Earticle

이 논문은 조선시대 법제의 내용을 개략적으로 살펴보고 이에 터 잡아 유 학사상으로 무장한 조선의 건국자들과 입법자들은 인간에 대해 어떤 ‘올바른 존재양식( )’을 상정하면서 법제도를 수립해왔는지, 그리고 법치( ) 와 예치( )의 조화를 달성하려는 그들의 의도와 노력에 대해 살펴보고자 한 것이다. 조선시대는 통일법전시대라고 일컬어도 손색이 없을 정도로 건국 초부터 말기에 이르기까지 지속적으로 통일법전 제, 개정 등 편찬사업을 계속하였다. 조선시대 법제를 대표하는 경국대전( )은 유교적 예치국가를 건설 하고자 한 조선 전기의 경세가들에 의해 만들어졌지만, 외유내법적( )인 경국대전 체제의 특성으로 말미암아, 조선은 점차 예( )보다는 치( ) 중심의 사회로 변질되어 간 것으로 판단된다. 예치와 법치의 양 측면에서 조선시대 법제를 고찰해본 결과, 오늘날에 있 어서도 인간의 존엄이 보장되는 바람직한 삶을 살아가는 데 있어, 인간의 행 위와 실정법의 판단기준으로서 유가 자연법사상이 갖고 있는 유가( )적 가치가 최고의 기준이 되고, 법가( )적 가치가 보완이 될 때, 가장 지혜롭고 조화로운 사회를 이룰 수 있다는 생각에 이르게 된다. 즉, 유가의 자연법사상 이 형식적 의미의 법치주의를 보완하여 실질적 의미의 법치주의로 이끌어 나 가야 한다는 것이다.

This study is on the legal system of Chosun Dynasty from a vantage point of the Rule of Courtesy( ) and the Rule of Law( ). In the meaning of annals of legislation, Chosun( ) Dynasty is called ‘The Uniform Code Period’. Through the whole dynasty, Chosun has published “Uniform Codes” such as Gyoun Gug Dae Jeon( ). The founders of Chosun had the ideal purpose and subjecy to establish a new nation which is ruled by the Confucius philosophy( ), especially by the Rule of Courtesy( ) rather than the Rule of Law( ). Gyoun Gug Dae Jeon( ) was a principle Code of Chosun Dynasty and the exemplum virtutis of the Rule by Courtesy( ). However, The tendency of Chosun has changed to prefer Rule of Law( ) than Rule of Courtesy( ). As the conclusion, to guarantee nation’s people their living of the proper and right mode of being( ), Rule by Courtesy( ) should be the basic and top standard of value, and Rule of Law( ) complementary.

이 글에서 필자는 조선시대 기록관리체계는 어떠하였는가라는 문제의식을 지니고『경국대전』의 전체 규정을 기록관리의 관점에서 검토하였다. 생산과 관리라는 두 단계의 기록관리로 나누어 검토하였는데, 생산단계는 기록생산자에 의한 생산 및 관리가 이루어지는 단계이고, 관리단계는 사관(史官)에 의한 기록관리가 이루어지는 단계이다. 생산단계의 기록은 기본적으로 원본이지만 관리단계에서 기록 관리는 원본의 ‘찬집으로 나타난다는 차이점이 있다.생산단계의 공기록 규정인 생산관리 규정, 발송발급 규정, 업무 담당자 규정에 대한 검토를 통하여, 생산단계의 공기록은 자체적인 체계를 갖추고 생산관리되고, 발송발급 등의 경로로 행이(行移)되고, 보관이용된 것으로 드러났다. 관리단계의 공기록 규정인 관리 조직인력업무 규정에 대한 검토를 통하여, 공기록 관리조직으로서 춘추관은 일정한 정규 관원으로 구성된 단일조직이 아니라 15개 중앙행정관서의 관원들이 겸임으로 참여하는 복합조직이었다는 점, 사관의 담당업무인 사초 작성과 시정기 찬집을 통해 드러나듯이 중앙행정기록을 생산하는 조직으로서의 성격과 관리하는 조직으로서의 성격을 함께 지니고 있었다는 점, 국왕중심역사(왕조실록)편찬의 중심조직이라는 점이 드러났다. 영구보존기록으로서 실록은 기본적으로 접근이 금지된 기록이라는 점에서 현대의 ‘이용을 위한 보존기록’의 성격과는 다르며, 또한 원본을 폐기하고 내용을 남긴 점에서 현대의 원본 중심의 기록관리체계와는 근본적으로 성격이 다른 것으로 파악되었다.

이 논문은 <『경국대전』의 성립 배경과 『주례(周禮)』의 이념>을 고찰한 글이다. 주지하디시피『경국대전』은 조선조 최고의 법전이다. 이전의 법전 성격을 띤 것은 1394년 정도전이 사찬(私撰)한 『조선경국전』이 있으나, 조선조 최초의 공식 법전은 『경제육전』으로 『조선경국전』을 전범(典範)으로 1397년(태조 6)에 공포⋅시행되었다. 그러나 『경제육전』이 수교집(受敎輯) 형식으로 되어 있어 시간이 지남에 따라 『경제육전』의 내용과 위배되는 수교가 쌓여 갔고, 『경제육전』에 명기된 법조문 중 일부를 재정비해야 한다는 논의가 제기되었다. 이에 세조(世祖)는 즉위 원년인 1455년에 당시 모든 법을 전체적으로 조화시켜 만세성법(萬世成法)을 이룩하기 위해 육전상정소(六典詳定所)를 설치하고, 통일 법전 편찬에 착수하여 1460년(세조 6) 7월에 호전(戶典)이, 이듬해 ｢형전(刑典)｣을 완성해 공포⋅시행하였으며, 1466년에는 나머지 ‘이전(吏典)’⋅‘예전(禮典)’⋅‘병전(兵典)’⋅‘공전(工典)’을 완성하였다. 그러나 이를 바로 시행하지 않고 세조⋅예종⋅성종의 3대 25년의 긴 기간 동안 수정⋅보완을 거쳐 1485년(성종 16) 1월 1일에 비로소 전면적으로 시행되었다. 이로써 『경국대전』은 『주례』의 육전(六典) 체제를 바탕으로 영세불변(永世不變)의 조종성헌(祖宗成憲)으로서 조선조 통치의 기본법전으로 자리매김되었다.

This article is to study the establishment background of GyeongGukDaeJeon and the idea of JuRye (周禮). As many know, GyeongGukDaeJeon is the highest law code of Joseon dynasty. It is Joseon-GyeongGukJeon written by Jeong Do Jeon in 1394 that was considered a law code before GyeongGukDaeJeon. The first official law system of Joseon dynasty is GyeongJeYukJeon, which was the former form of Joseon-GyeongGukJeon and proclaimed to be enacted in 1397 (the 6th year of King Taejo. However, GyeongJeYukJeon was formed of collection of orders, more and more of which did not agree to the content of YukJeon (六典: 6 principle law codes) as time went by, so that some controversies rose to revise some articles of YukJeon. Thus, King Sejo established YukJeonSangJeongSo (六典詳定所: a national office to establish law codes) in his first year 1455 to harmonize all the laws in that time and form the law code that should last forever, from which he started to compile a untied form of law code. As a result, HoJeon (戶典: law about national finance) was proclaimed to be enacted in July, 1460 (the 6th year of King Sejo); HyeongJeon (刑典: law about crime and punishment) in the next year; and YiJeon (吏典: law about general affairs to govern the nation), YeJeon (禮典: law about morality), ByeongJeon (兵典: law about force) and GongJeon (工典: law about national construction and plant) in 1466. However, such new law codes were not in effect right away after being proclaimed. They were reviewed and revised for the next long 20 years and not fully in effect until the 1st of January, 1485 (the 16th year of King SeongJong). Finally then, GyeongGukDaeJeon became the principle law code of Joseon dynasty to govern the country as the dynasty’s constitution that would last eternally based on the YukJeon system of JuRye.

이 글은『經國大典註解』의 前集이 『經國大典』條文의 법리적 해석에 관련된 주해로 주로 구성되었음을 확인하였고, 『經國大典註解』의 後集이 『경국대전』조문의 자구 해석에 관련된 주해로 주로 구성되었음을 확인하였다. 이 글은 『經國大典註解』의 後集을 대상으로 조선 시대 이전부터 사용되어 온 국어 어휘의 특성을 다음과 같이 정리하였다. 첫째, 『經國大典』에 출현한 丘史에서 丘는 驅의 생획자이다. 둘째, 한국 고유한자 巭, 襨, 艍, 咊 등에 관련된 정보를 발굴하였다. 셋째, 몽고어 차용어 水剌[슈라], 薛里[섭니], 甫老[보로], 看多介[간다개] 등 에 관련된 정보를 발굴하였고, 甫老[보로], 看多介[간다개] 등이 몽고어 차용어 인 근거를 새로이 제시하였다. 넷째, 여진어 時羅孫[시라손]에 관련된 정보를 발굴하였다. 다섯째, 차용어일 가능성이 있는 都目介에 관련된 정보를 발굴하였다.

The Volume I of Kyungkuktaecyunchuhae[經國大典註解] explained the logic of laws about Kyungkuktaecyun[經國大典]. And the Volume I of Kyungkuktaecyunchuhae[經國大典註解] explained terminogies from Kyungkuktaecyun[經國大典]. In this article, the characteristics of the Korean vocabulary included in the Volume I of Kyungkuktaecyunchuhae[經國大典註解] summarized as follows. First, ku[丘] is a omitted hanzi character of ku[驅]. Second, this article introduced informations about hanzi characters made by Korean - bu[巭], tae[襨], keo[艍], seop[咊]. Third, this article introduced the mongolian loanwords - syura[水剌] seopni [薛里], boro[甫老], kantagae[看多介] Fourth, this article introduced the tungus loanword - silason[時羅孫] Fifth, this article introduced a loanword - tomogae[都目介]

Chaihark Hahm argue we should remember that constitutionalism in America is a product of its specific history and culture. Also, he is arguing on two fronts. As against those who pay attention only to the written text of a constitution, he argue that culture should not be ignored, for it is culture that supplies the vocabulary for understanding the constitution and making it effective in its context. As against those who capitalize on "culture" to argue in favor of authoritarian politics, he argue that culture is not monolithic or static, and that culture actually contain within itself many divergent strands which enables a continuous critique and reinterpretation of itself. According to Professor Carl J. Friedrich`s functional definition of constitutionalism as "effective regularized restraints upon the government" is instructive in this regard. Dr. Hahm depend on Carl J. Friedrich`s theory. I stand with Dr. Hahm`s thesis. My main thesis is that within the moral and political meaning of Confucian culture, the concept of ritual propriety(禮) can function as a constitutional norm. Although Hahm deny that there was the judicial review as legal system in chosun dynasty, I demonstrate the historical data as a proof(the argument between King Sungjong and members of cabinet as Confucian scholar on the revision of main code, Kyungkukdaejeon) of existence of legal system for the judicial review. But, some historians deny this thesis, because they have not sufficient knowledge on the legal theory. In a positivist position(considering the historical data), the appropriate evaluation on the legal system of Chosun dynasty is a necessary. In this respect, Chosun Dynasty was the Confucian constitutional state.

고려시대부터 조선 초기까지 도자기는 지방의 토산물로서 중앙에 공납되었다. 그러나 조선왕실에서 필요로 하는 도자기의 수요가 점점 증가함에 따라 사옹원 본원에서 관리 감독하여 도자기를 제작할 수 있는 분원이 경기도 광주에 설치되기에 이른다. 사옹원 분원인 관요에서는 최고 책임자인 都提調를 비롯한 29명의 관리자의 감독아래 1,140명의 도자기 장인이 分三番立役制의 체제에서 도자기를 제작하였다. 경기도 광주에 사옹원 분원인 관요가 설치된 것은 지리적으로 사옹원 본원에서 가깝고 양질의 백토가 산출되는 곳이기 때문이다. 또한 이곳은 남한강과 북한강이 만나는 지점에 위치하고 있어 수로를 통한 도자기원료의 운반이 용이하며, 만들어진 도자기도 한강을 이용해 왕실이 있는 한양으로 운반하기 편리했다. 그러나 경기도 광주에서 백토가 생산되기는 하지만 그곳에서 산출되는 백토로는 관요 진상자기를 제작하기에는 부족한 양이었다. 『六典條例』에 의하면 1년에 분원에 공납되는 백토의 양은 2,095石이다. 廣州를 비롯한 沙峴․陽根․宣川․晉州․楊口․昆陽․慶州 등지에서 생산되는 질 좋은 백토가 수로를 이용하여 광주의 사옹원 분원으로 운반되어 졌다.

The Study to White Clay Supplying Site of Sa'ongwon Branch From Koryeo Dynasty to Chosun Dynasty, ceramic wares were paid a tribute to the central government as a local products. However, as the demands of ceramic wares which were needed to Royal family of Chosun Dynasty getting increased, the branch of Sa'ongwon which could manufacture ceramic wares supervised and managed by headquarter was installed to Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do. Gwanyo which was the branch of Sa'ongwon manufactured ceramic wares under supervision of 29 managers including Dojejo(도제조) who were chief supervisor and under the system with 1140 ceramic ware masters. The reason that Gwanyo which was the branch of Sa'ongwon was installed to Gwangju, Gyeonggi-do was because it was so close to the headquarter geographically and quality white clay was produced. Also, this site was located to the position where Namhan river and Bukhan river were met, and therefore the delivery of raw material for ceramic wares through waterway was convenient and it was also convenient to deliver manufactured ceramic wares to Hanyang where Royal family resided through Han river. However, Gwangju was a quality white clay producing site but the amounts of white clay which were produced at this site were insufficient to manufacture Gwanyo offering ceramic wares. According to [Yukjeon Regulations(六典條例)], the amounts of white clay supplying to the branch per year were 2,095 Seok, and quality white clay which were produced from Sahyeon, Yanggeun, Seoncheon, Jinju, Yanggu, Gonyang, and Gyeongju were delivered to the branch of Sa'ongwon in Gwangju through waterway.

In the Japanese Islands, the pirate is active from the 8th century to the 16th century in the coast along an inland of Seto. They were the trader and the plunderer in the Japanese Islands. The Japanese pirate was not a resistant against the political power but a sea trade. The expansion of the Japanese pirate in Medieval Period was related to the social-political disorder Kamakura shogunate and signified the increasing of pirate and the expansion of piracy. Therefore, Their activity is the plunder economy. Because of the appearance of pirate, the discord and the hostile was formed between Joseon Kingdom and Japan. The activity of pirate elevated the importance of sea in the coast of East-Asia while the development of navigation and shipbuilding disappear the pirate. The Japanese pirate stood in the crossing of antiforeign feeling between Korea and Japan. The Japanese pirate brought about the restlessness of popular feelings, the financial difficulty and the crisis of national existence. Then, the looted goods which needed at the Japanese Islands in Koryo Kingdom period passed the buck to Joseon Kingdom. An appeasement measure policy alleviated the economical burden of looted goods. Reception expenses in 『Haedongjekukki』 and 『Kyeongkudaejeon』 accorded with the quantity of cereal that plundered in Koryo Kingdom. Consequently, the Japanese pirate and the plunder economy meant the identity of Japanese pirate.

Korean society bears its welfare problems derived from late marriages trend, low birthrates, and an aging society as there have been social changes due to the globalization and the discussions on multicultural family are on the rise. Under these circumstances, I have approached in historical folklore method to the marriage encouragement policy of traditional society, particularly articles related to traditional wedding ceremony and family welfare from legal conducts of Gyeonggukdaejeon. As a result, the premodern culture of wedding ceremony which was different from that of the present time was not only a spontaneous practice by family/kinship as well as individuals. In case of being past maximum marriageable age of 30 set as a national norm due to the poverty, there had been government subsidies, honja(婚資), aiding the head of a family. In addition, there had been restrictions on the number of torches for lighting in the evening of the wedding ceremony and size of wedding present foods even to the family of wealthy noble men. When there were conflicts between wedding ceremony and the process of funeral ceremony, which was pivot ritual of norm of yegyohwa(禮敎化), the priority was given to the funeral ceremony to observe the social discipline. While books were published and circulated for health, sanitation, and antenatal training under government leadership in Joseon dynasty, there were national supports in the formation and development of families and marriage encouragement by legal conducts of Gyeonggukdaejeon, thus the dissolution of family were controlled. In other words, the governing ideology of yegyohwa was realized. The social welfare policy of Joseon dynasty was in succession to the laws of Goryeo dynasty and was enforced yechi(禮治) under government leadership to realize the society of yegyohwa.

이 글은 『경국대전(經國大典)』의 편찬․간행과 초주갑인자본 관련 초기 판본에 관한 연구이다. 『경국대전󰡕의 편찬 배경은 세조가 선대왕들이 편간한 『원육전』, 『속육전』과 『육전등록』 및 왕이 내린 교지들이 있었는데, 법의 과(科)와 조(條)가 너무 많아 이를 조정하여 증감하고 회통하여 자손만대의 성법을 만들려고 한 데서 시작되었다. 『기축대전』은 예종 1년(1469) 11월 16일에 반포된 『경국대전』의 초간본이다. 성종 1년(1470) 『경국대전』의 수정 판인 『신묘대전』과 성종 4년(1473) 『갑오대전』이 시행되었으며, 성종 16년(1485)에 『경국대전』의 완성본 『을사대전』이 시행되었다. 『을사대전』의 구성은 중국의 법전인 『주례』의 형식에 따라 육전으로 구성되어 있다. ｢이전｣ 29목, ｢호전｣ 29목, ｢예전｣ 61목, ｢병전｣ 51목, ｢형전｣ 28목, ｢공전｣ 14목의 총 212목이다. 성종 16년(1485) 『을사대 전』은 교정청이 주도하여 편찬하였고, 간행은 어디서 이루어졌는지 문헌상의 근거가 남아 있지 않다. 다만, 초주 갑인자 활자본인 것으로 미루어 교서관 또는 주자소에서 간행되었을 것으로 추정된다. 『을사대전』의 저본은 현재 성종 1년(1470) 11월에 인반하고 성종 2년(1471)에 정월부터 준행된 『신묘대전』의 판본 형식인 ‘사주단변, 반곽 25.5 × 17.2 ㎝, 대자 10행17자, 주쌍행, 상하내향흑어미’의 형태사항과 같고, 초주갑인자 활자도 같다. 중종∼명종 연간(1506-1567) 『을사대전』초주갑인자혼입보자본은 국립중앙도서관에 권1-권3이, 성암고서박물관에 권5-권6 이 남아 있다. 초주갑인자혼입보자본의 마멸된 큰 자 활자들은 획이 가늘어지고 활자 획이 휘어지는 경우도 나타 나고 너무 가늘어진 부분은 먹색이 분명하게 드러나지 않는 경우도 있다. 초주갑인자혼입보자본의 새로 주성된 큰 자 활자들은 가로획과 세로획이 길어지면서 밋밋해져서 글자 획의 필서체 느낌이 줄었다. 어떤 글자는 가로획 이 길어져서 명정한 글자체의 흐름이 깨졌다. 초주갑인자번각본은 성종 16년(1485)에 간행본을 저본으로 하여 성종 16년 이후 성종 25년(1486-1494)에 간행되었다. 국립중앙도서관에 소장본 『을사대전』권1(고6025-59, 귀780) 이 남아 있다. 초주갑인자번각본의 큰 자 활자들은 초주갑인자의 모양을 그대로 닮았지만 목판이어서 필사체의 느낌은 둔탁해졌다. 특히 가로획필법, 파임 필법, 종획의 갈고리 획에서 뻣뻣하고 칼로 도각한 느낌이 나타난다. 이 연구는 향후 서지학, 역사학, 한국학 분야에 기초자료로 활용될 것이다.

This paper is the study of the compilation and publication of Gyeongguk Daejeon and of the first cast of gapinja type and other early editioms. The compilation of Gyeongguk Daejeon began with King Sejo attempting to create a code of law for future generations by revising, modifying numbers and interpreting the overly many departments and sections of law in the previous kings’ compilation and publication of Wonyukjeon, Sokyukjeon, Yukjeondeungrok and regal doctrines. Gichuk Daejeon, distributed on November 16 in the year Yejong became king (1469), was the first publication of Gyeongguk Daejeon. The edited editions of Gyeongguk Daejeon were carried out as Sinmyo Daejeon in the 1st year of Seongjong (1470) and as Gabo Daejeon in the 4th year of Seongjong’s reign (1473), while the complete edition Eulsa Daejeon was carried out in the 16th year of Seongjong’s reign (1485). Eulsa Daejeon follows the format of Chinese code of law The Rites of Zhou in being comprised of six codes. There is a total of 212 articles (目): 29 “Ijeon” articles, 29 “Hojeon” articles, 61 “Yejeon” articles, 51 “Byeongjeon” articles, 28 “Hyeongjeon” articles, and 14 “Gongjeon” articles. Compilation of the Eulsa Daejeon of the 16th year of Seongjong’s reign (1485) was led by the Gyojeongcheong, but no literary record remains of where it was published. However, the First Cast Type being in a printed book makes it probable that it was published in the Gyoseogwan or a typefoundry. The original edition of Eulsa Daejeon has the same form details as Sinmyo Daejeon which was printed and distributed in November in the 1st year of King Seongjong’s reign (1470) and followed in the first month of Seongjong’s second year (1471): the same sajudanbyeon ban-gwak of 25.5 × 17.2 ㎝; daeja 10-stanza 17-character; jussanghaeng; sangha-naehyang-heukeomi; and the First Cast Type. Volume 1 to Volume 3 of the First Supplement Cast of Gapinja Type of the annual Eulsa Daejeon from Jungjong’s to Myeongjong’s reign (1506-1567) is housed in the National Library of Korea, while Volume 5 to Volume 6 of the edition are in the Sung Am Archives of Classical Literature. The worn out large types in the First Supplement Cast of Gapinja Type have thinning strokes, sometimes bending, and some of the thinning strokes show unclear ink color. The newly formed large types of the First Supplement Cast of Gapinja Type have horizontal strokes and vertical strokes elongated and thus made bland, lessening the appearance of the pilsa type. In certain characters the horizontal strokes have been elongated, breaking the clear flow of the letter type. The Reprint of the First Cast of Gapinja Type based itself on the published edition in King Seongjong’s 16th year of reign, and was published from the 16th to the 25th year of King Seongjong’s reign (1486-1494). Volume 1 of Eulsa Daejeon is housed in the National Library of Korea. The large types in the Reprint of the First Cast of Gapinja Type resemble those of the First Cast of Gapinja Type in shape, but being as they are carved in wood the appearance of the pilsa type is blunted. In particular, the horizontal strokes, right-falling strokes and ending hook strokes appear as if they were carved with a knife. The results of this study will contribute as future basic (research) material in bibliography, history, and Korean studies.

It is necessary to establish concept of ‘Confucian Constitutionalism’ which is distinguished from School of Law’s ‘Rule of Law’ and modern ‘constitutionalism’. The codification in the Joseon period can be understood in the view of ‘Confucian Constitutionalism’. First, the codification was done to make the rule rationally. Zouli(周禮) was the prototype of codification for statecraft. Second, ‘Confucian Constitutionalism’ was based on the confucian value of ‘Rule of Ritual(禮治)’. It was a principle to educate and reform not to force and punish the people. The despotic rule of the monarchy was restricted in accordance with natural order and people mind. Third, they achieved legal stability by respecting the law established by the progenitor of the king, and met the changes in accordance with people mind.

고려왕조에서 조선왕조로의 체제 전환에는 그 나름대로의 명분이 있어야 하고, 새로운 왕조의 근간을 다잡기 위해서는 시대변화에 걸 맞는 제도적 개혁과 새로운 질서의 확립이 필요하게 되었다. 이를 위해서는 국가경영의 가장 중요한 기반이 되는 법전의 필요성이 제기됨에 따라 『경국대전(經國大典)』이 조선조 성종(成宗) 때 완성되어 반포된 후 조선 왕조는 거대한 이 시스템을 중심으로 운영되었다. 『경국대전』은 통일적이고 영속적인 법전을 만들려는 노력의 산물이면서, 세조가 추구하는 왕권의 강화와 이를 뒷받침하는 통일적인 법전 체제를 확립하였다는 의미가 담겨 있다. 그리하여 조선은 단계적인 개혁과정을 거쳐 중앙정치제도, 정치운영의 원칙이 마련되는 가운데 『경국대전』체제로 집약되는 왕조의 정치체제를 마무리하였던 것이라고 할 수 있을 것이다. 『경국대전』은 조선조의 기틀을 규정한 행정법이라는 점과 주례(周禮)적 6전 체제라는 중국법의 활용을 통해 조선의 사회풍속에 적합한 성문법을 확립하였다는 점 그리고 유교의 정교이념(政敎理念)이 반영된 통치법전이라는 점에서 그 법제사적 의의는 적지 않은 것이라 하겠다.

세종대왕은 전세(田稅)의 조세법을 세우고, 조세의 징수를 그 법에 따라 집행하도록 강력하게 명(命)함으로써 조세법치주의를 실현하기 위해 부단히 노력하였다. 1436년(세종 18) 공법상정소(貢法詳定所)를 설치하고 각도(各道)의 토지를 비척에 따라 3등급으로 나누어 세율을 달리하는 공법안을만들었다. 그러나 결함이 많아 1443년(세종 25)에 공법상정소의 안을 시정하기 위하여 두 번째 조세법 제정특별위원회라 할 수 있는 전제상정소(田制詳定所)를 설치하고, 풍흉에 따른 연분9등법(年分九等法)과 토지의 비옥도에 따른 전분6등법(田分六等法)을 주요 원칙으로 한 공법을 제정하였다. 「세종실록」과 「증보문헌비고」에 따르면 세종대왕은 즉위 3년부터 약 20년 동안 ‘비리 없고 간편하며 공평한 조선(朝鮮)적인 공법’을 입법하기 위하여 대신들과 직접 의논하고, 찬부를 묻고, 여론을수렴하고, 지역별로 시험적으로 시행한 후 세종 26년(1444)에 최종적으로 공법을 제정하였다. 그리고 이 공법이 「경국대전」의 호전에 규정되었다. 「경국대전」은 성종 16년(1485)에 최종본이완성 반포되었지만, 호전은 그보다 훨씬 앞선 세조 6년(1460) 7월에 「경국대전」중 첫번째로 반포되고 시행되었다. 이때에 공법의 규정이 「경국대전」 호전에 실림으로써 세종대왕이 공법을 제정한지 약 17년이 지난 후에 조선왕조의 완전한 조세법의 지위를 얻게 된 것이다. 「경국대전」에 세종대왕이 입법한 공법이 규정되면서 조종성헌존중주의에 의하여 조선 통치 500년간의 조세의 기본법이되었다. 공법으로 「경국대전」 호전에 규정되어 양전(量田) 조항의 전분6등법은 조선말까지 약 450년 동안 바뀌지 않고 유지되었으며, 수세(收稅) 조항의 연분9등법은 약 190년간 지속되다가 1635년(인조 13) 풍흉에 관계없이 4두의 세율로 세수를 늘리기 위해 영정법으로 개정된 것이다. 한국법제사 측면에서 조선 최고의 법전인 「경국대전」에 대한 연구는 앞으로 매우 중요하다고 보며, 이 「경국대전」에 대한 연구도 각 학문 분야별로 다양하게 이루어져야 한다. 이러한 차원에서「경국대전」의 호전에 대한 조세법제사 측면에서의 연구가 필요하며, 본 논문은 「경국대전」 호전에규정된 세종대왕의 공법(貢法)에 대해서 연구함으로써 세종대왕의 공법이 「경국대전」에 끼친 영향과 차이점을 분석하여 우리나라의 조세법제사 발전에 기여하고자 한다.

Gongbeop that was finally legalized in the 26th year of King Sejong The Great (1444) was prescribed on Hojeon of 「Gyongguk Daejon」. The final edition of 「Gyongguk Daejon」 was completed and distributed in the 16th year of King Seongjong (1485), but Hojeon was distributed and enforced in the 6th year of King Sejo as the first among 「Gyongguk Daejon」. About 17 years after King Sejong The Great enacted Gongbeop, it achieved the status of perfect tax law in Joseon Dynasty. As Gongbeop that King Sejong The Great legalized was prescribed on 「Gyongguk Daejon」, it became a basic tax law of 500 years of Joseon Dynasty reign by Jojong－Sunghun－Jonjungjeui (The principle of obeying the ancestors' laws). It was prescribed on Hojeon of 「Gyongguk Daejon」 as Gongbeop, so starch 6 deungbeop of article Yangjon was maintained for about 450 years until end of Joseon Dynasty without change. Rock 9 deungbeop of article Suse continued for about 190 years, and it was revised to Yeongjeong－beop in order to increase tax revenue by four du tax rate regardless of good and bad harvest in 1635(the 13th year of King Injo). From the history of Korean legal system perspective, the research on 「Gyongguk Daejon」, the best law books in Joseon Dynasty, is very important, and the research on 「Gyongguk Daejon」should be accomplished manifoldly from each field of studies. Accordingly, the research on Hojeon of 「Gyongguk Daejon」 from history of tax law perspective is needed. And as this research studied on King Sejong The Great’s Gongbeop prescribed on Hojeon of 「Gyongguk Daejon」, it contributes to development of history of tax law in Korea by analyzing differences and effects that Gongbeop of King Sejong The Great had on 「Gyongguk Daejon」.

There were Kyongguk-Taejon(經國大典), Ming Code(明律) and Kukcho- Oryeoi(國朝五禮儀) as the fundamental Laws of Choson Dynasty. Kyongguk- Taejon contains the systems and functions of the governments in Choson. And Taejon consists of six sections as the systems of the government. One of six sections was Hyeong-jon(刑典) and the other was Ye-jon(禮典). Hyeong-jon contained Criminal law. And Yejon included the process of national ceremony and the ceremony of the Royal family. So the contents of two parts were voluminous and it was necessary to compile extra codes. Therefore Daemyongnyul-Jikhae(大明律直解) and Kukcho-Oryeoi were edited. In Confucian dynasty, the basic norm was Ye(禮). Ye formed the keynote of all codes of Confucian. So the fundamental Laws of Choson Dynasty were kinds of Ye. Those two codes had the full force and effect of law by Kyongguk-Taejon. I think that the positions of Kyongguk-Taejon was the highest grade among the three.

[1] The founders of the Chosun Dynasty in the early fifteenth century felt it very necessary to promulgate a new statecraft law to make up for the misconducts of the former Dynasty Goryu, to deal with the difficulties encountered in the process of state-building, and to justify their new regime that was marred by allegations of being a treasonous government. Except for the criminal law, which could be substituted by the Law of Ming China (Daemyungryool), they enacted the Gyunggook-Daejun (Statecraft Law) that contained the rules for six departments. [2] The founders of the Chosun Dynasty wanted to build a moral kingdom with foundations in Confucianism. For such purposes, they comparatively succeeded in confining the people into laws through the Gyunggook-Daejun, but they failed to maintain the political activeness and vitality as seen in the court of King Sejong. Many clauses of prohibition in Gyunggook-Daejun lacked the institutional devise for a strong leadership that was necessary to push the active political reform in the initial stage of state-building. This was because the founders were devoted to “political stability” rather than reform and development. [3] When the founders assumed political stability as a prior value, it was inevitable for them to indulge in minimizing social mobility. Therefore, they had no intention to eradicate the “wall” or “fence” between the classes. In this respect, the Confucian state was “a politics of compartment.” It has been popular to argue that Gyunggook-Daejun was a kind of administrative law at best, but strictly speaking It was “a status law.”[4] Lexocracy by the Gyunggook-Daejun had its own limits. When their ideals to establish a moral state based on Confucianism deviated from their original intention, the founders found that such a state could not be established only by law. Not all variables and interpretations of political affairs could be defined by law. Purge of scholars (sahwa), political struggles among factions (dangjaeng), and disputes on the mourning ceremony (yesong) could not be categorized by the clauses of law. They did not forecast political flexibility and neither did they deal with the diverse political situation; eventually, the politics of the Chosun Dynasty were essentially that of “rule by man” rather than “rule by law.”