Earticle

분단 이후 한국은 북한 사회주의에 반해 자본주의 문화예술을 바탕으로 발전해 왔다. 분단국에서 벗어나지 못한 한국은 25년 전 분단을 뛰어 넘은 독일을 조사· 분석하여 모델로 삼아야 한다. 독일은 정치 외교적 화합과 주변국 도움으로 평화 통일을 이루었다. 한국은 평화통일을 이룩한 독일의 통일 경험을 토대로 해야 한 다는 점이 이 논문의 관점이다. 분단을 극복하는 길은 여러 가지 있겠으나, 동일문 화권의 두 체제는, 동질성회복을 위한 문화예술 교류가 중요하다. 한국은 분단극 복을 위한 통합과 협력의 대안모색이 필요하다. 이러한 대안으로 한국은 독일통일 과정에서 중요한 역할을 했던 문화예술분야 정책을 연구하여 한국 환경에 적합한 방안을 찾아야 한다. 한국은 정치외교, 안보, 경제발전이 중요한 것은 사실이다. 그러나 문화예술을 통한 동질성회복을 통해 남북이 화합할 수 있는 융합정책을 찾 아야 한다. 이러한 사례가 개성공단 조성과 북한관광지 개방이며, 이 과정을 통해 북한 주민의 생활이 향상되는 결과가 나타날 것이다. 결국 남북한 격차를 좁히는 일에 남한의 주도적 지원으로, 디오니소스적 비전이 요구된다. 또한 유엔을 통해 보다 적극적인 인권문제에 접근해야 한다. 그리하여 북한 주민 스스로 일어서게 할 방안을 연구해야 한다. 또한 탈북 주민들이 평화통일에 기여할 수 있는 접근도 모색해야 한다. 끝으로 한국은 성숙한 외교정책으로 인접 국가들의 이해와 협조를 얻어내야 한다. 독일통일의 주역을 담당했던 헬무트 콜(Helmut Kohl) 전 총리는 구동독을 “젖과 꿀이 흐르는 땅으로 만들어 준다.”고 했다. 이 약속을 25년 동안 지속적 으로 실천한 결과, 현재 구동독은 문화예술의 눈부신 발전상이 나타나고 있다. 바 로 이러한 문화예술의 발전 경험을 통일한국을 위해서는 잘 활용할 수 있어야 한 다고 생각한다. 결국 통일독일의 경험이 주는 시사점은 냉전체제에서 벗어나 한반 도 통일을 추진하고 있는 한국에 참고할 가치가 있다고 사료된다.

25 years ago, Germany achieved peaceful unification with the help from their neighboring countries. Since the Germany has become a role model for both South and North Korea as precedents. The following thesis asserts that both Koreas should take Germany as a model to work towards their peaceful unification: thus in the present century of 21st, which we call it as an era of globalization, both Koreas should carefully and thoroughly scrutinize and learn from the experience of Germany. cultures and Arts in South Korea have evolved along with capitalism since the Korean War unlike the North. As two Koreas share same culture, enhancing exchanges between the two Koreas through restoring culture homogeneity can be one way of over coming the divided nations. Cooperative policies in the field of cultures and Arts may even be more effective as an alternative road towards peaceful unification. The joint venture Kaeseong Industrial Complex (KIC) and Mountain Kumgang tour project are one of good examples of such an alternative policy. This was a case in which South Korea took a lead in supporting to improve their standards of living and to open North Korean tourism. Moreover South Korea should look for ways to approach North Korea's human rights issues through the United Nations (UN): in this way North Koreans can come to realization or movement on their own. At the same time South Korea should seek ways to work towards peaceful unification through making good use of defected North Koreans. Lastly, South Korea should gain understanding and cooperation of such an alternative North Korean policy from its neighboring countries through more mature foreign policies. Helmut Kohl, a former prime minster of Germany, who took a major lead in German unification, once promised Eastern Germans blooming landscapes and a new Western-style life. Such promises have been kept for the past 25 years and is shown through the current development of cultures and Arts in former East Germany. Circumstances of South and North Korea may not be all that identical to that of East and West Germanys yet somethings can surely be studies and learned as precedents.

이 논문은 통일한 지 30년 가까이 된 독일에서 동서독의 간격이 사회정책의 영 역에서 얼마나 좁혀졌는지에 관한 연구다. 연구의 목적은 동서독의 동화 과정은 사회보장의 측면에서 오랜 시간이 요구되고, 더 나아가 통일의 충격과 여파 때문 에 서독의 사회보장제도가 지켜왔던 고유한 특성마저 퇴색된다는 초기의 전망과 가설을 검토하는 것이다. 사회보장제도 중에서 통일 이후 가장 큰 변화를 겪어야 만 했던 공공부조제도를 분석했다. 분석의 결과는 공공부조제도와 관련하여 동서독 지역의 간격이 계속되고 있다 는 것을 알려주고 있다. 특히, ‘구직자를 위한 기초보장제도’에서 격차가 크게 나타나는데, 이는 구 동독 주민 중에 경제활동은 가능하나 일자리가 없어서 공공부조 의 지원에 의존해 살아가야 하는 수급자가 많다는 것을 의미한다. 또한, 통일이라 는 내부 요인은 지구적 경쟁의 강화라는 외부요인과 함께 노동시장의 부담을 가중 했고, 슈뢰더 정부는 대량 실업의 문제를 해결하기 위해 공공부조제도의 개편(이 른바 Hartz Ⅳ)을 추진했다. 하르츠 개혁은 복지국가의 신자유주의적 재편의 핵심 기제라고 할 수 있는 ‘워크페어’를 강화하는 방향으로 공공부조제도를 개혁했고, 이는 ‘독일 모델’의 복지국가가 ‘경로 의존성’에서 ‘이탈’하기 시작했다는 것을 의 미한다. 따라서 공공부조제도의 차원에서 동서독의 동화 과정은 오랜 시간을 요구하고, 또한 통일의 충격과 여파로 독일 복지국가가 지켜왔던 고유한 특성마저 퇴색된다 는 전망은 설득력이 있는 것으로 평가될 수 있다.

This paper focused on how much the gap between East and West Germany narrowed down in the social policy sector in Germany after almost 30 years since its unification. Its purpose was to review the initial prospects and hypotheses, which predicted that it would take many years for East and West Germany to assimilate into one in the aspect of social security and further that even the unique characteristics of West Germany's social security system would deteriorate due to the shock and aftermath of unification. The study analyzed the changes and current state of the public assistance system, which had to undergo the biggest changes since unification under the social security system. The analysis results show that the gap continued to be between the East and West German regions in relation to the public assistance system. There was an especially huge gap in the "basic security system for job seekers," which means that many of the old East German residents had to depend on the supports of public assistance due to the shortage of jobs despite their abilities in economic activities. In addition, the internal factor called unification imposed more burdens on the labor market along with the external factor of reinforcing global competition. Under Schröder, the former Chancellor of Germany, the government reformed the public assistance system(so-called Hartz Ⅳ) to solve the issue of mass unemployment. The Hartz Reform, which reinforced the elements of "workfare," a core mechanism in the neo-liberalist reorganization in a welfare state, meant that a welfare state based on the "German model" started to deviate from path dependency. These findings suggest that the prospects, which anticipated that it would take many years until the assimilation of East and West Germany in the aspect of the public assistance system and that even the unique characteristics of the welfare state of Germany would deteriorate owing to the shock and aftermath of unification, currently have their persuasive power.

이 글은 독일의 사례에 주의를 기울여 통일문제와 관련된 정치교육의 과제를 살펴보는 데 목적을 두고 있다. 본고에서 강조하고자 하는 핵심적인 요점은 다음과 같이 정리할 수 있다. 첫째, 구동독에서는 공민과라는 과목을 중심으로 하여 주입․교화에 경도된 이데올로기교육이 이루어졌으며, 이것은 보이텔스바흐 합의에 비추어본 공민과의 방법론에서도 확인할 수 있다. 둘째, 공통된 정치교육의 한계와 가능성 측면에서 바라볼 때, 자유민주적 기본질서에 입각한 헌정애국주의가 널리 받아들여진 것으로 보이며, 이와 같은 맥락에서 신연방주에서 개발된 교육적 구상이나 교육과정이 보이텔스바흐 합의를 긍정적으로 받아들이고 이것을 정치교육의 준거나 출발점으로 삼았다는 점을 특기할 만하다. 셋째, 보이텔스바흐 합의에 초점을 맞추어 통일문제와 관련된 정치교육의 과제를 정리해보자면, 정반합 논리를 반영하여 다음과 같이 해석할 수 있다. ① 구동독의 이데올로기교육과 관련해서는, 보이텔스바흐 합의의 관점에서 공민과를 비판적으로 검토할 수 있다(정). ② 통일과정을 거치면서 구동독지역에서 보이텔스바흐 합의를 받아들여 이것을 정치교육의 준거나 출발점으로 삼았다는 점을 확인할 수 있다(반). ③ 통일 이후 구동독의 역사를 다루면서 논쟁점 반영의 원칙이 지닌 의미를 어떻게 이해하고 적용할 것인가의 질문과 관련하여, 통일문제와 관련된 보이텔스바흐 합의의 함의에 주의를 기울일 필요가 있다. 이 맥락에서 특히 네 번째 원칙으로서 반(反)전체주의적 합의를 추가하여 보이텔스바흐 합의를 보완하자는 제안을 특기할 만하다(합).

The purpose of this article is to share the result of a study that took a look at the task of political education related to unification problem focused on the case of Germany. The result of this paper can be formulated as follows: First, political education in former East Germany tended to put emphasis on inculcation and indoctrination of ideology through the subject of civics (Staatsbuergerkunde), which can be identified also in the methods of civics, from the external perspective of Beutelsbach Consensus. Second, in the aspect of possibilities and limitations of a common political education, it is remarkable that new federal states accepted Beutelsbach Consensus, which implies for its part constitutional patriotism grounded on liberal-democratic basic order, and regarded it as a starting or reference point of political education. Third, from the perspective of Beutelsbach Consensus, task of political education related to unification problem can be interpreted, by applying the dialectical logic, as follows: ① Regarding political or ideological education in former East Germany, the subject of civics (Staatsbuergerkunde) can be critically reviewed from the external viewpoint of Beutelsbach Consensus (thesis); ② In the process of national unification, it can be identified that all of new federal states in former East Germany accepted Beutelsbach Consensus positively and regarded it as significant reference point of political education (antithesis); ③ Regarding the question, how to understand and apply the meaning implied in the principle of reflecting controversial issues (i.e. the second principle of Beutelsbach Consensus), in taking issue with the history of former East Germany, it is necessary to pay attention to the implications of Beutelsbach Consensus related to unification problem. In this context, the suggestion to add or supplement with anti-totalitarian consensus as the fourth principle seems to be remarkable (synthesis).

This paper aims at the analysis and the changing pattern of the foreign relations of Germany after its unification toward the Central European countries focusing on Poland. Germany have kept its traditional basic principles regarding the foreign policy toward Europe after the W. W. II: maintenance of peace, prohibition of any aggressive war, open-cooperative internationalism, pursuit of the stability in Eastern and Central european countries, open system of international economy and european integration. These principles would not be changed for a while, although the status and the national strength of Germany had promoted after its reunification. Germany had tried to solve the rigid issues of its own reunification within the European integration and boundary in order to lessen the anxieties from the neighboring countries in Eastern and Central european countries. Furthermore Germany plays a key role as a forerunner to encourage the Eastern and Central european countries regarding joining and enlargement of the European Union. Among them the Poland was and is the most important country to Germany, because without the true reconciliation, developmental cooperation and mutual understanding between two countries, it is quite difficult to realize the stable situation especially surrounding Silesia.

본 연구는 구서독과 구동독의 경험에 비추어본 정치교육을 배경으로 삼아 독일통일의 전후（前後）에 관찰할 수 있는 정치교육의 현황과 상태를 살펴보는 데 목적을 두었다. 이 글에서 강조하고자 하는 핵심적인 사항은 다음과 같이 몇 가지 명제로 정식화하여 제시할 수 있다. 첫째，구서독의 정치교육은 구상과 접근방안에서 다원성을 보여주었지만， 이와는 대조적으로 구동독에서는 공민과라는 과목을 중심으로 하여 이데올로기를 주입하 고 교화하는 데 중점을 두었다. 둘째，하지만 통일의 과정을 거치면서 공민과를 중심으로 했던 이데올로기 교육에서 민주적인 정치교육으로의 전환을 이루고，공통된 정치교육을 구성해야 한다는 과제가 등장하였다. 셋째，이러한 과제를 해결하기 위한 과정에서 다음과 같은 질문이 제기되었다. 국가통일이 정치교욱에 어떤 영향올 미쳤는가? 통일된 독일에서 공통된 정치교육이 가능한 것인가? 정치교육이 추구해야 할 목표는 무엇인가? 정치교육에 포함시켜야 할 내용은 무엇인가? 신연방주와 관련하여 특별히 고려해야 할 사항은 무엇인가? 넷째，공통된 정치교육의 가능성과 한계 측면에서 바라볼 때，신연방주에서 개발된 교육과정이 자유민주적 기본질서와 헌정 애국주의를 함축하고 있는 ‘보이 텔스바흐 합의’ 를 수용하고 이것을 정치교육의 출발점이나 준거로 삼았다는 점을 특기할 만하다.

The purpose of this paper is to share the result of a study that focused on the national unification and political education centered on the case of Germany. The result of this article can be formulated as follows* First, while political education in West Germany showed plurality in the concepts and approaches, political education in East Germany put emphasis on inculcation and indoctrination of ideology with the subject of civics (Staatsbuergerkunde). Second, regarding the national unification of Germany, there appeared the task of developing a common political education. Third, in the process of solving such a task, several relevant questions appeared on the table as follows: What impact or influence had national unification on political education? Is a common political education in the unified Germany possible? What are the goals and objectives of political education? What are the contents of political education? What are the specific things or constellations to be considered in the new federal states? Fourth, especially in the aspect of possibilities and limitations of a common political education, it is remarkable that the curricula developed in all new federal states after unifica仕on accepted Beutelsbach Concensus, A^diich inplies for its part liberal-democratic basic order and constitutional patriotism, and regarded it as a starting or reference point of political education.

북한은 기존의 대남 및 통일정책을 포기하고, 남한을 교전 중인 적대국가로 규정하며 2국가론을 공식적으로 주장하고 있다. 과거 동ㆍ서독에서도 유사한 사례가 있었다. 동독은 건국 초기 자유선거를 통한 독일통일을 주장하다가 1955년 이후 동독과 서독은 같은 민족의 분단국가가 아니라 2개의 독립국가라고 주장하기 시작했다. 그러다 1970년대 초부터는 동독과 서독이 서로 다른 민족이라는 2민족 2국가론을 주장했다. 이러한 동독의 통일정책 변화에 대해 서독이 어떻게 대응했는지를 분석하고 한국 통일정책을 위한 시사점을 도출하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 서독은 신동방정책 이전까지 동독의 불인정과 할슈타인 독트린, 서독의 전체 독일 유일 대표권, 옛 독일제국 영토의 회복을 주장했다. 따라서 동독의 모든 제안을 거부했다. 신동방정책 이후 동독의 인정, 할슈타인 독트린 포기, 옛 독일제국 영토 포기, 동독과 다양한 수준의 교류와 협력 정책을 추진했다. 그러면서 국가통일은 이루지 못하지만 민족의 공동체 의식을 유지함으로써 미래의 통일을 대비하고자 했다. 그러므로 동독의 2민족 2국가론은 거부했다. 이러한 연구 결과로부터 서독 통일정책의 연속성, 평화공존을 바탕으로 장기적인 관점의 민족통일 추진, 민족공동체 의식 유지를 위한 교류와 협력 정책 지속, 통일을 위한 국제적 환경 조성의 중요성이라는 시사점을 도출했다.

North Korea has abandoned its existing policy toward South Korea and unification, and is officially advocating the two-nation theory, defining South Korea as a belligerent country. There was similar case in East and West Germany in the past. At the beginning of the founding of the country, East Germany advocated for German unification through free elections, but after 1955, East Germany began to claim that East and West Germany were not divided countries of the same people but two independent countries. Then, from the early 1970s, it advocated the two-nation, two-state theory that East Germans and West Germans were different peoples. The purpose of this study is to analyze how West Germany responded to these changes in East Germany's unification policy and to draw implications for Korean unification policy. Before the New Ostpolitik, West Germany insisted on non-recognition of East Germany, the Hallstein Doctrine, West Germany's sole representation right of intire Germany, and the restoration of the former German Empire's territories. Therefore, all East German proposals were rejected. After the New Ostpolitik, recognition of East Germany, abandonment of the Hallstein Doctrine, abandonment of former German Empire territory, and various levels of exchange and cooperation policies with East Germany were promoted. At the same time, although national unification could not be achieved, West Germany attempted to prepare for future unification by maintaining the national sense of community. Therefore, East Germany's two-nation, two-state theory was rejected. From these research results, implications were drawn on the importance of the continuity of West Germany's unification policy, the promotion of national unification from a long-term perspective based on peaceful coexistence, the continuation of exchange and cooperation policies to maintain a sense of national community, and the creation of an international environment for unification.

통일한국의 주택 정책 수립을 위해 우리보다 먼저 분단되었다가 통일을 이룩한 독일의 경우를 바탕으로 주택정책에 대한 분석, 한계 및 새로운 독일의 주택 정책의 문제를 조사하고 그것의 의미를 통해 한국의 주택정책을 수립하고자 하였다. 첫째로, 주택사유화 부문에서 현재의 점유자를 대상으로 유상사유화가 바람직할 것이고 둘째로, 주거환경개선 부문에서 낙후된 지역의 주택에 대한 재개발 및 현대화 조치와 개·보수 사업을 통해서 주거환경을 개선시키는 작업이 이루어야 한다.

Firstly, the compensation way for now occupier in the privatization is proposed from the viewpoint of the stabilization on the dwelling condition and giving opportunities that north korea can save up real property. Secondly, the modernization sector is much important to inhabitants in the aspect of quality of living, in east germany a great many houses should repair through modernization programs or renewal projects for the improvement of residential environment, than again in west new housing construction and supplies are more important than modernization program, because removal inhabitants from east to west recently have been increasing and its consequence brings to demand condition in excess of housing supplies.

본 연구는 한국 통일의 궁극적인 문제로 인식되는 통일 후 국민들의 정신건강을 어떻게 연구하고 조치해야 하는가를 결정하기 위해서 이미 통일을 이룬 독일의 경우를 분석하는 것을 먼저 하였다. 이를 위해 기존 연구들을 개관하였는데, 세부 내용으로는 독일인들에게서의 통일, 연대기적인 연구 흐름 분석, 정신건강 연구의 주제, 정신건강 연구 방법, 정신건강 치료 방법을 분석했다. 다음으로는 현재 북한이탈주민 연구를 통일 시대와 어떻게 연관시킬 것인가를 살펴보았으며, 향후 통일 시기의 정신건강 연구를 위한 방안을 모색해보았다.

This study was performed to decide how to do research and resolve on mental health problems of the people after reunification, which is recognized as ultimately important issue. At first we analyzed the case of Germany. To do so, we reviewed the existing research, which included various issues such as reunification for the Germans, chronological research flow analysis, the issues of mental health, research methods for mental health problems, therapy for mental health problems and so on. And then we sought the ways to connect research for the North Korean defectors and unification era, and suggested the several research orientation and methods for mental health study of the unification period.

This research is only applied to the public administration phenomenology as there is a limit to what can be observed, thus, such phenomenology in public administration is always looking for possible advantages. In particular, the phenomenological method of knowledge acquisition in the process of German unification for changing the participants’ behaviors are also involved in the decision-making process, thus, when reflecting the phenomenological method, the directional awareness, experience and time to apply inter-subjectivity were compared. Values which appear in the unification process being applied to the phenomenological method are being studied. The following conclusions are obtained. First, applying the phenomenological perspective in public administration 'top down' in the sense of reflecting away from 'bottom up' to the level of need. Second, the phenomenological method is applied to the diversification of the knowledge acquisition process by understanding the phenomenology which can be applied to public administration and the possibility to expand the horizons that have gained rationale. Third, the unification of Germany can be applied in our situation, as well as to similar situations at some point in our country, when compared to what had happened in terms of the implications for obtaining the results.

본 연구의 목적은 과거 독일의 분단시절 사회주의 국가 동독의 산재보험제도 운영 실태와 이후 통일 과정에서 산재보험 체제전환의 내용과 성과를 파악하고, 이를 통하여 우리나라의 시사점을 모색해 보고자 하는데 있다. 아울러 본 연구를 통하여 우리는 북한의 산재보험제도에 대한 이해력을 제고하고 동시에 관련 제도의 정보부족 문제를 보완할 수 있는 효과도 기대해 볼 수 있을 것으로 생각된다. 여느 사회주의 국가에서 보는 바와 같은 일반적 특성으로서 동독 또한 모든 사회보장제도들이 단일의 사회보험체계에 통합적으로 운영되었다. 이러한 차원에서 볼 때 동독의 산재보험 제도를 올바르게 파악하고 그 기능을 평가할 수 있기 위해서는 선행적으로 산재보험, 국민연금 그리고 의료보험을 함께 포함하고 있는 두 가지 종류의 통합사회보험제도인 근로자사회보험과 국가사회보험에 대한 고찰이 필요하게 된다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 독일의 통일과정에서 이러한 통합사회보험으로부터 어떠한 방법과 절차로 산재보험을 따로 분리해 내고, 이어서 이를 다시 서독형 산재보험제도와 적용, 급여의 수급요건 및 수준 그리고 재정 및 행정관리 등의 측면에서 제도적 일치를 실현할 수 있었는지에 대해 살펴보았다. 그리고 끝으로는 독일 사회보장제도의 핵심적 특징 가운데 하나인 개별 조합 간 재정조정사업이 어떠한 방식과 절차로 산재보험의 통합에 따른 비용의 분산에 기여하였는지를 살펴보고, 아울러 이에 따른 정책적 성과를 정리해 보았다.

The purpose of this study is to evaluate the ruling principles and the administrative results of the Industrial accident insurance system in East Germany. And, contents and outcomes of system’s conversion in the process of reunification are grasped. Finally, the implications for Korea are suggested through findings from the experience of social union in Germany. In addition, the results of this study made it possible to help understanding social ideology and social insurance system better as well as to acquisition of the necessary informations about related systems in North Korea. As a general characteristics which could be seen from almost all of the socialist countries, all social security systems in East Germany were also managed by unitary social insurance system. In view of this dimension, as a first step, the consideration of two types of unified social insurance system which are Workmen’s social insurance and Nation’s social insurance which also includes industrial accident insurance, National pension, and medical insurance is needed to grasp industrial accident insurance system in East Germany properly and to assess it’s function. Therefore, this study examines method and procedure to separate industrial accident insurance from unified social insurance in the process of reunification of Germany. After that, such as application, condition of supply and demand and level of income, finance, administrative management of industrial accident insurance between West Germany and East Germany are examined whether these two systems could be systematically matched or not. And, finally, merits and demerits in the case of system‘s conversion of industrial accident insurance system in East Germany are summarized.

본 논문은 독일통일 후 동독주민 사이에서 확산된 이등국민 정서에 대해 고찰하고 통일교육을 위한 시사점을 도출하는데 연구의 목적이 있다. 독일통일 후 동독주민은 민주주 의와 시장경제의 도입으로 대표되는 새로운 체제에서 그에 적합한 방식의 삶을 영위해야 했다. 새로운 삶은 이전 삶의 방식으로 부터 급격한 단절을 가져왔고 이는 동독주민이 통일독일에서 이등국민 정서를 느끼게 하는 원인으로 작용하였다. 동서독 주민간의 문화적, 생활 방식의 차이 등에서 비롯된 부정적 선입견, 차별 인식, 사회적 기회로 부터의 배제 인식 등은 동독주민의 이등국민 정체성이 강화되는 원인으로 작용하였다. 독일통일 후 동독주민이 경험한 이등국민 정서는 통일을 준비하기 위한 목적으로 시행되는 통일교육에 서 북한 관련 내용을 어떠한 관점에서 다뤄야 하는가에 대한 시사점을 제시한다. 즉, 통일교육에서 북한에 대한 개방적 태도와 인식, 통일의 주체로서 북한에 대한 대등한 관계 인식, 평화를 지향하는 공동의 경험 축적 등을 다루는 것이 필요하다는 시사점을 제시한다.

This study aims to examine the Second Class Citizens Identity, which spread in East Germany after German Unification. More specially, the study focuses on drawing some policy suggestions and implications for Unification Education in South Korea. After German Unification Democracy and Market Economy System were introduced in East Germany, its people had to implement their own new ways and methods in their everyday life, which were demanded for the new social structure being introduced. The new way of life after German Unification provided the East German lots of advantages such as political freedom, material abundance and others. At the same time, this caused a consequential severance from the previous lifestyle before German unificatio n. It played an ultimate cause for the econd German Identity for east german. Concretely the negative preconception, the feeling of the discrimination in society and exclusion from social opportunity, which were caused by difference in culture and life style between East and West German, strengthened the Second Class Citizen Identity for East German. The result of the study indicates that the Second German Identity for East German provided the basic principles for Unification Education in South Korea. The Case of the Second Class Citizen Identity for East German points out that the Unification Education in South Korea has to cover the subject, first, opened attitude and viewpoint to North Korea, second, the perception to equal footing as a main actor for implement of Korea unification, third, mutual experience for peaceful relation between North and South Korea.

동ㆍ서독의 통일은 아무도 예상치 못한 상태에서 이루어졌다고들 한다. 그러나 긴 안목에서 보면 장기간의 교류와 협력을 통해 준비된 통일이라고 볼 수 있다. 오랜 교류와 협력 기간 동안 교육계의 상황은 어떠했는지를 분석하고, 동ㆍ서독의 경험으로부터 남한이 대북교육교류와 협력을 추진함에 있어서 얻을 수 있는 시사점이 무엇인지를 추출하는 것이 이 글의 목적이다. 학생과 청소년, 학술 분야의 교류와 협력을 분석해본 결과 교사, 교육행정가들, 입법권자들의 남북한 교육 분야 교류와 협력에 대한 관심 제고, 이를 재정적으로 지원할 방안의 제도화 모색, 교육적 성과를 얻기 위해 요구되는 관계자들의 인내, 교류와 협력에 있어서 철저한 사전 준비와 사후 평가, 북한의 연구 성과에 대한 관심과 인정, 북한의 최우선 관심사를 중심으로 한 교류와 협력 등의 시사점을 얻을 수 있다.

The unification of Germany is usually evaluated as an unpredictable event. In long-term perspective, however, it had been prepared through many years of exchanges and collaborations between East and West Germany. This study aims to analyse which exchanges and collaborations in education sector in two Germanies were carried out and what implications we can draw for the education of South and North Korea from the German case. For this purpose, this study analyse the intent, reality, outcomes, and limitations of the exchanges and collaborations in students & youth activities and academia between East and West Germany. From this analysis, this study draw implications 1) to raise the interest of teachers, educational administrants, and law-makers in the educational exchanges of South and North Korea, 2) to attempt a way of institutionalization for financial supports in educational exchanges and collabollations between the two Koreas, 3) of all relavant stake-holders' patience to get achievement in education, 4) of precise planning and post evaluation in educational exchanges and collaborations, 5) to get interested in and recognize North Korean research results, 6) to exchange and collaborate in the fields in which North Korea is the most interested.

The fall of the Berlin Wall, the ensuing collapse of the eastern block in 1989?91, and the unification of Germany in October 1990 all had a significant impact on North and South Korea, albeit in different ways. For South Koreans the event of the fall of the Berlin Wall symbolized also the collapse of apparently real?existing socialism. Over the long?term view it symbolized positively the unification of Germany too. These world historical ? not only European ? changes made Koreans on either side of the divided peninsula very conscious of the challenging task of attempting the unification of their divided country. In the South impact of the fall of the Berlin Wall and German unification was to help the success of the North Korean policy of the Roh Tae?woo government. However, Roh aimed to monopolize the unification policy for the benefit of his own regime. He either excluded or controlled the citizens’ unification movement. In practice his policy was not realized in true exchanges and cooperation between the South and the North, even though his “Northern Policy” had the West German Ostpolitik as its reference. But Roh’s Northern Policy aimed to put pressure on North Korea through the improvement of relations with the Soviet Union, China, and other eastern block countries. For the most part Kim Dae?jung inherited the Northern Policy of Roh. However, Kim emphasized civil participation in the unification movement and the need to try to engage the North in constructive dialogue. He stressed that the two Koreas must avoid any rapid moves towards unification absorbed, as he was, with the differences between German and Korean situations.

This research is only applied to the public administration phenomenology as there is a limit to what can be observed, thus, such phenomenology in public administration is always looking for possible advantages. In particular, the phenomenological method of knowledge acquisition in the process of German unification for changing the participants’ behaviors are also involved in the decision-making process, thus, when reflecting the phenomenological method, the directional awareness, experience and time to apply inter-subjectivity were compared. Values which appear in the unification process being applied to the phenomenological method are being studied. The following conclusions are obtained. First, applying the phenomenological perspective in public administration 'top down' in the sense of reflecting away from 'bottom up' to the level of need. Second, the phenomenological method is applied to the diversification of the knowledge acquisition process by understanding the phenomenology which can be applied to public administration and the possibility to expand the horizons that have gained rationale. Third, the unification of Germany can be applied in our situation, as well as to similar situations at some point in our country, when compared to what had happened in terms of the implications for obtaining the results.

This study investigated the German experience in the transition to a unified health care system and suggests the following implications for Korea. First, Germany could have made use of the unification process better if there had been a good road map. Therefore Korea must develop a well prepared road map that considers all possible situations. Second, Germany saw an opportunity for the improvement of the health care system in the early stage of unification but could not take advantage of it because the situation changed dramatically and they had not sufficiently prepared for it. Korea should take into account the opportunity for improvement of the present health care system, such as the roles of public health and traditional medicine. Thirdly, the conditions f North Korea seem to be far worse than those of former East Germany and also worse than even those of other transition countries. Therefore Korea should design a long-term road map taking as many variables into account as possible, including the different rigid way of thinking and the interrelationship among the social sectors. Fourthly, during the German reunification unexpected factors changed the direction of the events. Korea should have a separate plan for the unexpected factors.

With the collapse of the socialist regime in East Germany in late 1989 and the rising political call for unification in early 1990, a radical and abrupt change of the institutional structure became necessary. The (agricultural) administration had to be totally restructured. This included not only substance, functions and tasks which had to be adjusted, similar to all other transition economies, to the market-economic and pluralistic democratic system, but also the whole administrative set-up had to be re-established in line with the West German system (territorial re-organization). Hence, a new administrative system had to be built up from scratch, while simultaneously the socialist one had to be dismantled in a very short period. However, different to other transition economies, there had been strong support from the West in re-organizing the administrative set-up. Overall, this institutional change seems to have been accomplished successfully as billions of Deutsch Marks could be processed by the agricultural administration in 1990 in order to avoid an imminent collapse of the agricultural sector. In addition, the organizations representing the agricultural population had to be re-organized. The re-organization of the German Farmers’ Union is of special prominence as both German parts were representing completely different agricultural systems. This is the only important organization at national level where East Germans could stay in decision-making positions after unification which had severe repercussions when shaping transformation policies affecting the agricultural sector during the 1990s.

이 연구는 초ㆍ중등학교교육을 중심으로 통일 이후 신연방주 교육체제 전환과정의 핵심적인 영역이라 할 교육행정조직 개편, 교육법 제정, 교육제도 변화를 분석한다. 연구결과 교육행정구조 개편은 각 주마다 다른 속도로 진행되었고, 서독이 큰 도움을 주었으며, 그에 따른 영향력도 컸다. 교육법 제정 과정에서 학교 유형를 두고 격렬한 토론이 진행되었던 주도 있고 별다른 논쟁이 없었던 주도 있었다. 학교 내부구조와 교육내용과 방법에 관한 논의는 소홀했다. 교육제도 변화는 동독 교육기관 해체, 서독 식 제도의 도입, 새로운 학교제도 도입, 동독제도의 지속으로 특징지을 수 있고, 신연방주 변화가 서독에 영향을 미치기도 했다. 이런 연구결과로부터 한국통일교육이 얻을 수 있는 시사점으로는 중앙정부와 지방 교육자치단체 교육감의 교육권한에 대한 명확한 제도적 합의, 지방자치단체나 교육자치단체의 북한과의 교류와 협력 활성화, 통일교육에서의 독일 교육통합과정에 대한 보다 자세한 소개가 필요하다는 것이다.

This study is to analyse the process of reorganization of educational administra- tion, enactment of educational laws and changes of educational system in five new federal states after unification of Germany. It is focused on the primary and secon- dary school. The results are as follows: the reorganization of educational administra- tion has been proceeded in different tempo among five new federal states and the support and influences of old federal states were great; While some new federal states have discussed about the school types in enactment of educational laws fiercely, another new federal states rarely. They neglected to discuss about the inner structure of school and education contents; The changes of educational system are characterized by closure of many educational institutions, introduction of new system, introduction of new school types, maintenance of some system in East Germany, and the changes in new federal states have also influenced on the old federal states. From these results, we can draw some suggestions for unification education in South Korea: the need of agreement on educational competency between the central government and regional superintendent of education, revitalization of exchange and cooperation between minicipal governments in South Korea and North Korea, education for details about the process of educational integration in Germany.