Earticle

Hunminjeongeum has been known to be promulgated on September in the year of Sejong 28. It is on the basis of this judgment that Hangeul's day has been commemorated every year on the 9th of October. However, this previous thought is highly likely to be a misjudgment that would be derived from a misinterpretation of related contents of Sejongsillok. In the reports of October, Sejongsillok 28, the following writing is found: “是月訓民正音成”. The thing is that many scholars have interpreted this as meaning ‘publication of Hunminjeongeum’, identifying the latter as its promulgation. At that time the publication and distribution of documents is major means of their promulgation. However, the recording of “是月訓民正音成” should be read as meaning ‘completion of compilation’ rather than ‘publication’, taking into consideration other documents such as 東國正韻. Existence of the preface written by Jeong, In Ji supports this opinion. Therefore, Hunminjeongeum cannot be said to be promulgated on September, Sejong 28, if it were not published and distributed on this day. It is likely to be the case that in the fifteenth century hand-written books were more circulated than published books. The former has not been transmitted up to now, so that due attention has not been paid to it, but more attention and discussion should be necessary.

The aim of this paper is to argue that Korean relative clauses cannot be distinguished from other noun-modifying clauses in terms of syntax. There are various kinds of noun-modifying clauses that can't be included in relatives or complements. ‘gap’, the typical relativization strategy in Korean, may be found not only in relatives also other noun-modifying clauses. Moreover, there are cases that seemingly have gaps but it's not possible to move the head noun into the gap. The so-called internally -headed clauses in Korean are quite different from ones in other language, and are used in very restricted circumstances. These all phenomena suggest that there is just single noun-modifying clauses in Korean.

This paper aims to describe the dialect words of ‘Jindallae and their geographical distribution through the diversely developed dialect words of ‘Jindallae’, and to review their derivations through it. There are a total of 13 dialect words of ‘Jindallae’. The first to sixth words are expressed in the form of the ‘jin-‘ group, ‘cham’-group, ‘gae’-group, ‘yeon’-group, ‘sin’-group, and ‘seon’-group dialect words. Concerning the seventh to thirteenth words, it is difficult to reveal their derivations or they are unable to be connected etymologically with the aforementioned groups of ‘Jindallae. Since ‘Jindallae’ is confused with their objects and is distinguished from similar objects, their dialect words also demonstrate such characteristics; thus, this paper reviews such a pattern. However, there are a number of dialect words of which the derivation cannot be discovered because of the insufficient cultural experience of each region and due to indirect research. As ‘Jindallae’ is very friendly and familiar to us, there has been an effort to distinguish it from other types of flowers. Nevertheless, since it is difficult to visually distinguish ‘Jindallae’ from other flowers, the derivatives of dialect words have appeared in confusion. Concerning the derivations of ‘plants’, research particularly into ‘Jindallae’ appears to be poor. This is because there are many similar types of ‘plants’. Accordingly, those objects are often confusing, and their linguistic forms are potentially subjected to confusion because of this aspect. Also for ‘Jindallae’, since there are many similar flowers blooming in a similar period, speakers are frequently confused and their dialect words are not a few. In conducting research into the derivations of vocabularies, the remaining problem may be the following limitation: the ambiguity in derivations or the job which depends on folk etymology or inference; however, it may be necessary to accurately investigate remaining dialect words and to discover their derivations through the comparison of conformity with their objects.

The poets in the early era of Cho Seon(朝鮮) fever for the poems of Su Dong-Po(蘇東坡), but in the middle 15th century their recognitions about the poems are changed, and the poets in Cho Seon keep an eye on the poetical technique, and they gradually run after the poems of Hwang Ting-Chien(黃庭堅)and Jiangxi shipai(江西詩派). They want to acquire the Tu Fu's verse making methods by the way of learning the poems of Hwang Ting-Chien and Jiangxi-Shipai(江西詩派). Consequently their fevers for the letters of Su Dong Po are declined. Chu-tz(朱子) assume a critical attitude toward Su Dong-Po, and The Poets in the era of Cho Seon have high regard for Chu-tz. Therefore their fevers for the letters of Su Dong-Po have to be limited. But the poets' fevers for the poems of Tu Fu and Su Dong-Po have steadily lasted to the lately era of Cho Seon. In the lately 15th century and the early 16th century the poets criticize learning the poems of Song(宋) dynasty, and want to run after the poems of Tang(唐) dynasty. In the lately 16th century the poets who have run after the poems of Tang dynasty sublate the poems of Song(宋) dynasty and on the one hand they want to run after the good thing about the poems of Song(宋) dynasty. In the lately 17th century poets begin to reconsider about the fevers for the poems of Tang(唐) dynasty. In the lately 18th century and the early 19th century the poets over again have fevers for the poems of Song dynasty, but on the one hand they criticize the letters of Su Dong-Po because of the difficulty in the poetical technique and using the authentic precedents. In the early 19th century Kim Jeong-Hi(金正喜) and Sin Wi (申緯) that have owed to the influence of Weng Feng-Gang(翁 方綱), revaluate the letters of Su Dong Po. A large number of the poets in Cho Seon follow the two poets. Especially Sin Wi strongly fever for the poems of Su Dong-Po with the slogan of ‘Yousoipdu(由蘇入杜)’; “learning Tu Fu, through Su Dong-Po”. Sin Wi's fever for the letters of Su Dong-Po handed down his followers. In the lately 19th century 'The for Poets in the lately Cho Seon(韓末四大家)' succeed to the syndromes of Su Dong-Po, but they refuse the blind following Su Dong-Po, and succeed as the drilling course of verse writing.

This study aims at clarifying the importance of reception through discrepancies between interpretation and reception. At the same time, I want to suggest how interpretation should play the role in the process the learner appreciates the work in general. Lee Jonyeon(李兆年)’s Sijo functions as the materials to show the various facets of aspects of reception historically because the work has shown the complex appearances of reception for a long time. That’s because the meaning of the text is not fixed on only one. Rather, it always comes with a new meaning. Also, it is accepted as various dimensions in that. More specifically, I historically took a look at the appearances of reception and awareness in the late of Chosun Dynasty through Shin Wi(申緯)’s 『Soakbu(小樂府)』and then reviewed the context of containing of Lee Jonyeon’s Sijo targeting literature textbooks according to 2009 Revised curriculum. Furthermore, I progressed analysing the outcomes of the appreciation by contemporary readers. Based on the study, I confirmed that the ambiguity of emotion which is turned out in the work falls into the task which the learner should construct and accordingly the positive constructing of meaning should be emphasized. In addition, I proposed that the experience of another dimension which goes beyond the cognition horizon of the subject should be required in order to get over the experience of the individual’s dimension. Therefore, I demand that adequate materials and theory should be provided in the process of interpretation of readers and the process that the different interpretations result in collision and competition be involved in the process of reception.

This article tries to research on relation of the mutual productions with receptions of the representations of Kisaengs. The representations of kisaengs are not the one-sided representations produced, circulated, appropriated by intelligent writers but the aesthetic response which carried the trauma about modernity, especially capitalism by the more expanded subalterns including the group of kisaengs themselves. Kisaeng, the traditional artist group, had got to the altered identity under the rapidly changing conditions. In Choson dynasty, 'kisaeng' had signified not a occupation but a lowly position, therefore ruled not directly by money but by the power of nation or high class men. Unlike this premodern kisaeng's conditions, modern kisaeng existed as a physical merchandise through willing contract, providing pleasures and entertainment for any men who afforded. Their Self-denial, humiliation were formed within these social environments. It is a very crucial point that these emotions of kisaengs were able to be shared with lower class people intersecting the gender. In kisaeng-centered narrative, kisaengs are represented esthetically and ambivalently not only as the most mean monetary economy but also the subalterns sacrificed, defiled and somtimes kept silent. The empathy with kisaengs in the narratives was the phenomenon, found among lower class, women or any other groups hurt by rapid modernity or violent capitalism. In other hand, as the romantic love and sweet home had been asserted as the ideal of the modernity, the representations of kisaengs discarded by family, society, nation, had much analogy with the colonists who had no choice but to be anxious for modernity, despite of its all unattainableness. To put it other way, there were complexities in the representations of kisaengs embodied such as the jump, rupture of capitalism or the tragedy of modernity. This is why mass could lose their mind in kisaeng-centered narratives and these representations could be tools that readers and spectators including real group of kisaengs, exposed their subjectivity secretly.

This study analyzed the patterns of memory restruction in Sunisamchon by Hyeon Gi-yeong, which was the starting point of ‘April Third Incident in Jeju’ literature, focusing on his historical perspective, which refers to his attitude as a writer to read the reality in the eyes of non ideologial approach. In Sunisamchon, Hyeon reveals the truth of April Third Incident in Jeju hidden behind the official history through the status of the memories based on the “decentered spirit of margin” along with the individual and collective memories suppressed under the government's official memories. All the characters of the story are about people that personally experienced April Third Incident in Jeju. Refusing to accept the government's official memories, they call the memories of April Third Incident in Jeju to find the correct substance of “resistance” instead of “riot.” The death of Sunisamchon triggers the personal memories of April Third Incident in Jeju among the local subjects. The process of finding the cause of her death goes in line with the narrative of the memories finding historical truth against the official memories. The results of their exploration allow the readers to read the truth of April Third Incident in Jeju through vivid memories as the truth cannot be confirmed in the official cause of death and official history. There is the common practical significance in the memory acts of the people, whose memories of April Third Incident in Jeju are not just some substance in storage but resistant memories against official memories with activity of being reorganized according to time. The landscape of the room on the day of memorial service offers an indicator to examine the operating patterns of such memories. The memories of the happenings are reorganized more multi-layered than the government's official memories and have a different voice from the official history. In addition, they maintain an ongoing pattern to some degree in spite of time passage and changes of situations, explicitly showing the false image of the ideology covered by the official history and the destructive power of violence of April Third Incident in Jeju imposed on individuals. At a time when nobody had been held accountable for the massacre by the government's violence with the truth covered and manipulated even after 30 years from the event, Sunisamchon makes a wish for the repose of the undeserved deaths with an official joint memorial service and talks about the hope of reorganizing the identity cut and destroyed by ideology.