Earticle

The purpose of this paper is to examine the characteristics of anti-corruption education and training in order to prevent corruption of public officials as a cause of disasters, and to suggest ways to strengthen the capabilities of public officials to avoid conflicts of interest. As a result of the analysis, the laws and regulations for ethics and integrity duties and public financial management of public officials are increasing, while the duties of the state and the duties of public officials who perform them are also increasing. However, standards for the integrity and morality of public officials are scattered in individual laws. The measures to prevent corruption of public officials and manage conflicts of interest are as follows. First, policy support is needed to activate the conflict-of-interest avoidance system proposed by the current law. Second, it is necessary to integrate such complex and scattered anti-corruption laws and systems. Third, it is necessary to strictly detect and punish corruption and to come up with realistic measures to improve the treatment of public officials.

Innovation and research and development (R&D) have become increasingly important in the global economic environment in recent years. In particular, OECD member countries have been increasing their investment in R&D to boost economic growth and national competitiveness. However, it is often overlooked that various factors, such as corruption, play an important role in maximizing the effectiveness of R&D spending. Corruption can lead to the inefficient allocation of resources, which in turn can weaken a country's ability to innovate. Therefore, by analyzing the impact of corruption on R&D spending, this study aims to provide important insights for policymakers and researchers. This study investigates the relationship between corruption and R&D expenditure by applying a linear panel model to data collected from OECD member countries. A total of 596 datasets for 35 OECD member countries between 2000 and 2019 were used for the analysis. The results show that, even among OECD member countries, corrupt countries invest less in R&D. This result implies that, while it is important to increase the quantitative level of R&D investment to promote national innovation, the management of corruption is also an important factor. Understanding the impact of corruption on R&D spending will provide policymakers with an important basis for formulating effective investment strategies in R&D, particularly those aimed at maximizing the positive impact of R&D spending on economic growth and long-term national competitiveness.

This study aims to examine how weak institutions, corruption, and political patronage undermine the effectiveness of disaster management systems in African states. While natural hazards such as floods, droughts, and landslides trigger disasters, their severity and human impact are often determined by governance failures rather than the hazards themselves. Drawing on qualitative, document-based case studies, the research analyzes three illustrative examples: the 2017 Regent landslide in Sierra Leone, which exposed institutional overlap and corruption; the 2012 nationwide floods in Nigeria, which revealed the politicized distribution of relief; and recurring droughts in Kenya, which demonstrated systemic diversion of aid. Findings show that governance weaknesses, ranging from poor institutional coordination to resource mismanagement and partisan relief allocation, erode public trust, reinforce social inequalities, and perpetuate cycles of vulnerability. The study interprets these dynamics through the Pressure and Release (PAR) model, linking root causes of vulnerability to disaster outcomes, and the Good Governance framework, which emphasizes accountability, transparency, and responsiveness. By highlighting the lived realities of marginalized communities, the paper underscores that effective disaster response requires not only technical capacity but also comprehensive governance reforms. This study emphasizes the urgency of strengthening institutions, embedding anti-corruption mechanisms, depoliticizing disaster response, and fostering inclusive, community-centered governance structures.

국가의 시장개입은 반드시 경제성장을 저해하는 부패를 낳는가? 효율적인 경제성장을 위해 과연 국가가 시장에 개입할 수 있는지 또 국가의 적극적인 시장개입이 정당화될 수 있는 조건은 무엇인지에 대한 이론적, 이념적 논쟁의 중심에는 부패문제가 있다. 박정희 시대 한국의 괄목할만한 경제성장의 경험은 위의 질문을 테스트해볼 수 있는 흥미로운 사례이다. 당시 국가는 산업정책과 정책금융 등을 통한 국가주도의 경제발전을 이루었고 국가와 기업 사이의 밀착과정에서 정경유착의 부패 역시 발생했기 때문이다. 한국은 어떻게 부패했음에도 경제성장을 이룰 수 있었는가? 본 논문은 박정희 정권 하의 부패와 경제성장이 공존했다는 역사적 경험을 토대로 국가개입주의의 효율성 논쟁을 신자유주의와 발전국가론의 이념대립 속에서 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 박정희 정권의 소비, 자본, 투자 통제 정책은 부패와 경제성장을 공존할 수 있게 한 제도적 조건이었음을 보인다.

Does the country's market intervention necessarily lead to corruption that hampers economic growth? There is a problem of corruption at the center of the theoretical and ideological debate as to whether the state can intervene in the market for efficient economic growth and the conditions under which the active intervention of the state can be justified. The experience of Korea's remarkable economic growth during the Park Chung Hee era is an interesting example to test the above questions. At the time, the country achieved economic development led by the state through industrial policy and policy finance, and the corruption of cronyism also occurred in the close relations between the state and the enterprise. How could Korea achieve economic growth despite corruption? This paper examines the controversy of efficiency of state interventionism in the ideological confrontation between neoliberalism and developmental state based on the historical experience of 'coexistence of corruption and economic growth'. Finally the paper reveals Park Chung Hee regime's consumption, capital, and investment control policies that enabled coexistence of corruption and economic growth. Drawing on this institutional configuration, the paper argues that economic efficiency debate on state interventionism should lie on ‘how to be or how not to be’ question.

본고에서는 혼마 규스케가 기술한 『조선잡기』를 중심으로 하여 혼마 규스케가 본 조선 정치의 병폐와 관습의 병폐에 대하여 알아보고자 한다. 본고의 목적은 조선을 병탄하려는 야욕을 가졌던 일본인의 눈에 조선이 어떻게 비추어졌는지를 알아보는 것에 있다. 우선 혼마의 눈에 비친 조선 정치의 병폐에 대해서 알아보았다. 혼마가 제시하고 있는 것은 ‘법정에서의 부패 풍속, 병정들에게 정부가 봉급을 주지 않는 것, 조선 관리의 도적질, 노예제도’ 등이다. 조선의 정부와, 그 아래에서 백성을 다스리는 관리들의 부정부패와 관련이 있다. 그리고 대를 이어 노비로 살 수밖에 없는 노예제도의 부당성을 제시하고 있다. 이는 조선 정부가 무능하다는 것을 일본에 알리고자 하는 목적에서 나온 것이다. 다음으로 혼마의 눈에 비친 조선 관습의 병폐에 대해서 알아보았다. 혼마가 제시하고 있는 것은 ‘지폐를 쓰지 않고 공방전만 사용하는 것, 상설 시장의 부재, 기괴한 장례 풍속, 숙박시설과 음식점의 불결 상태, 객사 안에 목욕탕의 부재’ 등이다. 이것은 혼마 개인의 시선이 아닌 일본인들의 일반적인 시선이다. 문화인임을 자부하는 일본이 미개한 조선을 바라보는 인식이라고 할 수 있다. 그리하여 일본과 다른 조선의 모습을 일본인들에게 보여주고자 하는 목적에서 쓴 의도된 글이라고 생각한다. 결국 『조선잡기』는 조선 침략을 위해 먼저 조선을 정탐하러 온 혼마 규스케가 조선의 상황을 일본에 알리기 위해 조선에 대한 부정적 인식을 가지고 전략적으로 쓴 글이라고 규정할 수 있다.

In this paper, I will examine the problems of Joseon politics and customs as seen by Honma Kyusuke, focusing on the “Joseon Japgi” written by Honma Kyusuke. The purpose of this paper is to examine how these things were viewed in the eyes of the Japanese who had ambitions to annex Joseon. First, we looked into the ills of Joseon politics as seen through Honma’s eyes. What Honma is pointing out are ‘corrupt customs in the courts, the government not paying salaries to soldiers, theft by Joseon officials, and slavery.’ It is related to the corruption of the Joseon government and the officials who ruled the people under it. It also presents the injustice of the slave system that made it inevitable for people to live as slaves for generations. This was done with the purpose of informing Japan that the Joseon government was incompetent. Next, we looked into the evils of Joseon customs that Honma saw. What Honma is suggesting are ‘not using paper money and only using public money, the absence of a permanent market, strange funeral customs, the unclean condition of accommodations and restaurants, and the absence of a bathhouse in the guest house.’ This is not the view of Honma, but the general view of the Japanese people. It can be said that this is the perception of Japan, which prides itself on being a cultured people, looking at the uncivilized Joseon. Therefore, I think this was an intentional piece written with the purpose of showing the Japanese a different side of Joseon. Ultimately, we can define “Joseon Japgi” as a strategic piece written by Honma Kyusuke, who first came to Joseon to spy on the country in preparation for the invasion of Joseon, with a negative perception of Joseon in order to inform Japan of the situation in Joseon.

본고는 ‘轉訛’된 몇 개 속담을 대상으로, 그 ‘轉訛’ 사실을 확인하고 ‘轉訛’의 과정과 결과를 설명하는 데 초점을 두고 있다. “가정(家丁)오랑캐 맞듯”에서 전와 요소는 ‘맞-’이다. 여기서의 ‘맞-’은 ‘迎’의 뜻인데 同音語 ‘맞-[打]’으로 오해되어 속담 전체의 의미가 아주 달라졌다. 동음성에 따라 속담의 구성 요소가 달리 해석되면서 속담 전체의 지시 의미가 완전히 달라진 예이다. “중도 소도 아니다”에서 전와 요소는 ‘소’이다. ‘소’는 중세국어 ‘쇼ㅎ[俗人]’으로 소급한다. ‘소’가 同音語 ‘소[牛]’로 오해되고, 이어서 ‘소’가 같은 의미 범주의 ‘개’로 대체되어 속담의 형식이 크게 달라졌다. 그러나 속담 전체의 지시 의미는 변하지 않았다. “짓독에 바람이 든다”에서 전와 요소는 ‘짓독’이다. ‘짓독(김칫독)’의 有緣性이 상실되어 음이 유사한 ‘쥣독(쥐가 드나드는 독)’으로 변한다. ‘짓독’이 ‘쥣독(쥐가 드나드는 독)’으로 바뀌어 구성 요소의 형식과 의미가 달라지고 속담의 전체 형식이 달라졌어도 전체 지시 의미는 변하지 않았다. “포천 소(疏) 까닭”에서 전와 요소는 ‘소’이다. ‘소’가 동음어 ‘소[牛]’로 오해되고, 이어서 ‘소[牛]’와 관련하여 ‘場’이 첨가되어 속담의 형식이 크게 달라졌다. ‘소’의 의미가 달라지고 또 다른 요소가 첨가되어 속담의 전체 형식이 아주 달라졌어도 전체 지시 의미는 변하지 않았다. “한 마을 공사(公事)”에서 전와 요소는 ‘마을’과 ‘공사’이다. ‘마을’은 중세국어 ‘마ㅎ[官廳]’으로 소급한다. ‘마을’의 유연성이 상실되면서 음이 비슷한 ‘마루’ 또는 ‘말이’로 달라졌다. 아울러 ‘공사’도 ‘꽁사’로 달라졌다. 이렇게 속담의 전체 형식이 달라졌어도 지시 의미는 변하지 않았다.

This paper treats some proverbs assumed to be ‘corruptions’(轉訛). By studying the corruption process and tracing the original meaning of them, this paper identifies some corrupted proverbs. Firstly, the ‘맞-’ in “가정(家丁)오랑캐 맞듯” is a corruption. The ‘맞-’ means ‘迎’(meaning ‘welcome someone,’ pronouncing ‘mat’) in the origin, but it has been misunderstood as ‘맞-[打]’(meaning ‘hit,’ pronouncing ‘mat’) because of its same sound. Therefore, now the proverb has different meaning, ‘being beaten harshly.’ This is an example that the same sound of a certain component changes the whole meaning of the proverb. The ‘소’ in “중도 소도 아니다” is another corruption. The ‘소’ goes back to ‘쇼ㅎ[俗人]’(a vulgar person) in the middle age Korean. The ‘소’ sounds like ‘소[牛]’(a cow) that ‘개’(a dog), which belongs to the same meaning category with a cow, replaced it. Even though the components of the proverb have changed, the meaning of the proverb has changed little, meaning ‘neither one thing nor the other.’ Another corruption is the ‘짓독’ in “짓독에 바람이 든다.” The ‘짓독(김칫독)(a jar for Kimchi)’ has changed into ‘쥣독(쥐가 드나드는 독)(a jar which rats pass by)’ because of its same sound, in spite of motivation(有緣性) loss. Even though the components of the proverb have changed, the meaning of the proverb has changed little, meaning ‘causing catastrophe because of too much pleasure seeking.’ The ‘소’ in “포천 소(疏) 까닭” is another corruption. The ‘소’(疏, meaning ‘communicate,’ pronouncing ‘so’) was misunderstood as the ‘소’(牛, meaning ‘a cow,’ pronouncing ‘so’), and ‘場’(field for cows) was added because of its relations to the animal, a cow. However, even though the components of the proverb have changed, the meaning of the proverb has changed little, meaning ‘secretly crossing and glossing over evasively at a person’s question.’ The ‘마을’ and the ‘공사’ in “한 마을 공사(公事)” are corruptions. The ‘마을’ goes back to ‘마ㅎ[官廳]’(government office) in the middle age Korean. The ‘마을’(village) has changed into ‘마루’ or ‘말이’ because of its same sound, in spite of correlation loss. Also the ‘공사’ has changed into ‘꽁사.’ However, even though the components of the proverb have changed, the meaning of the proverb has changed little, meaning ‘being unvarying as doing the same public affairs.’

방위사업에서 투명성을 구성하는 본질적인 요소 또는 원칙이 무엇인지를 사례분석과 인과관계 분석을 통해 식별하였다. 이를 위해 비리 유형별로 비리를 발생시키는 근본 원인과 그에 따른 결과를 식별하고, 그러한 비리를 억제시키는 요소가 무엇인지를 도출하였다. 그리고 이들 비리를 억제시키는 요소들을 투명성의 본질적인 요소(원칙)들로 규정하였다. 본 연구에서 밝혀진 투명성의 요소들은 공개의 원칙, 개방･경쟁의 원칙, 확인･검증의 원칙, 객관성의 원칙, 감시･견제의 원칙으로 식별되었다. 그리고 이러한 투명성의 원칙이 적용되는 제도와 사례 분석을 통해 그 원칙들이 투명성을 구성하는 요소가 될 수 있음을 입증하였다. 앞으로의 연구에서는 설문조사 등 다른 방법에 의한 연구를 통해 본 연구결과의 강화 또는 수정보완이 이루어질 수 있을 것이다.

This study identified the essential factors framing the transparency in defense acquisition programs through case studies and cause-and-effect analysis. First, the types of corruption existing in the realm of defense acquisition were classified. Afterwards, the basic cause and the results of each type of corruption were analyzed via cause-and-effect analysis. Subsequently, the factors controlling corruption were deduced, and these factors were defined as the principles of transparency. These principles were found to be disclosure, opening and competition, check-up and verification, surveillance, and objectivity. Lastly, these principles were applied to actual cases of acquisition system reform to ensure that they could serve as principles of transparency. In future researches, other research methods, such as questionnaire surveys, may be used to deduce and verify the principles of transparency or to modify and complement the results of this study.

This study first re-investigates an old but still attractive issue: whether government-owned bank (GOB) performs inferior to the private-owned banks (POB) which is dubbed GOB effect in this study. Then, and more importantly, we explore why. Our government banks are classified into three types: GOBs that purchase distressed banks, GOBs that purchase normal banks, and GOBs that do not purchase any bank. We argue that not all three types of GOB are underperformer, that is, only GOBs purchase distressed banks are. Contrasting to the common belief, our results show that GOBs that purchase normal banks and GOBs that do not purchase any bank (after 2003) perform similar to POBs. That is, GOB effect significantly minimized when political interference is removed. Moreover, we found that POBs purchase distressed banks have similar performance to the benchmarked private banks. Thus, because both GOBs and POBs purchase distressed banks, the major difference is the presence of political factors in distressed-acquirer GOB. Accordingly, the reason of the worsened performance of GOBs is more likely a result of political intervention. Finally, we find these political interventions apparently exist in these countries no matter their country governance, corruption levels, and political rights.

Fraud and corruption is a problem that undermines the credibility and integrity of all sport. It affects fans, owners, shareholders, officials, and players. With the recent scandal in the K-League in Korea, the importance of maintaining the integrity of Korean football is presently of great importance. While other European or Asian football leagues have been plagued with fraud and corruption, Korea has maintained its professional sporting integrity successfully until recent times. This paper is an examination as to why players in the K-League succumbed to match- fixing in 2011. Firstly, we discuss the important role of sport in Korea, which is not to be underestimated. Secondly, we briefly illustrate the range and types of fraud and corruption in international football. Thirdly, we focus on the match-fixing and gambling scandal currently engulfing the K-League. Fourthly, we make some practical suggestions on how to combat and increase resilience to fraud and corruption in football. Finally, in the conclusion, we suggest that much needs to be done to reduce the incident of fraud and corruption in football worldwide, particularly through employing a clear counter fraud strategy.

해외직접투자를 설명하는 결정론자들 중 하나인 corruption은 중요하게 인식되어지고 있다. 이론적 관점에서 다국적 기업이 투자허가와 세금감정 등과 관련해서 정부 관료들에게 뇌물을 제공함으로써 사업을 영위함에 있어 유발되어지는 비용으로 간주되어질 수 있다. 따라서 다국적 기업이 해외시장 투자를 결정하는데 진출대상국의 corruption 수준은 고려되어야 한다. 그러나 해외직접투자 진출대상국의 corruption의 중요성을 분석한 연구들은 해외직접투자의 유형을 구분하고 있지 않다. 본 연구에서는 미국기업 자회사들의 the destination market for the sales에 근거하여 해외직접투자의 유형을 수평적 해외직접투자와 수직적 해외직접투자로 구분한다. 미국 제조업분야 해외직접투자의 진출대상국 (50개국)을 대상으로, 본 연구는 corruption의 영향이 해외직접투자의 유형에 따라 다를 수 있음을 보인다. 미국 제조업분야 다국적기업의 해외직접투자에 관한 데이터를 이용하여, 진출대상국의 corruption이 수직적 해외직접투자에 부정적인 영향을 미치고 있으나, 수평적 해외직접투자에는 유의적 영향을 제공하지는 않는다. 실증분석의 결과는 미국 제조업분야 다국적 기업의 직접투자를 유치하기를 원하는 국가는 corruption을 낮출 필요가 있음을 제시하고 있다.

Importance of corruption as one of the determinants explaining FDI movement has been increased. On the theoretical perspective, corruption can be assumed to induce an additional cost of doing businesses since multi-national corporations (MNCs) pay bribes to government bureaucrats for getting investment license, tax assessment, and so on. Accordingly, level of corruption in the host country should be considered for MNCs in making decisions to invest foreign markets. However previous studies evaluating the effect of corruption of the host country on FDI do not distinguish types of FDI. In this study, a difference for FDI is made between two types(horizontal and vertical FDI) of FDI by using the destination market for the sales of the U.S. affiliates. Using the 50 host countries of U.S. manufacturing FDI over the periods 1999- 2007, this study finds that vertical FDI(measured by affiliates sales back to the U.S.) is deterred by corruption, but horizontal FDI(measured by affiliates local sales within a host country) is not. Therefore, the empirical results suggest that the host countries wishing vertical investment from U.S. manufacturing MNCs should lower corruption.

본 연구는 글로벌 경쟁력에 영향을 미치는 다양한 요인들에 대해 129개 국가와 2017년부터 2019년까지 연간 데이터를 활용 해 패널 실증분석을 했다. 또한, 부패, 혁신역량, 인프라 수준 및 경제발전 수준이 등이 글로벌 경쟁력 지수에 어떠한 영향이 있 는가를 직접적 효과와 더불어 상호작용변수를 활용해 복합적인 효과를 검증했다. 첫 번째 연구 결과는 혁신역량, 인프라 수준 및 경제발전 수준 등이 글로벌 경쟁력에 주요한 요인이 되고 있음을 통계적으로 확인했지만 부패 요인은 통계적으로 유의성이 없었 다. 높은 수준의 부패 관련 지표는 청렴한 국가를 나타내는 제도적 요인 변수이지만 통계적으로 유의한 결과를 보이지 못한 이유 는 국가 개별의 특성이라 볼 수 있어 고정효과가 포착하지 못해 상호작용변수를 이용해 효과를 분석했다. 두 번째 연구 결과로는 글로벌 경쟁력에 영향을 미치는 변수는 인프라×경제발전수준 변수만이 통계적으로 유의했다. 이러한 연구결과들은 본 연구의 한계점으로 상대적으로 짧은 연구 표본의 연간 데이터는 글로벌 경쟁력의 장기적이고 동태적인 현상을 설명하는데 쉽지 않음을 의미하고 비록 상호작용변수를 이용한 패널분석을 통해 변수들의 내생성을 통제했을지라도 유의한 결과가 보여주기에는 어려웠 다. 하지만 글로벌 경쟁력에 혁신역량, 인프라, 경제발전 수준은 주요한 변수임을 확인했다는 것이 주요한 연구 결과라 할 수 있 다. 마지막으로 129개 국가들 중 경제발전 수준을 기준으로 상위 30%와 하위 30%로 구분해 개별적으로 분석했고 상위 30% 국 가들은 전체 연구표본이 전체 표본과 같은 동일한 결과를 보인 반면 하위 30% 국가들은 혁신역량이 글로벌 경쟁력에 미치는 영 향이 통계적으로 유의하지 않았다. 이는 하위 30% 국가들은 혁신역량보다 국가 기반시설에 정책적 우선순위가 있어야 함을 시 사한다. 본 연구의 기여점은 제도이론, 내생적 성장 프레임워크, 공간 경제학 등을 통합해 글로벌 경쟁력 모델을 구축했으며 경 제발전 수준에 따라 글로벌 경쟁력에 미치는 영향이 다를 수 있음을 확인했다. 정책적 시사점으로는 인프라 변수는 국가들이 인 프라를 효율적으로 활용할 여건이 된다면 글로벌 경쟁력에 긍정적인 효과가 있음을 보여준다.

This study investigates the determinants of global competitiveness using panel data from129 countries between 2017 and 2019. Drawing on institutional economics, endogenous growth theory, and spatial economics, it examines four central drivers: corruption (CPI), innovation (GII), transport infrastructure, and economic development (GNI per capita). Unlike prior research that often considered these factors in isolation, the analysis integrates themwithin a unified frameworkwhile asking howtheir effects shift across stages of development. A fixed-effects panel model with interaction terms is employed to account for country-specific heterogeneity and to test for conditional relationships. Robustness checks, includingmulticollinearity diagnostics and alternative specifications, lend support to the stability of the results despite the relatively short time horizon. Findings indicate that infrastructure, innovation, and economic development are significant contributors to competitiveness, although their influence is far fromuniform.Advanced economies appear to benefitmore frominnovation and infrastructure, reflecting stronger absorptive capacity and institutional support, while the role of corruption emerges as inconsistent and context-dependent. For developing economies, basic infrastructure seems to deliver greater returns than innovation-focused strategies, at least in the early stages of growth. A comparison of top- and bottom-ranked countries further highlights these asymmetries. The results suggest that one-size-fits-all prescriptions are unlikely to succeed. Countries that align reformprioritieswith institutional strength and development stage aremore likely to achieve sustainable and inclusive competitiveness.Nonetheless, the short three-year panel constrains the ability to capture longer-termeffects, pointing to the need for extended datasets and alternative identification strategies in future research.

본 연구는 한국의 공공부문 및 민간부문 주요 부패 현황을 살펴보았다. 연구방법은 2차 자료 분석 방법을 채택 하였으며, 분석 자료는 입소스(Ipsos)에서 2019년 3월 발표한 ‘한국사회 부패현황’을 사용하였다. 두 집단의 주요 부패 추이를 살펴보기 위해 연도별 차이분석을 실시하였으며, 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 공공 부문에서는 뇌물과 같이 눈에 띄는 범죄의 수는 감소하지만, 직권남용처럼 쉽게 감지되지 않는 지능적 범죄는 증가하고 있었다. 민간부문에서는 횡령은 점점 감소하고 있었지만, 업무상 배임은 일정 수준을 유지하고 있었다. 둘째, 2003년부터 2017년까지 공공부 문의 주요 부패 연간증감률 평균은 8.0%인데 반해, 민간부문은 1.8%로 나타났다. 셋째, 공공부문은 2015년을 제외하 고 부패가 조금씩 증가하고 있지만, 민간부문은 2014년 이후 점차 감소하고 있었다. 본 연구는 높은 권력간격 문화의 개선, 낮은 부패인식 문화의 개선, 무처벌 문화의 폐지와 같은 문화적 측면을 고려한 세 가지 예방조치를 제시함으로 써 학술적 기여도와 차별성이 있다. 향후 1차 자료를 통한 실증연구나 두 집단을 분리한 개별적 연구가 요구되어진다.

This study examines the status of major corruption in the public and private sectors in Korea. This study adopts the secondary data analysis method, and uses ‘The Status of Corruption in Korean Society’ released by Ipsos in March 2019. The annual difference analysis is conducted to examine the trend of major corruption, and the results are as follows. First, in the public sector, the number of conspicuous crimes, such as bribery, has decreased, but intelligent crimes that are not easily detected, such as abuse of authority, are increasing. In the private sector, embezzlement was on the decline, but breach of trust remained at a certain level. Second, from 2003 to 2017, the average annual change rate of major corruption in the public sector was 8.0%, while the private sector was 1.8%. Third, the public sector has seen a slight increase in corruption except in 2015, but the private sector has been declining since 2014. This study is different as it makes academic contributions by offering three anti-corruption measures; changing the culture of high power distance, changing the culture of low corruption perception, and abolishing the culture of impunity. Empirical studies using primary data that separate the two groups are required.

부패는 투자를 억제하거나 생산성을 감소시켜 경제 발전을 저해하는 것으로 알려 져 있지만, 반면에 엄격한 시장 통제나 정치적 제도적 비효율성이 있는 상황에서는 부패가 효율성을 높일 수 있다는 주장도 있다. 이 연구는 부패가 경제성장에 미치 는 영향을 파악하기 위해 1980년부터 2023년까지의 패널 데이터를 구축하여, 부패 가 경제성장에 미치는 영향을 분석하였으며, 또한 부패가 경제성장에 미치는 영향 을 분석하기 위해 소득 기준으로 국가를 두 그룹으로 나누었다. 실증 분석 결과는 다음과 같이 요약할 수 있다. 국가 전체를 대상으로 한 분석에서 ‘부패 통제’는 국가의 경제성장에 긍정적인(+) 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타남으로써 부패가 일반 적으로 경제성장에 부정적인(-) 영향을 미치는 것으로 확인되었다. 이러한 결과는 부패 통제를 위한 백분위 순위를 사용했을 때도 동일하게 나타났다. 그러나 소득 수준에 초점을 맞춘 연구 결과에서, (1) 부패 통제와 (2) 부패 통제에 대한 백분위 순위 모두 고소득 국가의 경제성장에 긍정적인(+) 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 즉, 고소득국가는 부패를 개선하여 경제성장을 달성해야 한다는 것을 시사한다.

Corruption is known to hinder economic growth by suppressing investment or reducing productivity, but on the other hand, it is argued that corruption can increase efficiency in situations where there is strict market control or political institutional inefficiency. This study constructed panel data for the period 1980–2023 to identify the impact of corruption on economic growth, and also divided the countries into two groups based on income to analyze the impact of corruption on economic growth. The results of the empirical analysis are summarized as follows. In the analysis targeting the entire country, control of corruption was found to have a positive(+) effect on the country's economic growth, confirming that corruption generally has a negative(-) effect on economic growth. These results were the same when percentile rank for control of corruption was used. However, the results of the study focusing on income level showed that both control of corruption and percentile rank for control of corruption had a positive effect on economic growth in high-income countries. That is, it suggests that high-income countries must achieve economic growth by improving corruption.

This study empirically analyzes the effects of political corruption on corporate cash holdings policy and the impact of cash holdings on firm performance using 97 multinational data. We find that there is a nonlinear cubic function relationship between the political corruption and corporate cash holdings with a negative coefficient of cubic term of political corruption. Specifically, in developed countries with low levels of political corruption, there is a U-shape relationship between political corruption and cash holdings; however, in frontier and emerging countries, there is an Inverted-U-shape relationship. These results show that two hypothesis ‘Expropriation Shielding hypothesis’ and ‘Preoccupancy hypothesis’ on previous literature are not conflicting, but can be explained differently according to the level of development of countries and the level of political corruption. In addition, we find that the effects of political corruption on firm performance when firms use cash are different in developed and developing countries. From these results, we suggest that political corruption is an important variable in corporate financial policy and firm performance.

국민들의 부패에 대한 인식은 국가의 부패수준을 간접적으로 가늠하는 의미를 가질 뿐 아니라 국가 재난상황 해결 과정에서 정책순응 확보가 어렵게 되는 결과를 가져올 수 있다. 이러한 문제의식 하에 본 연구에서는 개인의 부패인식에 영향을 미치는 요인을 탐색하기 위해 개인수준변수와 국가 수준변수를 모두 고려하여 분석하는 다수준 분석기법을 활용하였다. 분석결과 사회전반에 대한 부 패수준인식과 공공기관의 부패에 대한 인식 모두 개인적 요인과 국가환경적 요인이 고르게 영향을 미치고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 사회 전반에 대한 부패수준인식과 공공기관에 대한 부패인식의 영향요인이 차별화된다는 결과를 제시하고 있다. 이러한 결과를 통해 부패에 대한 인식 역시 사회적 위험과 위기상황을 구성할 수 있다는 점에서 국민들의 부패인식을 완화시킬 수 있는 정부의 정책적 노력이 필요함을 주장하였다.

In this study, I used a multi-level analysis method to analyze the factors affecting individual’s perception of corruption, considering both individual level variables and national level ones. As a result of the analysis, it is found that both perception of social and public corruption level are influencing evenly by individual factors and national environmental factors. It also suggests that the perceived levels of corruption in the society as a whole and the factors influencing the perception of corruption by public institutions are differentiated. These results suggest that the perception of corruption may also constitute social risks and crisis situations and that government policy efforts to mitigate the perception of corruption of the public are needed.

In Vietnam, corruption is a problem that can be recognized in both feudal and colonial history. Under the Socialist State, corruption continues to be found in various forms, and involves different types of people in the state and society. Since Đổi Mới, corruption has increased, to the extent that it is seen as a national disaster, an internal enemy threatening the survival of the Socialist regime, and resulted in the people’s discontent as well as the party-state’s campaigns to curb corruption. Putting in such a context, this paper shows how local cadre corruption has become closely related to the communal resources, especially the land, and became one of the key causes for local conflicts in the rural areas. I argue that while villagers accept minor amounts of corruption, they do not tolerate too much corruption. Villagers’ protests became more severe when corruption took place alongside local cadres’ moral misbehaviours to the villagers, and therefore being used to judge the morality of local cadres. An in-depth case study in the Red river delta is presented to illuminate the argument.

This paper is designed to cast light on the issue of corruption from diverse viewpoints, which is so deeply rooted in every walk of life these days. Anti-corruption approaches on the part of the government are not expected to be so successful because the problem is too complicated. That is why appropriate comprehension of the issue is required first. Nowadays, for example, the corruption in Korea is so-called Systemic Corruption, as the author Caiden pointed out, against which a strong combination of legal and executive systems should be prepared. This study explores the anti-corruption and corruption-preventive systems in the world, especially UN, OECD, OAS, USA and Asian countries. In their analysis, research data and legislative contents in particular are thoroughly dealt with. This was possible because of the visits and interviews with personnel in those countries. Main focus in this study is put on the objectives as follows:First, to introduce the cases of UN, OECD, OAS,USA and Asia countries, which are noted for the Policy in anti-corruption and transparency, Second, to define each of the functions and problems of those countries anti-corruption systems, which are the Federal Governments in USA, the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) in Hong Kong, and the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) in Singapore, Lastly, to examine the current anti-corruption systems and their problems in Korea and the possible answers with focus on the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea and the Criminal Prosecution System in Korea.

With annual data for 2010-13 from fifty-five countries, we explore the possibility that differences in corruption are causal to differentials in energy security. For the purpose of policy formation diagnostic double-checkings are conducted to evaluate all the models in the sense that the more tests that are carried out, the less the chance of accepting a poor model. Among those performed are: the RESET tests for functional form misspecification and the tests for heteroskedasticity. The fixed effect (FE) estimates suggest that corruption has a detrimental effect on energy security. It is also evident from the Spearman rank correlation coefficient that corruption and energy security are negatively dependent on one another, implying that higher corruption correlates with lower energy security. The FE estimates suggest that corruption has a detrimental effect on energy security. Political stability energy price, energy use, energy imports, energy production, total carbon dioxide emissions, and military expenditure variables are controlled for. Each of the control variables presents a statistically significant coefficient with the predicted sign. Results from Granger causality test suggest that corruption is Granger-causal to energy security risk in both all countries as well as East Asian countries (i.e., China, Japan, and Korea). More specifically, the FE estimates also suggest that the harmful effects of corruption on energy security is greater in the three core East Asian countries than in other countries. This suggests that the three core East Asian countries can be regarded as outliers. The ceteris paribus mean elasticity of energy security risk with respect to corruption in East Asia, indicating that a 10 percent increase in corruption enhances energy security risk by 2.46 percent in East Asia. This implies that energy security risk is less sensitive to a change in corruption. Given the importance of energy security for sustainable development in East Asia, therefore, a key element of ensuring energy security is that for more transparent physical and financial energy markets the three East Asian countries enhance energy cooperation, to make energy market data more accurate and available, and to take steps to support the development of cleaner and more efficient energy technologies to enhance the efficiency of markets and shift towards a more sustainable energy future. For example, compliance with the United Nations Convention Against Corruption may be facilitated by reforms aimed at reducing corruption.