Earticle

초록

영어

The C-command relationship between negative polarity items (NPIs) and negation is generally unrestricted in English, except when an island intervenes. This paper observes that in Korean, the relationship between NPIs and negation remains similarly unrestricted, except when an island or tense is involved. NPIs receive long-distance licensing across the complementizer ‘-ko’ only when the non-finite embedded predicate is both individual-level and non-finite. However, NPIs receive long-distance licensing across the complementizer ‘-ki’ regardless of whether the non-finite embedded predicate is individual-level or stage-level. NPIs are not licensed across the embedded clauses containing the predicate ‘–ess’, which denotes a foreseeable future tense. A bi-clausal structure is deemed unacceptable because the NPI within the finite embedded clause fails to meet the licensing conditions, although a higher NPI satisfies the clause-mate condition. The NPI ‘-pakkey’ also receives long-distance licensing across a non-finite embedded clause. Additionally, the paper argues that NPIs of the ‘amwuto’ type are licensed by the adverbial subordinator ‘-ceney’, whereas the NPI ‘-pakkey’ is not. Finally, the paper contends that the NPI ‘-pakkey’ cannot be licensed from an adverbial clause.

목차

I. 서론
II. 비정형절과 부정극어 인허
III. 부정극어의 장거리 인허의 외연
3.1. 가까운 미래의 ‘-었’과 부정극어 인허
3.2. 부가어절로부터 부정극어 인허
3.3. 비정형절로부터 다중 부정극어 인허
3.4. 이중절 사역 구문과 부정극어 인허
3.5. 비정형 부사절과 부정극어 ‘-밖에’
IV. 결론
Works Cited
Abstract

키워드

저자

• 이두원 [ Lee, Doo-Won | 국립한국교통대학교 ]

참고문헌

발행기관

간행물

표지보기 관심저널 등록

• 간행물명

  영어영문학연구 [The Jungang Journal of English Language and Literature]

• 간기

  계간

• pISSN

  1598-3293

• 수록기간

  1968~2025

• 등재여부

  KCI 등재

• 십진분류

  KDC 840 DDC 810