Earticle

English is peculiar in that it allows some of the prepositional verbs (multi-words consisting of a verb and a preposition) to be passivized. According to the formal properties of these prepositional verbs that undergo such a pseudo-passivization process, they can be classified into three different types: intransitive, particle, and transitive prepositional verbs. These three types of prepositional verbs undergo pseudo-passive controlled by various grammatical constraints: lexical selection, unergativeness, affectedness, characterization condition, and so forth. This paper examines the formal properties of these three different types and provides a lexicalist approach capturing the possibility of pseudo-passive.

This paper proposes a struc-tural analysis of plural expressions. The semantics of bare nouns are same across languages, by being mass. Bare nouns yield group-like readings because they are bare without any division structure in them. -Tul-marked nouns give rise to sum readings because they have individuated structures. -Tul-marked nouns as such differ from -s-marked nouns in English; -tul always yields an interpretation involving distributive quantification whereas -s is blind to the distributive vs. collective distinction. Such a difference turns out to have a root in their structural difference: a -tul-marked noun as a QP while a -s-marked noun as a ClP.

The purpose of this paper is to determine the complement structure and the meaning of the adjectival root ‘ship-,’ which has been known to have a certain set of different meanings and a certain set of different complements each with different syntactic structures. '-go,' the most frequently used of the complements of 'ship-,' is a different VP[-FIN][-FACT] from the isomorphic '-go,' and can be an alternative action. Another complement is a relative clause accompanying NP[-FACT], which can be an alternative guess. Still another complement is a monological sentence with no complementizer, which can be an alternative judgement. The adjectival root ‘ship-’ represents the inclination of the mind to make a choice to do something among the alternatives or to choose a subjective judgement among the alternatives.

This study investigates whether/how English-learning Korean speakers utilize allophonic cues such as aspiration and glottal stops in order to identify word boundaries in English. Given that speech stream is inherently continuous and causes segmentation problems, it has currently been a controversial issue whether and what types of segmentation strategies L1 and L2 speakers adopt in word recognition and perception. Previous perception studies (Altenberg 2005; Ito and Strange 2007) showed that Spanish and Japanese learners of English are not as highly sensitive to allophonic cues like aspiration and glottal stops as native speakers of English. The purpose of this current study is to directly compare previous two studies with the result with English-learning Korean listeners. Thirty intermediate or advanced learners participated in perception experiments to see whether/how they segment word boundaries in English. The result showed that they utilized both aspiration and glottal stops above chance level, but that unlike our expectation, glottal stop stimuli were easier to perceive than aspiration stimuli. Furthermore, such results sharply pattern with those with Japanese and Spanish L2 learners even though both allophonic cues differ in utility in their consonant systems and the status of glottal stop differs in all three languages. Based on the current study, two interesting implications are provided. First, L2 learners might acquire phonetic-fine details though their sensitivity is not as high as native speakers, supporting Kuhl and Iverson (1995). Second, more reference to glottal stops over aspiration indicates that the former might be less marked than the latter across languages at least in the field of L2 phonetic or phonological acquisition.

The aim of this paper is to deal with the co-occurrence of opacity and transparency found in Modern Hebrew under the regime of Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) and Precedence (Prec) constraint based upon markedness satisfaction. This paper observes that Prec with faithfulness violation misleads the case of Modern Hebrew as a counterexample to OT-CC. In Modern Hebrew, when the suffix /-ti/ is attached to a stem ending in /ʕ/, the stem vowel becomes lowered before a consonant cluster. However, the stem ends in /ʔ/, its vowel height remains intact. /ʔ/-deletion bleeds vowel lowering while vowel lowering counterbleeds /ʕ/-deletion. This rule sandwiching effect is under control via OT-CC with markedness-oriented Prec (MOP). Prec with faithfulness violation causes a side-effect of overapplied vowel lowering in bleeding since its role is not vacuous nor redundant but pivotal. As an alternative, MOP can get rid of the analytic stigma of Prec with faithfulness violation under OT-CC.

This paper is intended to examine Korean epistemic modality associated with a perspective-switch from the speaker to his/her hearer, as observed in cases such as 'tuleka-si-l-key-yo' ('Please enter'). Within the cognitive lingusitics theory of conceptual blending (Fauconnier 1998, 2001, 2003; Turner 2008) adopted for the purpose of this study, it is proposed that the speaker's and his/her hearer's conceptual spaces for perspective-taking are blended into a new space in which the speaker becomes motivated to act as the agent of the requested action (e.g., ‘enter'), as evidenced in his/her own utterance of '-key.' It was suggested that the acquisition processes of Korean epistemic modals be predicted by the degree to which the mental spaces underlying them are complex if the theory were psychologically real. It was observed that the modals '-ci,' '-ney,' and '-tay,' for example, involve a single, double, and multiple mental space, respectively, in that '-ci' denotes the speaker's own prior experience and nobody else's, while '-ney' requires that the speaker's perspective as well as his/her hearer's be involved. A reportative statement ending in '-tay' is also thought to be associated with a multiple set of mental spaces such as a space for the informer of the reported fact, for the protagonist in it, and for its hearer as well as its speaker. Given these differences in terms of the number of mental spaces involved, it was noted that '-ci' is simpler than '-ney,' 'ney' being simpler than '-tay.' It was found that the simpler the mental spaces of modality are, the earlier it emerges in child language, and the prediction of the cognitive blending theory was borne out. It was concluded that the blending of mental spaces in Korean epistemic modality is likely to be psychologically real in triggering a perspective-switch with varying degrees to be determined by the complexity of mental spaces associated with it.

The purpose of this research is to compare the use of concessive and contrastive constructions in English and Korean by analyzing two passages each in English and Korean bibles. Concessives, which are defined as realizations of the meaning of concession, or contrary to expectations, are more often used in Korean than in English. Contrastives, which are defined as realizations of the meaning of contrast or relational logical opposition, occur more frequently in English than in Korean. Concessives employ more various forms than contrastives and both languages normally leave the meaning or implication unspecified when they don't realize the meaning of concession or contrast; Korean uses the syntactic connector -ko(and) instead of contrastive forms when not realizing the meaning of contrast while English utilizes asyndetic constructions when not realizing the concessive meaning. Analyzing the matches of the two languages' concessives by the types of forms unveils that there are mixed matches between the types except for the English although type, most of which correspond to the Korean although type concessives. None of the other types show a one-to-one correspondence between the two languages. Notably, a lot of the even type in English correspond to the although type in Korean and most of the Korean although type have but type counterparts in English.

The present study examines the perceptual status of allophones to examine the interaction of the phonological knowledge and speech perception. With the use of Korean bilabial stops, phonemic, allophonic and two types of low-level phonetic pairs were generated, and their perception by Korean listeners was examined. Through a categorial AXB discrimination and similarity rating tasks, it was shown that phonemes are fully discriminated, while other categories are less. However, there were significant differences in similarity ratings between the tokens for an allophone pair and two identical tokens, suggesting that allophones are also discriminated by natives. Furthermore, perceptual discrimination of phonological and phonetic categories was shown to be influenced by lexicality and partly by episodic information such as token frequency. The relevance of the results to exemplar models is discussed.

This study examines effects of word-initial nasals on F0 of the following vowels in Daegu Korean (hereafter DK) by comparing nasal-initial disyllabic words with vowel-initial disyllabic words. This study shows that F0 values at the initial point of the first vowel (hereafter V1) are significantly lower in nasal-initial words than in vowel-initial words, regardless of lexical prosodic patterns. In addition, F0 values at F0 peak point and vowel final point are also lower in nasal-initial words than in vowel-initial words. This F0 lowering that lasts throughout the following vowel implies that DK is unlikely to be a tone language, and rather this phenomenon serves as evidence in favor of a pitch-accent language. Furthermore, this study reviews Jun et al. (2006) focusing on their discussions about the low boundary tone at the beginning of the words. The F0 lowering by word-initial nasals found in the current study suggests that their results seemed to be affected by initial segments and the different initial segments would have resulted in different results.

This paper claims that all three forms of overtly negated predicates in Korean, which have been traditionally construed as a NPI licenser, denote an anti-morphic function homogeneously, regardless of their different scope-taking abilities. There has been a line of reasoning (Chung 1993, 1997, Nam 1994) arguing that the semantic properties of the domain where NPIs are licensed characterize licensing environments of Korean NPIs. Chung (1997), for example, argues that overtly negated predicates in Korean do not always denote the same semantic function, and therefore the semantic licensing environments of NPIs in Korean should be more narrowly distributed, unlike Nam (1994) claiming that overtly negated predicates in Korean denote the same anti-morphic function. In support of Nam (1994), I argue in this paper that all forms of overtly negated predicates in Korean invariably denote an anti-morphic function, showing that the different scope-taking behavior of the different forms of negation has nothing to do with denoting different semantic functions.