Earticle

The ultimate goal of this paper is to provide an empirical analysis of the adult subjects’ acquisition of the c-command condition. A major point to note is that the L2 learners looked for similarities between Korean binding and English binding. The results from the adult subjects suggest that the L2 learners may not entertain Chomsky’s UG theory that learners have complete access to Universal Grammar. A further point to note is that the L2 learners have difficulty acquiring the c-command condition due to markedness. The results from the adult subject’ responses show that the markedness of L2 impedes L2 learning. With respect to the order of binding, the L2 learners acquired condition B before condition A. Finally, the key findings of our research are that the c-command condition which appears in the embedded sentence was first acquired by the L2 learners, followed by the c-command condition which occurs in the genitive NP, the c-command condition which appears in the conjunct sentence, the c-command condition which occurs in two separate sentences, the c-command condition which appears in the sentence involving wh-movement, and the c-command condition which occurs in topicalization, in that order.

Of the core syntactic relations in UG, nothing is more gregarious than c-command. It plays a key role in at least three different domains: binding, linearization and movement. However, in terms of the Minimalist Program, it is desirable for c- command to be eliminated from linguistic theory. This paper explores the syntactic properties of c-command in the phenomena of binding, linearization and movement. I argue some advantages of the analysis without recourse to the c-command relation and examine their problems. The proposal of this study is to discuss the possibility of eliminating the c-command relation in each case

The main goal of this paper is to provide an agreement-based analysis of scrambling that occurs with quantifiers. This paper argues that the probe-goal agreement analysis has advantages over the traditional Binding Theory. With respect to clause-internal scrambling, after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF and it allows reconstruction. In the case of clause-external scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clause-external scrambling allows reconstruction. With regard to clausal scrambling, a QP does not c-command its bindee at PF and after QR, an operator c-commands its bindee at LF. In addition, clausal scrambling allows reconstruction. In this paper, the possibility of eliminating reconstruction in A’-binding has been explored. In order to eliminate reconstruction, we propose the A’-binding principle that an anaphor A or a pronoun P is licensed by an operator O only if the operator O or its trace c-commands A or P at LF. There are tangible reasons to argue for this claim.

영어와 한국어 초점사에 대한 기존의 연구는 다양한 학문적 접근 속에서 이루어져왔다. 초점사에 대한 이론적 연구는 이들의 통사적, 의미론적, 화용론적 복잡성을 드러냈고, 실험연구에서는 모국어 습득 유아들(4-6세)이 초점사 발달과정에서 어려움을 겪는 것으로 보고하였다. 이러한 습득지연은 이론적 연구에서 발표하였듯이 초점사가 다양한 언어학적 지식들의 결합으로만 이해 가능한 복잡성을 지니고 있기 때문이다. 다량으로 이뤄진 모국어 습득과는 달리 제 2언 습득 분야에서는 초점사 연구가 거의 이루어지지 않았다. 두 언어가 상이한 초점사 형태를 지니고 있는 것을 감안하여 볼 때 제 2언어 습득과정은 그들의 상이성으로 인해 간섭을 받을 것으로 추론된다. 그러나 이와 관련한 연구실행에 앞서 두 언어의 초점사가 통사론적, 의미론적으로 상이한지 아니면 유사한지를 밝히는 기초연구가 선행되어야 한다. 본 연구의 목적은 영어와 한국의 다양한 기존 연구에서 추출된 초점사를 포함한 문장들을 대상으로 두 언어의 초점사를 통사적, 의미론적 관점에서 비교 분석하는 것이다. 비교 분석 결과, 한국어와 영어는 형태론적으로 상이한 초점사 표기법을 지니고 있음에도 불구하고 성분통어 제약에 기인한 통사적 행동이 공통적으로 관찰되었다. 본 논문은 초점사 비교분석을 통하여 두 언어가 가지는 언어 보편적 또는 언어 특수적 특징들을 밝혀내고 더 나아가 인간의 언어 수행이 어떠한 메카니즘에 의하여 초점화된 정보를 처리하는지를 살펴보는데 기여한다.

The investigations into focus particles of English and Korean have been made from a variety of academic approaches. Theoretical literatures have shown the complexity of their syntactic, semantic and pragmatic features(Horn, 1969 ; Kay, 1990 ; Ross, 1979 ; Konig, 1990 ; Quirk, 1985 ; Sohn, 1999). Empirical and experimental studies regarding focus particles also reported that the process of comprehension of sentences containing a focus particle requires the complicated knowledge of interfaces at syntax, semantics and pragmatics(Crain et al., 1994 ; Paterson et al., 2003 ; Gualmini et al., 2003 ; Kim, 2011, 2015 ; Matsuoka, 2004 ; Höhle et al., 2009, 2016 ; Notley et al., 2009). Relative to a great deal of work for each focus particle in L1 acquisition, however, it is very recently that there have been attempts to extend it to the second language acquisition. Taking into consideration that English and Korean have different focus marking systems, it is expected that there would be more differences than similarities between them. Prior to the discussions regarding this, it is fundamental to explore how two languages differ from each other or are similar with each other in terms of the operations of focus particles. The purpose of the current study is to compare and contrast focus particles of English and Korean with focus on their syntactic and semantic characteristics. No attempts have been made to explore whether or not there are any similarities that underly the operation of focusing constituents in a sentence. This comparative study can make contributions to discover any language-universal or language-specific features in how the focus particles behave, which shades light on how focus markers are operative in human mind. (Tongmyoung Unverisity)

The aim of this paper is to provide a unified account of Old English(OE) verb-particle orders that explains how particles in OE can precede or follow verbs in association with the main and subordinate clauses. In OE verb-particle combinations, pre-verbal and post-verbal particles both occur in OE main and subordinate clauses. However it is commonly accepted that in OE main clauses most particles are pre-verbal whereas in OE subordinate clauses particles can be pre-verbal or post verbal. Thus this OE verb-particle combination has been a difficult task to VO and OV phrase structure as well as Pintzuk(1999)'s hybrid INFL structure(INFL-final and INFL-medial). Based on the reinterpreted LCA that asymmetric c-command relations are intrinsically connected to linear order in PF, we propose that particles can be pre-verbal or post verbal in OE main and subordinate clauses by moving particles or verbs out of V in order to maintain asymmetric relations imposed by the reinterpreted LCA. In this account post-verbal particles in OE main clause can be best understood as due to the effects of a V2(Verb Second) rules. In subordinate clauses where there are no effects of V2 rules, it is assumed that particles can be pre-verbal or post-verbal by the reinterpreted LCA requirements

All secondary predicates are within the Vp and follow the generalization that rightward is downward. The distribution of secondary predicates looks entirely positional or syntactic, not semantic. The distribution of secondary predicates: they can be oriented toward the surface subject position, the position of complement of the verb (object position, not the position of object experiencers), and whatever position is responsible for the implied subject of a passive. The depictives predicated of subjects in by-phrases are actually oriented toward, allowing us to maintain the generalization that objects of prepositions cannot host secondary predicates, and moreover accounting for the optionality of placement of the secondary predicate with respect to the by-phrase.

Chomsky suggests Agree in a long distance or in situ, abandoning feature movement. In contrast, Lasnik supports for feature movement over Agree. Among these two, I show that feature movement is problematic, conclusively arguing for Agree. Addressing the question of why movement takes place anyway, given Agree for feature checking, I propose that -interpretable features of goals (probes at the same time) and the c-command requirement of goals by probes for Agree trigger movement.

In the so-called inalienable possession (IAP) constructions both the possessor NP (PS NP) and the body-part NP (BP NP) can take Accusative Case. In their passive counterparts the BP NP can take either Nominative or Accusative Case, whereas the PS NP can take only Nominative Case. I suggest how to account for these Case marking phenomena in terms of Agree in the framework of Chomsky's (2000, 20001) recent Minimalist Approach. I argue that the Case marking phenomena can be straightforwardly accounted for in terms of the theory of Agree and the basic syntactic relation and principle such as c-command and MLC without the stipulations employed in the previous accounts.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relation between anaphor and antecedent based on agree and to suggest more flexible one by employing the narrowest c-command. The antecedent of an anaphor must be found within the local clause through feature sharing. The features for them to share are Φ features, which are interpretable valued for antecedents, but which are interpretable unvalued for anaphors. Thus, these features can explain the relation between them. This agree-based approach is closely related to the two kinds of c-command relations. One is a sister-contain relation where probe with unvalued features must search its goals down with valued features and get values. The other is a sister relation made by merging two constituents. Upon merging the two from the numeration, they should c-command each other and share with each other. This paper suggests that the latter relation called the narrowest c-command be more efficient than the former one. This agree-mechanism can be useful: (i) faster syntactic derivational process, (ii) more powerful phase heads, and (iii) more flexible probe- goal relation. This paper claims that the narrowest c-command enables most structures to make the strong derivational process.

Kim, No-ju. “The Two Structure-sensitive Constraints OCP(XP) and C-command in Korean Prosodic Phrasing.” Studies on English Language & Literature. 35.4(2009): 271-289. N. Kim’s previous studies have shown that properties both of phonology and of syntax play a significant role in defining a P-phrase in Korean. Among the constraints that play major roles in N. Kim’s studies, the constraints OCP(XP) and C-command are structure-sensitive in that they make a judgement on syntactic structures the words of an identical P-phrase can or cannot have. Though these two constraints played major roles in N. Kim’s previous studies, it turns out (i) that the constraint OCP(XP) is no longer necessary and (ii) that the constraint C-command needs to be revised. Eliminating OCP(XP) and making a revision to C-command, this paper aims to simplify and develop the area of prosodic phrasing in Korean phonology. (Kyungpook University)

While it is commonly assumed that a bound variable pronoun that covaries with a quantified phrase must be c-commanded by its quantified antecedent (Reinhart 1983), there are many counterexamples reported in the literature that show that c-command is not a requirement for covariation (Barker 2012). In processing, there is suggestive evidence that c-command has an effect in variable binding (Cunnings et al. 2015, Kush et al. 2015). Moulton and Han (2018) found that bound pronouns can access c-commanding quantified antecedents early in processing, but not non-c-commanding antecedents?even when a bound variable interpretation is possible. Lakhani and Schwarz (2024), however, report that when Moulton and Han’s test sentences were modified to facilitate the covarying interpretation of the pronoun, the processing difference between c-commanded and non-c-commanded pronouns disappeared. In this paper, we test the processing effect of c-command on the 3rd person long distance anaphor caki in Korean. Caki typically gets its meaning from an antecedent in the same sentence. It is a dedicated bound variable (Han and Storoshenko 2012), and can be bound by a c-commanding antecedent or a non-c-commanding antecedent (Kim 2000, O’Grady 1987). In one acceptability rating study and two self-paced reading studies, we found processing costs for non-c-commanded caki in comparison to c-commanded caki in sentences that involve covariation as well as in sentences that do not.

It has long been debated whether meaning relations (MR), class of interpretative phenomena that includes bound variable anaphora, distributive readings, and coreference, are licensed by specific c-command configurations. As it turns out, both sides of this debate are correct; there are a multitude of underlying relations that can serve as sources for MR, at least one of which, but not all, relies on c-command. The other, non-c-command-based relations generally rely on semantic and/or pragmatic factors, such as topicality and genericity. A survey of these different MR-sources reveals that, while their interactions are complex, the influence of each can be isolated by applying the appropriate diagnostics and procedures. As such, it is possible to control these sources, and, in particular, to do so in such a way that those sources that do not rely on c-command are suppressed, which creates an environment in which MR-acceptability judgements are robustly informative about the underlying syntactic structure of a given utterance.

This paper aims to explore the well-known preference phenomena in natural languages in terms of the c-command relations. It is found that the use of the two types of antecedents in anaphoric constructions receive a natural account under the proposed C-command Conditions. It is proposed that, the DP which c-commands all the members of the chain of the reflexive is preferred over the DP which c-commands the partial members of the reflexive's chain. This paper further investigates into the phenomenon of non-antecedence of the Chinese monomorphemic reflexive by the object, and has found that it is due to the language-specific parametric properties. This paper then provides a unified account of the preference matter in the anaphoric sentences in terms of the interactions of the proposed Constraints that are actively operative in the human mind.

Many psycholinguistic studies have tested whether pronouns and polarity items elicit additional processing cost when they are not c-commanded. The previous studies claim that the c-command constraint regulates the distribution of relevant syntactic objects. As such, the syntactic effects of the c-command relation are greatly affected by the types of licensing (e.g. quantificational binding) and reading comprehension patterns of subjects (e.g. linguistic illusion). The present study investigates the reading behavior of the language model BERT when the syntactic processing of relational information (i.e. X c-commands Y) is required. Specifically, our two experiments contrasted the BERT comprehension of a c-commanding licensor versus a non-c-commanding licensor with reflexive anaphora and negative polarity items. The analysis based on the information-theoretic measure of surprisal suggests that violations of the c-command constraint are unexpected for BERT representations. We conclude that deep learning models like BERT can learn the syntactic c-command restriction at least with respect to reflexive anaphors and negative polarity items. At the same time, BERT appeared to have some limitations in its flexibility to apply compensatory pragmatic reasoning when a non-c-commanding licensor intruded in the dependency structure.