Earticle

이 글은 이원찬(李元粲, ?~?)의 호랑이 그림을 통해 본 조선통 신사 회화교류에 관한 연구이다. 조선중기 활동화가로 알려진 이 원찬의 작품은 3점이 전하며 모두 호랑이 그림이다. 이원찬의 <호 도>는 현재 한국 부산 국립해양박물관, 일본 오사카 역사박물관, 독일 베를린 국립아시아미술관에 각각 1점씩 소장되어 있다. 이원찬에 대한 본격적 연구는 2021년 시작되었다. 진행된 연구 는 호랑이 도상을 중심으로 한 연구사이고, 이번 연구는 호랑이를 둘러싼 배경에 관한 연구이다. 이원찬의 <호도>는 배경의 유무에 따라 두 가지 유형으로 나눠진다. 산수 배경에 둘러싸여 포효하는 호랑이 모습을 그린 한국 소장본과, 배경 없이 호랑이 단독으로 구성 제작된 일본과 독일 소장본이 그것이다. 본고는 이원찬이 그린 호랑이 그림에 적용된 단일구성에 주목하 였다. 인물 초상화가 아닌 동물을 그린 영모화 이원찬 <호도>의 구성은 독특하고 특별한 양상으로, 한 화면에 그림을 그리고 글을 썼던 문화교류와 연관되어진다. 17세기 등장한 새로운 유형, 이원 찬의 단일구성 호랑이 그림을 문화교류의 장을 연 조선통신사 수 행화원 활동 작품과 함께 살펴 고찰한 연구이다.

This article is a study on the exchange of Joseon Tongsinsa paintings seen through Lee Won-chan’s tiger paintings. Lee Won-chan’s works, known as active painters in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, are all tiger paintings. Lee Won-chan’s “Tiger Painting” is currently housed in the National Maritime Museum in Busan, Japan’s Osaka History Museum, and the National Asian Art Museum in Berlin, Germany. Lee Won-chan’s full-fledged research began in 2021. The research conducted is a research company centered on tiger figures, and this author's research is about the background surrounding tigers. Lee Won-chan’s “Tiger Painting” is divided into two types depending on the background. They include a domestic collection of tigers roaring in the background of landscape paintings, and a Japanese and German collection of tigers alone without a background. This paper focused on the single composition applied to the tiger painting drawn by Lee Won-chan. The composition of Lee Won-chan's Tiger Painting, which depicts animals, not portraits of people, is a unique and special aspect. This article examined a new type of tiger, Lee Won-chan’s single compositional painting, which appeared in the 17th century, along with the work of Joseon Tongsinsa.

本稿は李元粲(イ·ウォンチャン、?～?)の虎の絵を通じて見た朝鮮通信使 の絵画交流に関する研究である。朝鮮中期の活動画家として知られた李元 粲の作品は3点が伝えており、そのすべてが虎の絵である。李元粲の『虎圖』は現在、韓国釜山国立海洋博物館、日本大阪歴史博物館、ドイツベル リン国立アジア美術館にそれぞれ1点ずつ所蔵されている。 李元粲についての本格的な研究は2021年から始まった。先行研究は虎の 図像を中心とした研究史であって、今回の筆者の研究は虎を囲んでいるその 背景に関する研究である。 李元粲の『虎圖』は背景の有無により2つのタイプに分けられる。山水背景 に囲まれ咆哮する虎の姿を描いた韓国の所蔵本と、背景なしに虎単独で構 成․製作された日本とドイツの所蔵本がそれである。 本稿では、李元粲が描いた虎の絵に適用された単一構成に注目した。 人物肖像画ではなく動物を描いた翎毛畵である李元粲の『虎圖』の構成は 独特で特別な様相で一つの画面に絵を描き、文章を書いた文化交流と連 関する。17世紀登場した新しいタイプ、李元粲の単一構成の虎の絵を文化 交流の場を開いた朝鮮通信使修行画員の活動作品とともに考察した研究で ある。

본고에는 회답겸쇄환사에 대한 조선과 대마도의 접대를 살펴 보았다. 회답겸쇄환사에 대한 자료는 임진전쟁 후 통신사 관련 규 정이나 제도들이 정비되어 가는 과정을 잘 확인할 수 있다는 점에 서 의미가 있다. 회답겸쇄환사 시기의 조선, 그리고 대마도에서 행 해진 접대와 의례를 살펴본 결과 통신사 관련 규정이 완비된 17 세기 말과는 다른 차이점들이 확인되었다. 그 특징은, 첫째 조선에 서의 공식적인 전별연이 행해졌던 지역의 차이가 있었다. 이는 차 츰 정비되어 영천, 안동, 경주, 부산이 전별연 장소로 확정되어갔 다. 하지만 17세기 후반에는 영천과 안동으로 다시 축소되었다. 둘째, 부산 지역에서 행해진 전별연과 사연에서는 경상좌수사의 역할이 동래부사보다 컸다는 점, 경상우수영의 역할도 있었다는 점도 특징 중의 하나이다. 통신사선의 제작 및 이동 등에 수군의 역할이 컸기 때문이었던 것으로 추측된다. 하지만 이후 차츰 동래 부사와 부산첨사의 역할과 비중도 커지게 되었다. 셋째, 회답겸쇄환사 시기 영가대에서 해신제가 행해진 것을 확 정할 수 있는 시기는 1624년 사행이라는 점을 들 수 있다. 영가 대의 조성이 1614년이지만 1617년 회답겸쇄환사의 경우 해신제 를 어디에서 지냈는지 기록되어 있지 않아 영가대에서 제의가 치 러졌는지 여부를 확실하게 알 수 없다. 1607년 사행 때에는 해안 에서 진행되었으며, 1624년 사행의 경우, 해신제가 영가대에서 행 해졌다는 사실을 명기하고 있다. 넷째, 회답겸쇄환사에 대한 일본의 접대와 의례를 대마도의 사 례로 한정해 보았을 때 대마도에서의 하정(下程)과 연회는 공식적 으로 정해진 수 보다 많고 융숭했다. 또한 횟수가 거듭될수록 사 신들의 사관 등에 대한 준비가 충실해졌다. 그리고 의례의 측면에 서 볼 때, 전별연의 절차나 형식도 정비되어 갔으며, 예조의 서폐 를 받는 의례와 상견례가 동시에 진행되던 것이 통신사행부터는 별도로 분리해 진행하게 되었다. 또한 예조의 서계와 예물을 받는 대마도인 중 조선에서 직책을 준 수직인(受職人)이 포함되어 있었 다는 점은 당시 회답겸쇄환사가 통신사의 과도기적 성격을 지니고 있었음을 확인시켜 준다.

This paper examines the receptions hosted by Joseon and Japan for the Hoedapgyeom-Soehwansa(Envoys dispatched for delivering the reply and repatriating the people captured), which can only be studied through diplomatic travel records due to the scarcity of related materials. The discussion of Japanese receptions is limited to those held on Tsushima Island. Based on the findings confirmed so far, the characteristics can be summarized as follows: First, there were regional differences in the official farewell banquets held in Joseon. Over time, these were gradually standardized to take place in Yeongcheon, Andong, Gyeongju, and Busan. However, by the late 17th century, they were reduced to Yeongcheon and Andong. Second, during the farewell banquets held in the Busan area, the Gyeongsang Left Naval Commander played a more significant role than the Dongnae Magistrate, and the Gyeongsang Right Naval Station also participated in the process. This appears to be due to the crucial role played by the navy in building and navigating the diplomatic ships. Over time, however, the roles and responsibilities of the Dongnae Magistrate and the Busan Commander gradually increased. Third, the earliest verifiable instance of the Sea God Ritual(Haesinjae) being performed at Yeonggadae during a Reply and Return Mission occurred during the 1624 mission. Although Yeonggadae was constructed in 1614, the records for the 1617 mission do not specify where the ritual was held, making it uncertain whether it took place there. In contrast, the 1607 mission indicates that the ritual was conducted along the coast. In 1624, however, it is explicitly recorded that the Haesinjae was held at Yeonggadae. Fourth, regarding Japan’s reception and ceremonies for the Reply and Return Mission, limited to the case of Tsushima, the number and scale of the lower route receptions and banquets exceeded the officially prescribed amount and were quite lavish. With each successive mission, the preparations—such as accommodations for the envoys and their attendants—became more thorough. From the perspective of ceremonial practice, the procedures and formats of farewell banquets also became more organized. Moreover, whereas in earlier missions the ceremony of receiving the Ministry of Rites’ farewell letter and the first meeting(sang-gyeonrye) were conducted simultaneously, starting from the Tongsinsa missions, these events came to be held separately.

Through Joseon Tongsinsa(通信使) Haengryeoldo, appearance of diplomatic mission dispatched to Japan can be examined. The purposes of this research are to make Korea National Museum possessed <Joseon Tongsinsa Haengryeoldo> supposed to be produced by Joseon painter among them as the subject and investigate the period of production. Until now, this work was named as <Injo 14th year Tongsinsa ipganghoseongdo(仁祖十四年通信使入江戶城圖)> and proudced in 1636. However, in consideration of the dispatching period of yangui( 良醫)， 3 seogi( 書記)， and 3 suyuk (首譯) that are appeared in actual work, there is an opinion to be produced after the 18th century. Based on the precedent studies, scene structure and parade structure will be examined by focusing on the Joseon Tongsinsa parade so as to reveal <Joseon Tongsinsa Haengryeoldo>, a collection of National Museum of Korea. The scene was divided by 1-3 and parade structure and direction of each composition were examined. Parade structure is total 3 lines; upper side, middle side and lower side. Among them, middle line shows wonyuk of Joseon Tongsinsa partially, so in this case, it was considered to be 2 lines. Therefore, 1 composition gisu. akdae line was 2 and 2 composition gukseogama parade was cosnidered to be same. But, 이 (triangle) structure focusing on gukseogama shows bilateral symmetry and parade structure changes 3 lines. It is shown in 3 composition samsasin gama focusing parade. Gama parade of jeongsa( 正使)， busa( 副使)， and jongsagwan( 從事官) is same D(pantagon) structure and gama parade of sangsanggwan( 上上官) and sanggwan(上官) is connected. Among them, sanggwan gama is repeated by 이 (triangle) structure samely. Parade direction is left( 左向) and examined mainly in banchado of ~Joseon royal family uigue .JJ (hereinafter referred to as uigue). And banchado produced after the 18th century was compared with clothes and all sorts of medical materials of wonyuk of Joseon Tongsinsa and parade structure was examined. As a result , it was similar to Korea National Museum possessed <Hwaseongwonhaeng banchado (華城園幸班次圖)> and <Wonhaengjeongriuigue( 園幸整理嚴軟 圖)> including Jeongjo went to Hyunryungwon , a tomb of sadoseja, located in Hwaseong, in 1795. Therefore , this work seems to follow the form of uigue published banchado and produced in the latter of the 18th century.

본 연구는 영가대(永嘉臺)의 해신 의례와 공간 변천을 주제로, 조선시대 통신사들이 거행한 해신제의 의례 절차와 공간의 변화를 고지도와 기록화를 통해 통시적으로 고찰하였다. 먼저 문헌자료를 통해 해신제의 진행 방식과 제수(祭需)의 구성, 그리고 ｢영가대기｣ 와 ｢영가대팔경｣등에 나타난 영가대의 역사적 변천과 주변 자연 경관을 분석하였다. 영가대의 제의는 조선의 국조오례의 중 ｢제악 해독의(祭嶽海瀆儀)｣에 준하여 중사(中祀)로 진행되었다. 이는 사 행의 원만한 항해를 통해 사명(使命) 성공을 기원하는 마음과 국 가의 안위를 염원하는 현실적 의식이 결합된 의례였다. 이어 《동래부사접왜사도》, 《영남기행화첩》등 기록화와 고 지대에 나타난 영가대의 입지와 형상을 검토함으로써, 의례 공간으로서 영가대의 시각적 재현과 변천 양상을 추적하였다. 영가대 는 본래 왜구의 침입에 대비한 군사 거점이자 선소(船所)로 출발 하였으나, 조선통신사들이 항해의 안전과 사행의 성공을 기원하는 제의의 장소로 기능하면서 외교 의례의 무대로 발전하였다. 이러 한 의례는 국가의 안위를 염원하는 현실적 행위이자, 바다를 매개 로 한 조선의 세계 인식을 드러내는 행위였다. 근대 이후 매축과 도시 개발로 옛 자취는 거의 소멸하였으나, 지도와 그림, 시문과 제문에 남은 영가대의 자취는 조선 후기 부 산 해역의 방어와 교류, 그리고 해양 의례 문화를 이해하는 중요 한 단서를 제공한다. 본 연구는 영가대를 회화·문학·의례가 교차하 는 복합적 기억의 장소로 조명함으로써, 외교 의례의 일면, 해양 방어 기지로서 입지적 특징, 문학적 영감을 주는 공간으로 새롭게 해석하고자 하였다.

This study examines the Haesin(Sea God) rituals and the spatial transformation of YeongGa-dae(永嘉臺) through a diachronic analysis of maps and documentary paintings from the Joseon period. Focusing on the rituals performed by Joseon diplomatic envoys to Japan, it first analyzes textual sources detailing the ritual procedures, the composition of sacrificial offerings, and the representations of Yeonggdae’s changing landscape and surrounding scenery in works such as Yeonggadaegi and Yeonggdaepalgyeong. The Haesinje performed at Yeonggdae followed the rites of Jeakhaedok(祭嶽海瀆儀) prescribed in the Gukjo Oryeui(National Five Rites), and was conducted as a mid-level state ritual(中祀). This ceremony embodied both the practical wish for safe navigation and mission success, and the political and spiritual desire for national security. Subsequently, the study investigates the geographical setting and visual representation of YeongGa-dae as depicted in documentary paintings such as Dongnaebusa Jeopwaesado and Yeongnam Gihaenghwacheop, as well as in historical maps. Originally established as a military base and ship station(船所) to guard against Japanese invasions, YeongGa-dae later evolved into a stage for diplomatic rituals where envoys prayed for divine protection before embarking on overseas missions. The Haesinje at YeongGa-dae thus functioned as both a practical act of statecraft and a symbolic expression of Joseon’s maritime worldview. Although the physical site largely disappeared due to land reclamation and urban development in the modern era, traces preserved in maps, paintings, poems, and ritual texts offer valuable insights into Joseon’s maritime defense, international exchange, and ritual culture along the Busan coast. By viewing YeongGa-dae as a multifaceted site of memory where painting, literature, and ritual intersect, this study reinterprets the site as a locus of diplomatic ceremony, coastal defense, and poetic inspiration within the maritime landscape of late Joseon.

The Document of Joseon Tongsinsa is a generic term regarding Tongsinsa, diplomatic delegation dispatched to Japan 12 times with the invitation of Tokugawa shogunate from 1607 to 181 1. The Document of Joseon Tongsinsa contains the historic experiences and wisdom of Joseon and Japan that experienced disastrous wars and established and maintained peace with nothing missed. It also contains the spirit of exchange that respected each other to practice SeongsingyorinCrelationship with sincerity and trust) in the equal status. Therefore, the Document of Joseon Tongsinsa has remarkable and universal value to solve tasks of eternal peaceful coexistence and respect of other culture, which are human’s common issues, as a peaceful. intellectual heritage proved by the two countries' historical experience. Documents of Joseon Tongsinsa that are registered as UNESCO Memory of the World are total 333 pieces of 111 cases, among which documents belonging to Korea are 124 pieces of 63 cases, and those belonging to Japan are 209 pieces of 48 cases. These can be broadly classified into diplomatic record, journey record and cultural exchange record. The diplomatic record is 51 pieces of 5 cases(Korea 32 pieces of 2 cases, Japan 19 pieces of 3 cases), the journey record is 136 pieces of 65 cases(Korea 67 pieces of 38 cases, Japan 69 pieces of 27 cases) , and the cultural exchange record is 146 pieces of 41 cases(Korea 25 pieces of 23 cases, Japan 121 pieces of 18 cases). Being registered as UNESCO Memory of the World basically means the materials are valuable ones that hold universal values, but at the same time , they are the ones that need special attention in preservation and improvement of accessibility. Then , what is the method to preserve the documentary heritages and to improve their accessibility according to the intention of UNESCO Memory of the World? Most urgently , the information of the records should be open to public in order to improve the accessibility of documentary heritages. The information here means the whole contents that the records contain beyond release of records. Being open to public means the contents of records should be interpreted for normal people to easily understand and be published in books or be on website. In other words, the whole contents of sahaeng-ilgi, poetry and prose, and letters along with all the poems of paintings and calligraphic works should be open to public through books or website after being interpreted. The meanings of documentary heritages are difficult to be conveyed without texts due to their characteristics. Therefore, institutions holding documentary heritages should secure budget and specialized manpower record and cultural exchange record. The diplomatic record is 51 pieces of 5 cases(Korea 32 pieces of 2 cases, Japan 19 pieces of 3 cases), the journey record is 136 pieces of 65 cases(Korea 67 pieces of 38 cases, Japan 69 pieces of 27 cases) , and the cultural exchange record is 146 pieces of 41 cases(Korea 25 pieces of 23 cases, Japan 121 pieces of 18 cases). Being registered as UNESCO Memory of the World basically means the materials are valuable ones that hold universal values, but at the same time , they are the ones that need special attention in preservation and improvement of accessibility. Then , what is the method to preserve the documentary heritages and to improve their accessibility according to the intention of UNESCO Memory of the World? Most urgently , the information of the records should be open to public in order to improve the accessibility of documentary heritages. The information here means the whole contents that the records contain beyond release of records. Being open to public means the contents of records should be interpreted for normal people to easily understand and be published in books or be on website. In other words, the whole contents of sahaeng-ilgi, poetry and prose, and letters along with all the poems of paintings and calligraphic works should be open to public through books or website after being interpreted. The meanings of documentary heritages are difficult to be conveyed without texts due to their characteristics. Therefore, institutions holding documentary heritages should secure budget and specialized manpower and immediately start text interpretation work. There might be differences according to the volume documentary heritages, but it takes a lot of time to interpret texts , so it is necessary to plan and start working urgently. It is important to open the images of documentary heritages to public , so that anyone can easily access and use them in various fields. Documentary heritages are our assets that we inherited from our ancestors, preserve and will bequeath to our descendents. Institutions holding them are the management authority rather than those who own, so they have obligation not only to preserve but also to share them. It is necessary to constantly plan and promote various exhibitions, education and academic programs, and cultural events with the theme of documentary heritages. The accessibility of documentary heritages can be enhanced when they are easily understood and spread widely. Furthermore, if institutions holding them plan and process these together, the synergy effect can be also expected. For this, there is a need to consider forming a consultative group. If a consultative group is formed , it is easy to get budget and experiences from government or UNESCO , and exchange and cooperation not only with domestic institutions but also with holding institutions in Japan can be reinforced.

본고는 『신미통신일록』(충남역사박물관 소장)에 담긴 중앙 집권 국가의 운영사례들을 살펴볼 목적에서 작성하였다. 『신미통신일 록』은 1811년 역지사행(易地使行)을 끝마친 뒤 정사(正使) 김이교 (金履喬)가 작성한 등록 형태의 보고서이다. 사행 준비단계부터 부 산을 출발하여 대마도에 도착하여 각종 의례를 실행하고, 다시 복 귀하기까지 일련의 과정에서 생성된 공문서들을 한데 모아 놓았 다. 『신미통신일록』속에는 중앙 부서와 지방 기관 사이에 긴밀하 게 이루어졌던 실무 관련 사료들이 다수 들어 있다. 『신미통신일록』에 담긴 역사적 의의는 다음과 같다. 첫째 외교 교섭 및 준비를 안정적으로 진행하기 위해 일원적(一元的) 통치조직을 적극 활용하여 매우 효율적으로 관련 업무를 진행했다는 사 실이다. 둘째 사행 예단을 위시한 제반 비용을 마련하는 과정에서 무실(懋實)의 차원에서 민산(民産)을 고려하여 체제 안정성을 해치 지 않는 선에서 대과(大過) 없이 진행했다는 점이다. 셋째 각종 의 례를 성공적으로 수행함으로써 교린(交隣)관계를 새롭게 전개할 수 있는 계기를 마련했다는 사실이다.

The purpose of this study is to examine the cases of governance of various centralized countries contained in ㄴ『Sinmitongsinilrok』. After the diplomatic negotiations between Joseon and Japan in 1811, this book was written by Kim Igyo(金履喬). This diplomatic mission was a ‘Translocation Envoy’(易地通信), the first to set a meeting place as Tsushima. Official documents related to the departure of diplomatic envoys, the preparation of valuable gifts to be delivered to Japan, and various diplomatic ceremonies in Tsushima are gathered together. This book contains many closely practiced practices between the central department and local agencies. Analyzing its contents reveals how the Joseon Dynasty, as a centralized country, ruled the country efficiently. The main content of this book is, first, that the administrative agencies worked very effectively to ensure that diplomatic negotiations were operated stably. Second, in the process of preparing valuable gifts before the event, we prepared carefully so that the people’s lives would not become too poor. Third, efforts were made to maintain friendly relations between Joseon and Japan at various diplomatic events held in Tsushima. And it is true that the relevant information has been written very specifically. UNESCO, which focused on the above three issues, recognized it as a World Record Cultural Heritage.

형명(形名)이란 『손자병법』에서 군사 신호체계로 처음 소개된 용어이다. 형(形)은 각종 깃발과 같은 시각적 도구를 의미하며, 명 (名)은 북과 징 같은 청각적 도구인 악기를 뜻한다. 군대에서 명령 과 정보를 전달하는 통신 수단으로 사용하였으나 점차 귀인들의 행렬에서 행렬의 위상을 드러내는 요소로 발전하여 왔다. 오늘날 에도 형명은 국가의전에서 의장대와 군악대로 자국의 존엄성과 위 상을 부각시키는 중요한 요소이다. 17세기 조선은 도요토미 히데요시[豊臣秀吉] 사망 후 새로운 실권자가 된 도쿠가와 이에야스[徳川家康]가 국교회복을 요청해왔을 때 조ㆍ일 간의 평화를 위해 조선통신사라는 외교사절단을 파견한다. 본 연구는 통신사의 모습을 살펴볼 수 있는 행렬도를 통하여 행 렬의 중요한 요소인 형명 편성의 시기별 특징과 조형적 변화를 밝 히는데 목적이 있다. 조선시대의 형의 종류는 약 100여 기에 달했 으나 조선통신사 행렬도에는 둑과 교룡기, 영자기, 청도기, 순시기 등 다섯 종류로 행렬의 권위를 내포하고 있다. 깃발의 크기와 무 늬, 자문(字紋)으로 깃발을 구별하고 색상을 달리하였다. 명은 취 고수와 세악수로 편성되어 그 인원은 약 50여 명으로 인원은 시 기별 큰 차이가 없으나 편성 구조에 있어서 변화를 보이고 있음을 확인하였다. 정치적 성격이 짙었던 17세기의 형명은 국서 위주로 치우쳐져 행렬의 권위를 국서에 집중하는 편성을 보이고 있다. 국내외의 정 세가 안정되었던 18세기는 형명의 장식이 보다 화려해지고 삼사 관에게 분산 배치함으로써 행렬 전체에 시각적 효과를 높이면서 안정된 편성 구조를 보이고 있다. 쇠퇴기에 접어든 19세기의 마지 막 행렬에서는 18세기에 보였던 장식성이 사라지고 편성 구조에 있어서도 이전까지 보였던 원칙에서 다소 벗어나고 있다. 하지만 정사와 부사의 대열에 형명을 분산 편성하는 구조는 18세기와 동 일하게 묘사되어 있다.

Hyeongmyeong refers to military signal systems, whose terminology was first appeared in 『Sonja Byeongbeop』, an ancient literature on military tactics. More specifically, Hyeong collectively indicates visual tools like flags and Myeong, audible ones like drums and gongs. Originally, Hyeongmyeong was a means of communication that delivered military orders or information. Gradually, however, it was developed into something that revealed how dignified and brilliant the procession of noble people was. Even today, Hyeongmyeong is a necessity that guards of honor or military bands use to make remarkably impressed the prestige and stature of the state. During the 17th century, Iyeyasu Tokugawa took over the power of Japan after the demise of Hideyoshi Toyotomi. And then, the new leader called for Joseon to normalize diplomatic relations with Japan. Joseon dispatched a diplomatic mission named Tongshinsa to Japan under the great cause of peace between the two countries. This study aimed to clarify organization features and formative changes that Hyeongmyeong showed in different times by reviewing the procession drawings of Joseon Tongshinsa. During the Joseon period, about 100 types of flags belonged to Hyeong. Of them, seen in those drawings are five, which are, Duk, Gyoryonggi, Yeongjagi, Cheongdogi and Sunsigi. These five-type flags were fabricated differently from one another in terms of size, pattern, letter or character, and color. Myeong was supposed to be played by band members, particularly called Chwigosu and Seaksu who were about 50 in total. The players were differently organized in different times, though seldomly changed in total number. During the 17th century when the diplomatic mission was quite political, its procession had Hyeongmyeong organized in a way that the dignity of credentials was mainly focused. In the 18th century when domestic and foreign circumstances of Joseon were stable, Hyeongmyeong was decorated in a more brilliant way, and dividedly assigned among the three top officials of the mission or Samsagwan, resultantly having a higher visual effect on the entire procession of the diplomatic mission and allowing Hyeongmyeong itself to be more stably organized. Joseon Tongshinsa that was last sent in to Japan in the 19th century when dispatching the diplomatic mission declined, had none of such decorative characteristics of Hyeongmyeong as in the previous century. Moreover, structural organization principles of Hyeongmyeong were a little distracted from those applied before. However, there's one thing unchanged from the 18th century. It is that components of Hyeongmyeong were dividedly allocated onto the lines of Jeongsa and Busa, who were respectively director and deputy directors of Joseon Tongshinsa.

形名(ヒョンミョン)とは孫子兵法で軍事信号体系として初めて紹介された 用語である。形(ヒョン)は各種旗のような視覚的道具を意味し、名(ミョン)は 太鼓と銅鑼のような聴覚的道具である楽器を意味する。刑名は軍隊で命令 と情報を伝達する通信手段として使用したが、次第に貴人の行列から行列 の位相を表わす要素に発展してきた。今日も刑名は国家儀典で儀仗隊と軍 楽隊として自国の尊厳性と地位を浮き彫りにする重要な要素である。 17世紀、朝鮮は豊臣秀吉の死後、新たな実権者となった徳川家康が国 交回復を要請してきた時、朝․日間の平和のために朝鮮通信使という外交 使節団を派遣した。 本研究の目的は通信使の姿を見ることができる行列図を通じて、行列の 重要な要素である型名編成の時期別特徴と造形的変化を明らかにすること である。朝鮮時代の刑の種類は約100旗に達したが、朝鮮通信使行列図 に纛は堤防と交龍旗、令字旗、清道旗、巡視旗など5種類で行列の権威 を内包している。旗の大きさと模様、字紋で旗を区別し、色を変えた。名は 吹鼓手と細樂手で編成され、その人数は約50人で、人数は時期別に大き な差がないが、編成構造において変化を見せていることを確認した。 政治的な性格が濃かった17世紀の刑名は、国書中心に偏り、行列の権 威を国書に集中する編成を見せている。国内外の情勢が安定した18世紀 は、刑名の装飾がより華やかになり、三司官に分散配置することで行列全体に視覚的な効果を高めながら安定した編成構造を見せている。衰退期に 入った19世紀の最後の行列では、18世紀に見えた装飾性が消え、編成 構造においても以前まで見せていた原則から多少外れている。しかし、正 使と副使の隊列に刑名を分散編成する構造は18世紀と同じように描写され ている。

본고는 최한기(崔漢綺, 1803～1879)의 『지구전요(地球典要)』 일본 조목을 중심으로 지식의 재맥락화 양상의 특징을 지식사의 관점에서 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 이와 같은 시도를 통해 1764년 통신사행으로 촉발된 일본 연구가 조선 후기 지식의 지형도에 미친 영향을 살펴보고자 하였다. 19세기 세계지리지인 『지구전요』 일본 조목을 중심으로 일본에 관한 지식 수용의 특징적 면모를 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 최한기는 당대 최신 정보를 담고 있었던 『해국도지(海國圖志)』와 『영환지략(瀛環志略)』을 주로 인용하였다. 그러나 일본 조목에 한하여 대부분의 내용을 1719년 통신사행 신유한(申維翰)의 『해유록(海游錄)』에서 가져왔다. 둘째, 최한기는 위원(魏源)이 중국해를 기준으로 지역을 분류하는 방식 을 수용하여 각 나라들을 범주화하지만 나라별 조목의 세부항목은 기학(氣學)의 관점, 즉 기의 활동운화(活動運化)를 기준으로 구성 하였다. 셋째, 최한기는 『해유록』을 다음과 같이 재맥락화하였다. 항목에 맞게 간략화, 명료화하여 보다 일목요연하게 재구성하고, 또한 신빙성이 부족한 정보와 주관적 평가를 삭제하여 객관적으로 서술하고자 하였으며, 기후의 경우 한역 지리지와 지도를 참조하 여 위도와 관련된 내용을 추가하여 재서술하였다. 넷째, 최한기는 이규경(李圭景)과 교유하였고 이덕무의 학술에도 관심이 있었으나 18세기 원중거(元重擧)와 이덕무(李德懋)의 일본 연구를 『지구전요 에서 인용하지 않는다. 지식의 체계화는 수집과 대조, 편집, 비평, 요약을 통해 실천되 고 이 과정을 거친 후에야 ‘지식’으로 활용된다. 그리고 지식사의 관점에서 지식을 정교화하는 목적은 기존의 학술적 범주들에 동화 혹은 적응을 시켜 당대 사회에 유통하기 위함이다. 원중거의 『화국지(和國志)』의 경우 미완성의 저술로 유통하기에 난관이 많았던 점을 고려하더라도 이덕무의 『청령국지(蜻蛉國志)』경우는 『화국지』를 인용서로 적극 활용했을 뿐만이 아니라 여러 서적들을 대 조하여 내용을 선별하고 또 그 내용들을 항목화한 후 요약, 편집 하여 완성한 연구서였다. 그러나 19세기 조선 지식인이 세계지리 지를 저술할 적에 18세기 연구서가 인용서목에 올라가지 못했던 까닭은 사실 새로운 지식에 대해 관심은 있었으나 성리학의 위계 와 금기에 따라 공론화하지 않은 경화사족의 ‘보수성’과도 무관하 지 않을 것이다. 서얼 출신의 두 지식인이 객관적 인식의 대상으로 일본을 발견한 것은 타자에 대한 관심을 통해 자기의식의 갱신을 도모하는 순기능적인 지적 활동이었다. 그러나 그들의 지식은 공론화되지 않고 그들만의 것으로 책 속에 머무를 뿐 관념적 차원 을 벗어날 수 없었다. 그리고 이처럼 실천을 상실한 지식은 확산 될 수 없었다.

The purpose of this paper was to examine the characteristics of the recontextualization of knowledge in the perspective of intellectual history, focusing on the Japan section of Choi Han-gi's Jigujeonyo (地球典要). Through this attempt, the influence of the Japan studies triggered by the 1764 Tongsinsa (the delegation to Japan) on the terrain of late Joseon knowledge was explored. When summarizing the characteristic aspects of knowledge reception regarding Japan, with the Japan section of Jigujeonyo from the 19th century serving as the focal point, several points emerge. Firstly, Choi Han-gi mainly cited contemporary sources such as Haiguotuzhi and Ying huan zhi lue, but for the Japan section, most of the content was derived from Haeyurok by Shin Yu-han of the 1719 Tongsinsa. Secondly, Choi Han-gi adopted Wei Yuan’s method of classifying regions based on the Chinese seas but organized the details of each country’s entry from the perspective of Qi-Study by Choi Han-gi himself. Thirdly, Choi Han-gi recontextualized Haeyurok by simplifying and clarifying the content to reconstruct it more systematically, deleting unreliable information and subjective evaluations to provide an objective description, and supplementing information related to latitude based on geography and maps in the case of climate. Fourthly, while Choi Han-gi had exchanges with Lee Gyu-gyeong and showed interest in Lee Deok-Moo’s scholarship, he did not cite the Japan studies of Won Jung-geo and Lee Deok-Moo in Jigujeonyo. The systematization of knowledge is practiced through collection, comparison, editing, criticism, and summarization, and only after this process is completed does it become “knowledge” to be utilized. The purpose of refining knowledge from the perspective of intellectual history is to harmonize or adapt it to existing academic categories for circulation in contemporary society. Despite considering the incomplete nature of Won Jung-geo’s Hwagukji, Lee Deok-Moo’s Cheongryeonggukji actively utilized Hwagukji as a citation source and selected, summarized, edited, and completed the research by comparing various works and organizing their contents into sections. However, the reason why 18th-century research works did not make it to the citation list when 19th-century Joseon’s intellectuals wrote world geography books might be related not only to the interest in new knowledge but also to the conservatism of Noble Families in seoul, which was not open to public discourse due to the hierarchy and taboo of Neo-Confucianism. The discovery of Japan as an object of objective perception by two intellectuals from the Seo-eol class was a functional intellectual activity aimed at renewing self-awareness through interest in the other. However, their knowledge remained confined within the pages of their books without being disseminated and could not transcend the conceptual dimension due to the loss of practicality.

本稿は、崔漢綺(1803-1879)の 『地球典要』日本条項を中心に知識の 再文脈化様相の特徴を知識史の観点から検討することを目的とする。このよ うな試みを通じて、1764年の通信使行によって触発された日本研究が朝鮮 後期の知識の地形図に及ぼした影響を考察しようとした。19世紀の世界地 理誌である 『地球典要』日本条項を中心に日本に関する知識の受容の特 徴的側面をまとめると以下の通りである。第一に、崔漢綺は当時の最新情 報を含んでいた 『海国図志』と 『瀛環志略』を主に引用した。しかし、日本 条項に限り、ほとんどの内容を1719年の通信使行で申維翰が著した『海游 録』から取っている。第二に、崔漢綺は魏源が中国海を基準に地域を分類 する方式を受け入れ地域を分類する方式を採用し各国を分類したが、国別 の条項の細部は気学の観点、すなわち気の活動運化を基準として構成し た。第三に、崔漢綺は 『海游録』を次のように再文脈化した。項目に合わせ て簡略化、明瞭化して再構成し、信憑性に欠ける情報や主観的評価を削 除して客観的に記述し、気候に関しては漢訳地理誌と地図を参照し、緯度 に関連する内容を追加して再記述した。第四に、崔漢綺は李圭景と交流 し、李徳懋の学術にも関心があったが、18世紀の元重擧や李徳懋の日本 研究を 『地球典要』で引用しなかった。 知識の体系化は収集と対照、編集、批評、要約を通じて実践され、この過程を経て初めて知識として活用される。そして知識史の観点から知識 を精巧化する目的は、既存の学術的範疇に同化または適応させて当時の社 会に流通させるためである。元重擧の 『和国志』の場合、未完成の著作で あるため流通に困難が多かった点を考慮しても、李徳懋の 『蜻蛉国志』の場 合、 『和国志』を引用書として積極的に活用しただけでなく、様々な書籍を 対照して内容を選別し、その内容を項目化し、要約、編集して完成させた 研究書であった。しかし、19世紀の朝鮮知識人が世界地理誌を著す際、 18世紀の研究書が引用書目に上らなかった理由は、事実新しい知識に対し て関心はあったが、性理学の位階と禁忌に従い公論化しなかった京華士族 の保守性とも無関係ではないであろう。庶孼出身の二人の知識人が客観 的認識の対象として日本を発見したのは、他者に対する関心を通じて自己意 識の更新を図る順機能的な知的活動であった。しかし、彼らの知識は公論 化されず、彼らだけのものとして書物の中に留まるばかりで観念的次元を脱す ることができなかった。そしてこのように実践を欠いた知識は拡散することができ なかった。