is that the noble or great persons “acquired it (the good nature)”. This proves that good nature is not a given. In order to overcome the interpretation that good nature is a given which has been overwhelmingly held since Zhu Xi proposed it, this paper focuses on the passage in the Mencius claiming that “Yao and Shun did it naturally”. It shows that for Mencius the quest to a good human nature relies on conscious effort and choice. It is not a given. The sentence “Yao and Shun did it naturally” does not mean that Yao and Shun had a good nature by birth, but that by internalizing the moral concepts of humanity and righteousness these become natural to them. By taking Yao and Shun as examples Mencius stresses the role of choice in the building of a moral personality. Yao lives in the woods among the Eastern barbarians, his moral personality is solely based on his moral choice to adhere to the values of filial piety, humanity and righteousness. This choice puts him apart from the “brute beasts (qinshou )” and from other people. From this perspective the meaning of “understanding that in life one should worry about the vices, death comes from taking comfort in pleasure” becomes clearer. For Mencius it takes an active, continued effort to realize the human potential, it is not served by indulging in the belief of an “originally good nature”.

Philosophy and social changes in the Han Dynasty had a profound influence on Wei Jin Metaphysics, which was mainly manifested in two aspects: "negative pressure" and "positive enlightenment." The internal crisis of the Han Classics Scholarship and the accompanying social crisis in the Han Dynasty showed that "this road (the Han Classics Scholarship) is not accessible," which provided pressure but also a driving force for the rise of Wei Jin Metaphysics. Correspondingly, to "seek a new road," a number of calm thinkers in the Han Dynasty, who had a sense of worry, worked hard and tried to break through the barriers of the existing Classics Scholarship. The exploratory activities of heretical thinkers in the late Eastern Han Dynasty to a great extent contributed to the emergence of Wei Jin Metaphysics. The trend of social critical thoughts in the late Han Dynasty analyzed the crux and manifestations of the social crisis in the Han Dynasty from the political, cultural, economic, and many other aspects. This importantly weakened the control and influence of Confucian orthodox thoughts on the society, and inspired the metaphysicians of the Wei and Jin Dynasties from the ideology to their lifestyle. The critical and innovative exploration of the late Eastern Han Dynasty provided many sources of the topics of Wei Jin Metaphysics.

The main thesis of this paper is to use various traditional documents of Eastern Zhou, Qin and Han to verify each other with other unearthed documents to discuss the main content and characteristics of the ‘Five Directions’ records of Eastern Zhou, Qin and Han. ‘Five Directions’ is the collective name of the five directions of east, south, west, north and middle, and is an important part of the theory of the Five Elements. ‘Five Directions’ was a division of space and orientation in ancient China, and it was also an important part of the theory of the Five Elements. The establishment of the ‘Five Directions’ made the theory of the Five Elements had a corresponding relationship with space. As the current concept of Five Elements in the Eastern Zhou Dynasty has been basically finalized, the concept of ‘Five Directions’ with the attributes of the Five Elements has also been basically formed, and specific regional divisions have gradually appeared in the center and the surrounding areas. Therefore, in the middle and late Warring States period, there appeared a distribution pattern in which the Chinese ethnic groups were in the middle, and the Rong, Di, Man, and Yi ethnic groups lived on the four sides. This distribution pattern has had a profound impact on later generations, whether in terms of objective national geographic distribution or ideological concepts. Later, in the Qin and Han dynasties, in the historical documents of the Qin and Han Dynasties, the expressions of ‘Four Barbarians’ and ‘Four Sides’ as ‘Northern’, ‘Southern’, and ‘Western’ can be seen, which reflect the difference in the focus of the central government's frontier politics. The planning and practice of border politics in Qin and Han dynasties concentrated the political wisdom of those in power and their advisors. From the Eastern Zhou Dynasty to the Qin and Han Dynasties, the pattern of ‘Five Directions’ and ‘People of the Five Directions’ under the influence of unified thinking and the historical background of the establishment of a unified multi-ethnic nation in the Qin and Han Dynasties, presents the evolution of ideological concepts from ideal prospects to realistic reflections.

Article: This article is to analyze the central theory of Wang Bi’s Laozi Zhilüe. First, we would stick to the text of Laozi Zhilüe, elaborate and analyze its concepts of “things and creatures,” “tao,” “beginning,” “foundation and details,” and “origin” based on the literary context of Laozi Zhilüe to inquire its subtle and general meanings. Then we will argue for the central thoughts of Laozi Zhilüe in the following order: the “things and creatures” from Laozi Zhilüe is not a subject of objective metaphysics but rather one that’s manifested in the political field of the humanistic world, while “tao” is the “rightful” way of action from the perspective of the ruler (king) due to the planning of the humanistic world. This principle is founded on the metaphysical entity of the origin of “things and creatures,” while man has to maintain the “original” state of mind in order to grasp “tao,” which is the “foundation” of “sticking to the foundation while bearing in mind the details.” In general, Laozi Zhilüe is probably not about metaphysical issues as people think. Finally, though it’s is arguably arbitrary to attribute it to Wang Bi, Laozi Zhilüe is consistent in theory and supplementary in formula with Wang Bi’s annotations of Laozi. If not Wang Bi, the author of Laozi Zhilüe is at least a contemporary or later scholar who believes in him.