Earticle

In this paper, we investigate the role of wh-so-ever (i.e. whatsoever) in English. Traditionally, the function of whatsoever has been defined as manifesting emphasis used after a negative phrase. However, it does not explain the following puzzle properly: First, the occurrence of whatsoever is quite similar to the NPI any in that its occurrence is not limited negative context, but it can occur in downward entailing and nonveridical context. Second, unlike any, whatsoever can give rise to emphatic effect in both negative and non-negative system. Given this phenomenon, we raise our research questions as follows. First, how can we capture the proper licensing conditions of whatsoever? Second, how can we account for the core properties of the polarity sensitive item whatsoever for emphasis? To answer these questions, we examined an empirical and theoretical link between any and whatsoever. First, we conducted Word2Vec analysis (a floating-point real-valued vector representation) between each NPI and a set of NPI licensors. The result was that any and whatsoever exhibit the strikingly similar NPI licensing environments. We further showed that whatsoever has a distinct characteristic of exhaustivity, which captures the different behaviors in the emphatic effect. Our novel finding provides us with a perspective that more detailed distinction in polarity item system should be called for.

This paper examines syntactic properties of so-called multiple negative polarity item constructions (multiple NPI constructions) in Japanese. I argue that NPIs in Japanese such as shika ‘only’, 1-Classifier-mo (hitori-mo/hitotsu-mo, etc ‘even a person/ even a thing’), Indeterminate-mo (dare-mo/nani-mo/dokoni-mo ‘anyone/anything/anywhere’) and kessite ‘never’ have the following syntactic constraints in order to occur in the multiple NPI constructions: NPIs in Japaanese multiple NPI constructions should appear only in the adjunct position. A majority of recent literature suggests that on the one hand shika ‘only’ and 1-Classifier-mo cannot be allowed to appear in multiple NPI constructions, on the other hand Indeterminate-mo and kessite ‘never’ can be. However, the literature indicates only the phenomena, and none of them gives us any explanations as to (i) which factors bring about the phenomena, and (ii) what syntactic properties of the phenomena are. There have been no past studies to focus on the syntactic positions of the NPIs in multiple NPI constructions. In fact, it is partly true that shika ‘only’ and 1-Classifier-mo cannot be allowed to appear in multiple NPI constructions unlike Indeterminate-mo and kessite ‘never’ as what past studies indicate, however, this is not always true because shika ‘only’ and 1-Classifier-mo can be allowed to appear in multiple NPI constructions when they appear in the adjunct position. In other words, they can be allowed to appear in multiple NPI constructions when they are in the adjunct position, but they cannot be allowed to appear when they are in the argument position. This phenomenon is the same as Indeterminate-mo and kessite ‘never’, namely they only appear in the adjunct position in multiple NPI constructions. This shows us that syntactic positions of NPIs are one of the significant factors for the syntactic properties of Japanese multiple NPI constructions.

Empirical interest in narcissism in the fields of psychology and social sciences has been growing in recent years, with scholars increasingly acknowledging that grandiose narcissism is best understood as a two-dimensional construct: rivalry (self-protection) and admiration (assertive self-enhancement). Despite the increase of utilizing the Narcissistic Admiration and Rivalry Questionnaires (NARQ), validating the NARQ across countries and language has not been extensively utilized. In the present study (n= 600), we sought to validate the Korean version of NARQ by investigating its theoretically derived relationship with the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI), Big Five personality traits, self-esteem and envy (benign and malicious). The results supported the findings that the Korean version of NARQ is a reliable and valid measure of the two-dimensional structure of grandiose narcissism. Interestingly, we observed that the two-dimensional latent factors did not correlate with each other, indicating that admiration and rivalry can be distinct among Koreans. The findings broaden our understanding of the dynamics of narcissism by providing validated evidence of the NARQ in South Korea.

본고의 목적은 부정술어와 호응하는 현대일본어 「きり」의 역문법화의 양상을 밝히는 것이다. 선행연구에서는 「きり」의 「しか」와의 통사론적･의미론적 특징의 유사점에 기인 해 이 두 표현을 동일 표현으로 다뤄 왔다. 본고는 이러한 선행연구의 지적은 수정되어야 하며, 이 두 표현은 동일 표현이 아니라는 것을 주장한다. 이 주장은 코퍼스 및 인포먼트 조사 결과를 통해서도 지지된다. 「きり」는 메이지-다이쇼시대 무렵에는 「しか」와 매우 유사한 특징을 가지고 있었지만, 쇼와중기 이후부터는 부정극성어 및 부조사로서의 문법 적 기능을 점점 잃어가는 소위 역문법화 현상이 진행되고 있다. 이에 반해 「しか」는 현재 부정극성어 및 부조사로서의 문법화가 더욱 진행되고 있다. 이와 같은 문법화 현상이 보 이는 이유는 「きり」와 「しか」는 이음동의어와 같은 관계로 약 1세기에 걸쳐 경쟁 관계를 갖고 있었으나, 어떠한 이유로 인해 「しか」가 경쟁에서 이겨 부정극성어 및 부조사로서 의 문법화가 진행되고 있다고 생각된다. 반대로 경쟁 관계에서 패배한 「きり」는 역문법 화가 진행되고 있는 것이다. 또한 「きり」가 부정극성어･부조사로서 문법화가 진행되었을 때에는 「きりしか＞きり」와 같이, 부정극성표현･부조사로부터 역문법화가 진행될 때에 는 「きり＞きりしか」와 같은 형태적 변천도 보인다. 이와 같은 현상은 「きり」가 부정극 성어/부조사로서의 문법화가 정착했는지 아닌지를 보여 주는 또 하나의 판단기준으로 설 정이 가능해 매우 흥미로운 언어현상이라고 생각된다.

This study clarifies the degrammaticalization of modern Japanese kiri corresponding to negative predicates. In previous studies, kiri and shika were treated as having the same expression because of their similarity in syntactic and semantic features. This study argues that the points of past studies should be modified and that these two expressions are not the same. This argument is supported by the corpus and informant findings. Kiri had features very similar to shika around the Meiji-Taisho period, but since the middle of the Showa era, degrammaticalization has progressed, losing its grammatical function as an NPI/adverbial particle. However, the grammaticalization of shika as an NPI/adverbial particle is currently in progress. The reason for this phenomenon is that kiri and shika have been competing for approximately a century as synonyms for allophones, but for certain reasons, shika has won the competition and undergone grammaticalization as an NPI/adverbial particle. By contrast, kiri, which has been defeated in a competitive relationship, is in the process of degrammaticalization from an NPI/adverbial particle. Furthermore, when kiri is grammaticalized as an NPI/adverbial particle, the morphological change is also accompanied by ‘kirishika > kiri.’ When degrammaticalization from an NPI/adverbial particle is performed, it is like ‘kiri > kirishika.’

The purpose of this study is to analyze the distribution and role of Korean Negative Polarity Item (NPI), amwuto(anyone) in SJ-RIKS corpus and seek for typical patterns of its syntactic structure. To identify part of speech of amwuto, the collected data is sorted out according to its part of speech. In the next section, in order to find double subject, collocation search of topic marker un/nun, i/ka and amwu is conducted. This search condition is limited to adjacent collocation. In addition to that, special cases that amwuto occurs in the Neg-raising construction were also collected and investigated. At the end, the negation types that amwuto prefers are shown. As a result syntactic patterns of amwuto constructions are found. amwuto is frequently used with adjective eps(not exist) and amwuto is preferred to be used as a subject of a sentence. Within the clause where amwuto used, scrambling of subject and object is acceptable but it is not found in the corpus It is also found that 15% of amwuto in the corpus is used with extra NP and they have several common characteristics as follows. amwuto is found to be used with extra NP when the preceding noun has semantic feature [+human] such as saram(human), saram(honorific form of saram), pun(sino-Korean word of saram). 85% of the constructions of amwuto with extra NP occurs with constituent negation eps(not exist). There is typical pattern like [Relative Clause + saram + -un/-i amwuto + eps-ta] where amwuto is used with extra NP. At the end, the types of negations which give license to NPI amwuto are collected. As a result, there are sharp contrasts between long and short negations and between explicit and implicit negations.

Conditional clauses in both English and Korean exhibit a similar distribution in that they license weak NPIs but not strong NPIs. Negative idiomatic NPI-even expressions such as han chi-uy ocha-lado ‘one inch-GEN error-CNC’ are compatible with downward-entailing scalar change predicates in the main clause that yield negation or adverse outcomes such as blocking, exclusion, or sanction. Unlike in English, the non-veridical conditional marker -myen ‘-if’ in Korean does not independently license NPI-even; rather, licensing arises from the interaction between the conditional clause and negation or adverse outcome predicates in the main clause. Expressions such as etten pili-to ‘any corruption-EVEN’ and etten tokkukmwul-to ‘any poison-EVEN’ in conditional clauses often receive an NPI-even interpretation when licensed by negation or adverse outcome predicates in the main clause. Unlike amwu ‘any’, etten allows a specificity-based minimal concessive interpretation, enabling etten-N-to ‘any-N-EVEN’ to be licensed across conditional clause boundaries. This also explains why, in English conditional clauses, the NPI any corresponds not to Korean amwu-N-(i)-lato but rather to etten-N-(i)-lato; both, together with the nouns they modify, function as weak NPIs.

The C-command relationship between negative polarity items (NPIs) and negation is generally unrestricted in English, except when an island intervenes. This paper observes that in Korean, the relationship between NPIs and negation remains similarly unrestricted, except when an island or tense is involved. NPIs receive long-distance licensing across the complementizer ‘-ko’ only when the non-finite embedded predicate is both individual-level and non-finite. However, NPIs receive long-distance licensing across the complementizer ‘-ki’ regardless of whether the non-finite embedded predicate is individual-level or stage-level. NPIs are not licensed across the embedded clauses containing the predicate ‘–ess’, which denotes a foreseeable future tense. A bi-clausal structure is deemed unacceptable because the NPI within the finite embedded clause fails to meet the licensing conditions, although a higher NPI satisfies the clause-mate condition. The NPI ‘-pakkey’ also receives long-distance licensing across a non-finite embedded clause. Additionally, the paper argues that NPIs of the ‘amwuto’ type are licensed by the adverbial subordinator ‘-ceney’, whereas the NPI ‘-pakkey’ is not. Finally, the paper contends that the NPI ‘-pakkey’ cannot be licensed from an adverbial clause.

When extraction occurs from islands, such as complex NPs or adjunct clauses, a sentence becomes unacceptable. Plain fragments are acceptable because ellipsis can repair the island violation, but NPI(negative polarity item) fragments can not, as ellipsis do not resolve the island issue for NPIs. NPI fragments show a more pronounced island constraint effect compared to scrambled NPI constructions, as opposed to the plain fragment repair effect. The adverbial NPI ‘NP-pakkey’ in an adjunct clause is not licensed by higher clause negation so scrambling it to the sentence-initial position and forming a fragment violates the adjunct island constraint. Unlike the argument NPI ‘amw(N)to,’ ‘NP-pakkey’ functions as an adverbial in long-distance contexts, exhibiting full island constraint effects. Multiple NPIs, including those in the subject position, cannot be licensed from islands at long distances. Finally, the paper argues that the NPI ‘amw(N)to’ can be licensed with the adverbial conjunction '-ceney,' while the NPI ‘NP-pakkey’ cannot.

The current paper has provided various example sentences that support Lee's (1997) discussion of the long-distance licensing of negative polarity items (NPIs) in Korean from non-finite clauses using the complementizers such as –ki/ko. This paper has also supported Lee's (2024a,b) claim that in Korean, NPIs derived from non-finite embedded clauses, which form a weak CP phase, are licensed by negation in the higher clause. Specifically, when licensed by a negative implicature, the NPI te isang 'any more' must be used in the complement clause of the negative implicature, which was extensively discussed. Theoretically, in non-finite clause boundaries, the CP functions as a weak phase, exempting it from the Phase-Impenetrability Condition (PIC), thereby allowing the NPIs in the subordinate clause to be licensed by the negation in the higher clause. This distinction is crucial because in Korean, long-distance NPI licensing is permissible only when the NPI appears in the infinitival complement, which contrasts with English where NPIs can be licensed across both finite and non-finite clauses. In future research, I plan to explore how multiple NPIs can be licensed from the embedded non-finite clause within the bi-clausal structure.

순자철학에서 마음의 역할은 매우 중요하다. 순자에게 도란 정치의 영원하고 항구적인 법칙인데, 그 도는 마음이 주재한다. 그런데 마음은 사유 활동과 사물에 대한 인식 기관이다. 그럼에도 불구하고 마음은 조절되지 않으면 안 되는 욕구를 지닌 몸이다. 또 한편으로 마음은 인식 측면에서 저장과 비움, 움직임과 고요함, 하나에 또 하나의 두 갈래의 중층적 양상을 지닌다. 그런 마음의 꾀인 심술(心術)에는 여러 가지 가림의 폐단이 있다. 이런 점에서 마음을 닦고 기르기가 요구된다. 순자는 치기양심(治氣養心), 몸 차원의 기를 다스리고 사유 기능의 마음을 기르는 수양을 제안하는데, 맹자가 도덕심 함양을 위한 욕심 줄이기나 호연지기 기르기를 중시했다면, 순자는 신체기관을 거느리고 공적인 인식을 위해 마음 기르기를 요청하였다. 순자의 생각에 마음에는 인식 측면에서 마치 그릇의 물이 만드는 수경(水鏡)과 같은 면모가 있다. 그래서 물에 내재하는 찌꺼기를 가라앉히지 않으면 사물의 이미지를 제대로 반영할 수 없다. 이런 맥락에서 마음의 폐단을 제거하야야 하며, 그런 차원에서 수양 또한 필요하다. 궁극적으로 국가의 안정을 위한 이치를 밝히고 떳떳한 도리를 회복하기 위해 마음은 중층적(重層的)이어서는 안 되며, 이에 수양의 문제가 대두된다. 이 논문은, 이런 문제의식에서, 순자철학에 나타난 마음의 의의, 그 중층적 양태, 그리고 수양의 필요성에 대하여 접근한다.

The role of mind is very important in Xunzi’s thought. The way is permanent rule of politics that is under the control of mind which is recognizing organ for both thinking and acknowledging things in his thought. Nevertheless the mind in Xunzi’s thought has desire as an organ of body to be controlled. On the other hand, the mind has conflicting two fold aspects in the course of its recognition of things like storage and vacancy, movement and calmness, and two kinds of recognizing opinion against one object. And there are various evils in thinking system of mind. In a sense, the mind of human is to be cleaned and cultivated. Xunzi proposed managing energy and cultivating mind as a thinking system. Mengzi proposed to enliven vast-flowing energy and to cultivate mind through shortening desire, while Xunzi did managing energy and caring about mind for controlling other body systems and publicly recognizing things. In Xunzi’s idea the mind in the recognition of things is similar to the water in bowl as a mirror for looking at any things, and thus it is imperative for us to sink grounds in mind for becoming good water mirror. In this need the grounds of human mind would be to be sunk and also the cultivation of it would be to be demanded. Ultimately there should need the recognition of mind that is cleaned and cultivated for brightly discovering the great principle and recovering the unchangeable way with a view to preparing the condition for national peace. This thesis, in this context, to approach the meaning of mind, its two fold aspects, and the necessity of it.

Ha, Seungwan. 2012. A Sideward Movement Analysis of Transparent Free Relatives. Korean Journal of Linguistics, 37-3, 737-756. This paper is concerned with syntactic derivations of Transparent Free Relatives (TFRs). We first reviewed the two previous analyses: PF-deletion and Multiple Dominance (MD), but found conceptual and empirical problems. The deletion analysis suffers from a conceptual problem, in that PF-deletion is considered optional but forced in TFRs. The MD account fails to account for empirical facts centering around NPI-licensing. We propose an alternative that TFRs involve sideward movement. The TFR predicate is copied from the relative clause and merged to the main clause. As derivation proceeds, the TFR is adjoined to the head noun in the main clause. The copies of the TFR predicate are in a c-command relation, forming chain. Since non-distinct copies would induce a violation of the irreflexivity condition on linear order, one of the copies must delete by Chain Reduction. Sideward movement also resolves the intervention effect in NPI-licensing which poses a serious challenge to the MD account. (Kyungpook National University)

Though the product transition from old product(EOL) to new product(NPI) has happened frequently, over-stock, insolvent-stock and loss of sales, arising from ineffective product transition during Product Transition Periods(PTP), has been more frequently reported rather than growth of sales and revenue. This study has been purposed to conduct an empirical study to derive the optimal inventory model for optimal inventory maintenance during Product Transition Periods. For the purpose of empirical analysis, inventory data of 85 products of company A which is a electronics manufacturing company has been analyzed. Inventory graphs for five stock types have been derived and generalized through pattern analysis by inventory type. Among the five types of inventory management during the product transition period, this study has shown that "S-shaped overlapping intersection type" is an optimal inventory model by way of analysis of actual cases. The validity of this study has been verified through scenarios simulations using Mixed Integer Programming(MIP) method.

Many researchers have argued that some kind of intervention constraint applies for the Korean NPI and the licensing negation at LF. Some even argued that this intervention constraint actually applies at S-structure. I find the intervention constraint does work at LF, but it alone cannot adequately explain some data. This paper shows that some data, not previously taken care of, can be explained away if we introduce the concepts of two different foci: negation target focus and simple focus, and hypothesize the location of NPI to be on Spec/NegP.

In this paper, we propose an explicit syntax-semantics interface of NPI licensing in Hybrid TLG. Hybrid TLG is a version of categorial grammar that inherits properties of both lexicalist and derivational variants of generative grammar, and it has been shown in our previous research (summarized in Kubota and Levine 2020) that it offers elegant analyses for a number of complex phenomena at the interface of syntax and semantics (especially in the domains of coordination and ellipsis) that turn out to be highly problematic for other grammatical theories. In the present paper, we extend our work to NPI licensing and report on some initial results suggesting that the flexible and systematic architecture of Hybrid TLG turns out to be successful in this domain too. Specifically, our approach captures interactions between NPI licensing (or polarity sensitivity) and other complex phenomena at the syntax-semantics interface including the scopal properties of modal auxiliaries, Gapping, and VP fronting.

The current study aims at providing an account for the licensing of negative polarity items in the so called INP (inherently negative predicate) contexts. Sohn (1995) claims, following Progovac (1988) and Laka (1990), that there is a negative complementizer or operator in Korean just as in English, Spain, and Basque and this negative complementizer, selected by an INP, can license an NPI within the embedded clause. Chung (2006) reports that not just an NPI within the embedded clause, but an NPI appearing as a matrix subject can be licensed in the INP context. After showing that this is not explained by Sohn (1995), Chung proposes an alternative analysis ? the complex predicate analysis. However there are also some nontrivial problems in Chung’s analysis as well and an alternative analysis is proposed which can account for the new sets of data as well as old ones. It will be shown that a slightly revised version of Sohn’s negative operator analysis (a new NOA) can advance our understanding on the NPI licensing in the INP contexts.

본 논문은 Nakanish (2011)가 제안한 작용역(scope)이론을 위한 증거가 불충분함을 보이고 부정극어 even이 존재한다는 점을 주장한다. Nakanishi (2011)는 선행사 포함 생략 구문 (the Construction of Antecedent-Contained Deletion)에서 초점을 받는 요소가 이동될 수 있으며 이는 영어의 even이 초점을 받는 요소를 성분통어 (c-command) 해야 한다는 가정 하에 even이 광작용역에서 해석되어야 한다는 의미가 된다고 주장하였다. 하지만 이 주장에서 주의해야 할 점은 영어의 even이 초점을 받는 요소를 성분통어해야 한다는 가정은 많은 영어의 용례에서 그 근거를 찾아보기 어렵고, 성분통어가 요구되어진다고 할지라도 even이 이동된 초점을 받는 요소의 흔적(trace)을 성분통어할 수 있기 때문에 even이 선행사 포함 생략구문에 사용되었다는 것만으로는 even이 광영역을 갖는다는 결론을 내리기는 어렵다. 이외에도 even이 광영역을 가질 수 없는 예와 even의 작용역 이론이 통사적 섬 제약을 어긴다는 예들을 들며 본 논문은 even의 작용역 이론을 비판하였고, 독일어와 같은 언어에서 부정극어 even이 일반어 even과 구분된다는 점 그리고 서로 반대의 의미를 지닌 단어들이 영어에는 실제 많이 존재한다는 점 등을 들며 even의 어휘이론을 지지하였다.