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기타 하리하란은 인도의 가장 주목받는 여성 작가 중 한 명이다. 그녀는 자신의 상처와 굴욕의 경험을 기록하기 위해 자신만의 독특한 문체를 채택했다. 또 한 여성 문제에 대한 깊은 관심으로 잘 알려진 사회운동가이기도 하며, 1995년 인도 대법원에서 힌두 소수자 및 후견법에 이의를 제기하여 인도 현대사에 있어 주목할 만 한 판결을 이끌어냈다. 그녀는 인도 사회에서 여성들이 겪는 문제와 도전에 대해 탐구 하였다. 여성의 지위, 생활방식, 삶의 상태, 정체성, 그리고 사회적 반응에 대해 논의 하였으며, 그녀의 소설을 통해 사회의 모든 영역에서 여성 인물들을 묘사하고, 남성 중심 사회에서 여성이 어떻게 대우받고 있는지를 드러냈다. 그녀의 소설은 여성들이 엄격한 사회 체제와 공동체적 구조 속에서 어떻게 이끌리고 통제받는지를 보여주는 실제 여성들의 상황을 반영한다. 그녀의 작품들은 여러 언어로 번역되었다. 이러한 맥 락에서, 그녀의 첫 번째 소설 『밤의 천 가지 얼굴』은 남성 중심의 인도 사회에서 자기 정체성을 찾기 위해 고군분투하는 여성들의 문제와 도전을 다루고 있다. 이 소설은 세 명의 서로 다른 여성의 이야기를 통해, 전통과 문화 사이에 끼어 있는 그들의 삶 의 기대와 현실을 조명한다. 각 인물은 자신만의 정체성과 자리를 찾기 위한 독특한 도전에 직면하고 있다. 시적인 문체로 구별되는 이 소설은 인도 사회 규범이라는 경로 를 따라 세 여성의 불안정한 여정을 그려내고 있다.

Gita Hariharan is the most notable woman writer in India. She adopted her own style of writing to record her own experiences of hurt and humiliations. She is also a social activist known for her concern for women she challenged the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act in the supreme court of India in 1995 and obtained a remarkable judgement in the modern era of the Indian History. She has explored the problems and challenges faced by women in the Indian society. She discussed the status of women, their life-style, and their state of living, their identity, and their social responses. And through her novels, she portrayed the women characters in all the spheres of social life and further she has disclosed how women were being treated in the male-dominated society. Her novels exhibit the actual condition of women as they are directed and guided through their rigid social system and communal set-up. Her works have been translated into many languages. In this regard, her first novel The Thousand Faces of Night deals with the problems and challenges of women who are struggling a lot to identify themselves in the male-centred Indian society. The novel narrates the story of three different women highlighting their expectation and their reality of life as they are being caught between tradition and culture. Each one of them facing a unique challenges in finding their own place and identity. Distinguished by its lyrical prose style, the novel charts the precarious course of three women’s journeys through the routes of Indian social norms.

이 논문은 나태주의 텍스트에서 반복적으로 호명되는 ‘고향’과 그 대척점에 해 당하는 ‘서울’이라는 장소의 형상화 양상과 함의를 구명한 것이다. 나태주의 텍스 트에는 ‘서울’보다는 ‘고향’에 대한 인식이 더욱 다채롭게 드러난다. 고향은 ‘나’의 기원이다. 고향은 화자가 성장한 장소이자 추억의 근원이라는 함의를 갖는다. 또 한 고향은 어머니와 아버지를 연상하게 하는 장소이지만, 어머니와 아버지의 고단 한 노동을 떠올리게 하는 장소이기 때문에 서사의 정서는 비애 혹은 분노로 나타 나고 있다. 젊은이에게 고향은 벗어나고 싶은 곳, 떠나야 자신이 살 수 있는 장소 로 인지된다. 이것은 아버지와 어머니의 신산한 삶이 고향의 함의에 투사되었기 때문이다. ‘서울’은 궁핍과 슬픔으로 점철된 고향을 떠난 서사의 주인공들이 집결하는 장 소이다. 서울은 고향을 떠난 어른들의 신산한 삶을 형상화하는 데 더욱 적극적으 로 활용된다. 뿐만 아니라 서울은 부끄러운 삶을 깨닫는 장소로 묘사되기도 한다. 다만 서울에서 산다는 것 자체가 치욕스럽게 느껴진다거나, 찰나의 머무름조차 부끄럽고 민망하다는 생각의 구체적인 근거는 제시되지 않는다. 이런 부분들은 나태주가 서울에 대해 지니고 있는 인식이 관념적이거나 피상적일 수 있다는 오해 의 근원으로 작동할 위험성이 다분하다.

This thesis examines the shape and implications of ‘Hometown’ repeatedly called in Ra Tae-joo’s texts and the place called ‘Seoul’, which is the opposite point of ‘Hometown’. Ra Tae-joo’s texts reveal more diverse perceptions of ‘Hometown’ than ‘Seoul’. ‘Hometown’ is the origin of ‘I’. The implications of hometown are the place where the speaker grew up and the source of memories. Also, hometown is a place reminiscent of mother and father, but the texture of the narrative is expressed as sorrow or anger because it is a place that reminds of mother and father’s hard labor. For a young boy, his hometown is perceived as a place where he wants to escape and which he has to leave in order to live. This is because the arduous life of father and mother was projected into the implications of the hometown. ‘Seoul’ is a place where the protagonists in the narrative, who left their hometown full of poverty and sadness, gather. Seoul is more actively used to shape the arduous lives of adults who have left their hometowns. In addition, Seoul is also described as a place to realize shameful life. No specific basis is provided for the idea that living in Seoul itself feels humiliating, or that even a brief stay is embarrassing and shameful. There are a lot of high risks that these parts would be served as a source of misunderstanding that Ra Tae-joo’s perception of Seoul may be ideological or superficial.

학교폭력이 사회문제화 되면서 학교폭력의 원인과 대책, 예방방안들이 다양하게 제시되고 있다. 학교폭력 관련자의 개인, 가정, 사회적 관련 요인을 분석하기도 하고, 생물학, 심리학, 사회학, 교육 학, 의학, 윤리학 등 여러 학문의 관점에서 근거를 찾고 해석을 하기도 한다. 학교폭력 현상을 이 해하기 위한 방안으로는 학생들을 대상으로 설문조사를 하는 방법이 가장 많이 쓰이고 있다. 본 연구에서는 다양한 학교폭력에 대한 연구들을 토대로 해서 학교폭력 문제는 관계의 문제라는 인식을 하고, 학교폭력은 관계적 폭력이라는 관점에서 논지를 전개했다. 학교폭력은 학생과 맺어 진 관계를 중심으로 발생하는 폭력 사태라고 본 것이다. 따라서 학교폭력을 줄이기 위해서는 관계 가 건강성을 회복하도록 해야 한다고 봤다. 여기서는 관계개선의 방안으로 소수자를 배려하는 실천으로서 사소한 차이에 대한 ‘전략적 무관 심’과 ‘오점상징’ 만들기 극복을 제시했다. 학교생활은 성적과 무관하게 모두가 웰빙할 수 있어야 한다는 점과 소수자의 경계를 존중해야 한다는 것도 부각시켰다. 피해자가 가해자가 되기도 하는 학교폭력에서 드러나는 관계를 볼 때 학교는 학생들이 수치심이나 모멸감을 갖지 않게 하고, 각자 가 존중받고 성장할 수 있는 바탕을 이루어 나가야 한다고 본다.

School violence is main topic of contemporary social problem in Korea. There are a lot of research to find the cause of violence. The researchers are looking for the cause in terms of psychology, sociology, education, and ethics. Surveys of students also play an important role. I think that school violence is a problem of relationship. Therefore school violence can be said of the relational violence. The restoration of the relationship will be reduced school violence. we should support minorities in school. I think caring a minority is care ethics. In my opinion, the causes of relational violence occur from shame. We feel humiliated when we were ignored from someone. Humiliation can be the cause of the relational violence. I suggested two ways to improve the relationship. one is to overcome the creating of stigma symbols. The other one is tactful inattention about minor differences. Students should do well-being regardless of academic performance at school. Students must respect the boundaries of minorities. The students who feel a sense of shame and humiliation may be the perpetrators of school violence. Teachers and students should change themselves in order to respect the boundaries of the others at school.

In The Hairy Ape, Yank, a stoker on a cargo ship, believes, with a strong sense of pride and dignity, the firemen’s forecastle where he works is the center of the world and that it is himself who moves the world. But one day Mildred, who represents the bourgeois class, appears to Yank in the shape of a “white ghost” and gives him a great shock by calling him a “filthy beast!”. The sense of humiliation and anger Mildred triggers in him is the driving force which motivates Yank’s subsequent actions. He leaves the stokehole where he has belonged and goes out into the New York streets. But he soon realizes that he is an ‘other’ in this developed and industrialized world. He tries hard to communicate with the people of the bourgeois class whom he encounters in both positive and negative situations only in vain. He is expelled even from the labor organization that he has thought he belongs to. In such a process he discovers his true self and, in the end, to identify his own existence as an ‘other’ he offers his hand to a gorilla in the zoo and puts an end to his struggle to save himself in death. This is indeed a good example of the fate of the other not accepted to the materialistic capitalist society. This is a play about the struggle for a human dignity of a man as the other in the face of the ruthless power of the stratified society and the tyrannical of industrialization.

본 연구에서는 개인의 내적 모멸감 경험을 연구하기 위해 Hartling과 Luchetta(1999)가 개발하고 타당화한 모멸감 척도(the Humiliation Inventory)를 번안하여 한국판 척도(K-HI)의 신뢰도 및 타당도를 조사하였다. 요인타당도를 확인하기 위해 252명의 일반 성인 자료에 대해탐색적 요인분석을 실시한 결과, 두 요인에 교차 부하된 10개의 문항을 제거하여 3요인 22문항이 K-HI의 요인구조로 확인되었다. 새로운253명의 자료를 사용해 확인적 요인분석을 실시하여 탐색적 요인분석을 통해 도출된 요인구조의 안정성과 일반화 가능성을 확인하였다. 원척도는 “모멸감에 대한 두려움(F1)”, “모멸감 경험(F2)”이라는 2개의 하위 요인 구조를 가졌으나 K-HI에는 “무능력에 대한 모멸감(F3)” 이라는 요인이 추가될 경우 2요인 모형보다 모형 적합도가 더 양호하였다(TLI=.90, CFI=.91, RMSEA=.09). 이는 매우 경쟁적이고, 자신의 가치와 수행 능력을 동일하게 여기는 한국 사회의 문화적 특수성이 반영된 것일 수 있다. 한편, K-HI의 공존타당도를 확인하고자 타 척도와의 상관분석을 실시한 결과, 내면화된 수치심과는 유의한 정적 상관을, 역상관이 예측된 자존감과는 유의한 부적 상관을 보였다. 아울러 모멸감이 분노 및 공격성이라는 병리적 행동과 관련 있을 것이라는 전제하에, 상태분노 및 특성 분노와의 상관분석을 실시해 유의미한 정적 상관을 확인함으로써 임상적 유용성도 검증되었다. 또한 요인별 신뢰도 분석 결과, 세 요인 모두 내적합치도가 높아(F1's α=.96, F2's α=.94, F3's α=.81) 각 요인에 포함된 문항들이 동일한 개념을 측정하는 것으로 볼 수 있다. 본 연구에서 타당화한 한국판 모멸감 척도는 추후 분노, 공격성, 우울, 자살 등 다양한 정신병리 기제 및 심리치료 연구에 활용될 것으로 기대된다.

The Humiliation Inventory (HI) was developed by Hartling and Luchetta(1999) to assess the internal experience of humiliation. The aim of this study is to validate the Korean version of HI (K-HI). Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) was conducted on the data of 252 adults (Mean age=34.83, SD=7.6) to check factorial validation. After 10 items that cross-loaded onto two factors were removed, three factors of 22 items were confirmed. Based on the EFA, confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was conducted on the data of 253 adults (Mean age=34.12, SD=8.5) to test the stability and generalization of the factor structure. The original Inventory had two subscales: “fear of humiliation” (F1), and “cumulative humiliation” (F2). When a third factor, “humiliation of incompetence” (F3), was added to K-HI, the model fit (TLI=.90, CFI=.91, RMSEA=.09) was better than that of the two-factor model. This result may reflect cultural distinctiveness. Korea is a highly competitive society,-; therefore, “fear of humiliation” and “humiliation of incompetence” may have different meanings among the Korean people. Also, K-HI exhibited appropriate concurrent validity. It correlated with Internalized Shame positively and with Rosenberg’s Self-Esteem negatively. Assuming that humiliation correlates with anger and aggression, correlation analyses were carried out with the State-Trait Anger Expression. They showed significantly positive correlations and demonstrated the clinical utility of K-HI. Cronbach’s αs of the three factors were good (F1=.96, F2=.94, F3=.81). K-HI is expected to be used in the studies of other themes, such as anger, aggression, depression, suicide, and psychotherapy.”

Many critics have remarked upon J. M. Coetzee's novels from dichotomous perspectives, mostly using either political or apolitical analyses. This tendency reflects a deep-rooted notion that Coetzee's writings would be most properly analyzed from post-colonial perspectives, regardless of the writer's true intentions. This standardized criticism causes need for an original investigation differing from earlier studies. This paper, therefore, focuses how the themes of Coetzee's novels have changed, with Slow Man displaying the rhetoric of hospitality and self-recognition, realized through the effect of a disability. Coetzee's so-called “Australia novels”, Elizabeth Costello, Slow Man, and A Diary of a Bad Year are a watershed that should not be seen solely through historical and political perspectives, as the importance of the theme of an individual, not a political theme, is highlighted. Slow Man, among the three novels, depicts individual narratives about ageing, disability, and immigration. This novel is a means of magnifying various relationships such as moving to Australia, contact with strangers, and the nature of hospitality. Through these themes, Coetzee presents his readers with a new narrative, with a new subject, in a new space. Slow Man begins as Paul Rayment is knocked off his bike and has his legs amputated. Because of his disability, he hires a nurse to care for him. The woman, Marijana Jokic, is a married Croatian immigrant with children. Slowly, Rayment comes to love Marijana. However, his love isn’t confined to erotic love, but instead he develops his love in a paternal way, wanting to protect her and her family. Expanding his love into hospitality for an “Other”, Rayment contemplates self-reflection and acceptance for “the Other”. To emphasize this process, Coetzee introduces Elizabeth Costello, main character of his another novel Elizabeth Costello, who in Slow Man wants Rayment to hurry up and become someone for her latest novel. As Rayment realizes her aim, he first rejects her and feels repulsion at her appearance. But, confronted with an existential dilemma through his accident, he comes to accept his strange guest as a performer of “conditional hospitality” and “unconditional hospitality”, as defined by Jacques Derrida.

주역은 본래 卜筮를 위해 만들어진 것이다. 그래서 의문을 결단할 수 있도록 吉凶悔吝 등의 점을 결정짓는 ‘斷占之辭’를 붙이게 된 것이다. 그러나 이러한 ‘단점지사’에는 인간의 지혜와 교훈의 의미가 들어있지 않는 것이 없다. 즉 주역의 ‘단점지사’는 의문을 결단하기 위해 제시된 것이지만, 그 속에는 오랜 세월에 걸쳐 수많은 사람들의 경험과 지혜가 투영된 것이어서, 그 어디에도 가르침의 뜻이 담겨있지 않는 것이 없다는 말이다. 이 논문은 朱熹의 解易 관점에 기초하여 주역의 “吉凶悔吝”에 담긴 人道的 敎訓이 무엇인지를 고찰한 것이다.주역에서는 괘효사의 ‘단점지사’를 통해 우리로 하여금 올바른 길을 가도록 안내한다. 履卦 九二효사의 “호랑이 꼬리를 밟았으나 두려워하고 두려워하니 마침내 길하다.”라는 말은 불리한 상황에서도 조심하고 경계하며 노력하면 좋은 결과를 얻을 수 있다는 것이며, 履卦 六三효사의 “애꾸눈이 능히 보며, 절뚝발이가 능히 걸음이라. 호랑이 꼬리를 밟아 무니 흉하다.”라는 말은 눈과 발이 온전하지 못한데도 무리하게 걷고자 하여 호랑이 꼬리를 밟는 잘못을 범함으로써 흉하게 되었음을 설명하는 말이다. 또한 乾卦 上九효사의 “지나치게 높이 올라간 龍이니 후회함이 있다.”라는 말은 지나치게 높이 올라가 떨어질 위험에 처하여 후회하게 되었음을 설명하는 것이며, 家人卦 九三효사의 “부인과 자식이 희희낙락하면 마침내 부끄럽게 된다.”라는 말은 삼가 조심하며 경계하지 않으면 좋은 상황도 어려운 국면으로 전환하게 된다는 것을 설명하는 내용이다. 그러기에 ‘힘들고 고생스럽더라도 올바름을 지키면 마침내 허물이 없게 됨’을 누누이 강조한다. 이처럼 주역의 괘효사에는 우환의식이 충만하여 무슨 일을 하든지 진지하고 경건하게, 그리고 근신하며 조심할 것을 항상 주문한다. 이러한 주역의 가르침은 주역이 형성되기 이전에 절대적 존재자의 힘에 의탁하여 문제를 해결하려는 龜卜의 “괴신의 꾀함(鬼謀)”에서 인간 스스로의 힘으로 당면과제를 해결하려는 “인간의 꾀함(人謀)”에로 진일보하였음을 보여주는 것으로서 占卜의 일대 발전이었다.

『周易』 原來是用來占卜的書, 因此也可以稱之爲是判斷吉凶悔吝等疑難問題的“斷占之辭”. 在這樣的“斷占之辭”中, 人類的智慧和敎訓可以說是无所不包, 也就是說, 雖然 『周易』 是用來判斷吉凶悔吝等疑難問題的, 但在經歷了漫長歲月, 凝聚了無數人的經驗和智慧以後, 處處都充滿了對人類的敎海. 本文以朱熹解易的理論爲基礎, 着重考察『周易』 “吉·凶·悔·吝”中所蘊含的有關人道的敎訓. 通過『周易』 卦爻辭中的“斷占之辭”, 可以使我們走上正確的道路. 比如履卦九二爻辭“履虎尾, 愬愬, 終吉”, 意思是說面對不利狀況, 只要小心謹愼, 幷且努力, 就能得到好的結果. 履卦六三爻辭“眇能視, 跛能履, 履虎尾, 咥人, 凶”說的是眼和脚不健全, 不按常理行走, 踩上老虎尾巴, 將被虎吃, 因而是極爲凶險. 另外乾卦上九爻辭“亢龍有悔”解說如果過分地攀登高處, 會有跌落下來的危險, 最終令人後悔, 而家人卦九三爻辭“婦子嘻嘻, 終吝”是說明居家處事, 如果不小心謹愼, 好事也會變成壞事. 在這里『周易』 强調了雖然有艱辛困難, 但只要堅持正道, 就能逢凶化吉. 類似這樣的卦爻辭充滿了憂患意識, 它要求人們在處事不順時要做到誠實恭敬, 謹愼小心. 『周易』 中這樣的敎海表明, 在 『周易』形成以前, 人們依賴絶對者(神)的力量, 借助“龜卜”一類的“鬼謀”來解決疑難問題, 進一步發展爲以“人謀”來解難析疑, 這是占卜的一大發展.

｢불의의 벙어리｣에서 오에는 자신이 “거대한 해방감 즉 신생의 감각과 함께 전후의 시대를 살아가기” 위해 대면하고 대결해야 했던 일본 패전에 의한 “굴복감”을 군국주의자 “통역”의 인물상을 통해 이미지화하고 있다. “통역”을 통해 오에는, 일본의 패전에 대해 일본인이 갖는 “굴복감”은 전시의 지배이데올로기였던 군국주의에 세뇌되어 평화를 사랑하는 본연의 인간성을 상실한 결과임을 보여주며 인간성을 파괴하는 군국주의의 위험성을 경고한다. 그리고 마을사람들이 “통역”을 살해하고 마을의 평화를 회복하는 과정을 통해, 본연의 인간성을 회복할 것을, 그래서 점령군이 전후 일본에 재건코자 하는 평화의 지고한 가치를 굳게 믿고 이를 위해 협력하며 군국주의자들과 싸워나갈 것을 주장한다. 또한 “통역” 살해의 임무에 가담하여 스스로 ‘평화를 위해 싸우는 전사’로서의 본연의 정체성을 증명한 주인공 “소년”의 모습에 자신의 모습을, 즉 시코쿠 에히메현 오세국민학교 5학년에 다니던 중에 패전을 맞은 후 “신생의 감각”과 함께 전후의 시대를 살아갈 것을 결심하고 패전에 의한 “굴복감”과 대결하고자 작가가 된 자신의 모습을 투영함으로써 전후 일본의 평화 재건을 위한 군국주의와의 대결에 앞장서고자 하는 자신의 작가적 입장을 암시하고 있다.

Oe Kenzaburo felt a great sense of emancipation at the same time when he felt a great humiliation when Japan lost the Pacific War. And in order to survive the postwar period with a sense of great emancipation, a sense of new life, he tried to confront the humiliation caused by the defeat of Japan through literature. In ‘Sudden Deafness’, the sense of humiliation caused by the defeat of Japan is imaged through the figure of an “interpreter” who is a militarist. Through the figure of an “interpreter”, Oe Kenzaburo shows that the sense of humiliation of the Japanese caused by the defeat of Japan is the result of losing the original humanity by militarism brainwashing which was the dominant ideology of the wartime, and warns the danger of militarism destroying humanity. And through the process of villagers murdering the “interpreter” and restoring the peace of the village, Oe Kenzaburo advocates recovering the original humanity and firmly believing in the high value of peace that the occupation forces tried to rebuild in postwar Japan and cooperating with them to fight against militarists. In addition, Oe Kenzaburo implies his own artist's position to lead the confrontation with militarism for the peace reconstruction in postwar Japan by projecting his figure to the figure of the protagonist “boy” who proved his original identity as ‘a warrior fighting for peace’ by participating in the murder of the “interpreter”.

When the Long Parliament convened in late 1640, the majority of peers and MPs immediately launched a comprehensive attack on Charles I’s policies of the previous decade. Amidst this preoccupation to settle old and not so old scores, the House of Commons proposed to hold a fast and to obtain the consent of the peers and the king. A committee to prepare for the fast was set up and, eventually, a total of five fasts were observed until the end of 1641. A ceremony that partly attests to the religious commitment of the political elite at the time, the fast subsequently developed as a regular feature of parliamentary political culture. From February of 1642 to the same month of 1649,the House of Commons observed a fast on the last Wednesday of each month. The House of Lords officially observed the fast on the same day from October of 1644 to January of 1649, and unofficially prior to this period. These regular fasts or monthly humiliations were supplemented by special days of humiliation or thanksgiving. With the sermon occupying the center stage, the monthly fasts were obviously a religious observance, and the primary motive for convening them should be seen as religious. Yet this regular event occurred in a decidedly political milieu of Westminster. In an age when politics and religion were inextricably bound up with each other, sermons treating political themes were as natural as politicians delivering speeches on the respective rights of king and parliament. The fast sermons thus had a strong political tinge to them. For Hugh Trevor-Roper, they constitute a tool masterly and tactically employed by parliamentary leaders to further their own causes. The sermons were a medium of politicking to declare long term objectives and short term changes in the direction of policymaking. Engaging in a more comprehensive study of the monthly sermons, John Wilson directs attention back to the religious aspect of the observance but also recognizes instances where political interests powerfully permeated the monthly and special program of religious observance. Against this background of varied interpretations, this article seeks to take a slightly different approach to the monthly and special humiliations as well as thanksgivings. Instead of studying the general nature and implications of the ritual and sermons, I will utilize them as a launch pad for exploring two of the most explosive issues of the revolution: church government and toleration. The peers and MPs placed these at the top of their agenda and devoted a considerable amount of time debating and disputing them. They also worked under the constant awareness of the activities of pressure groups outside the walls of Westminster seeking to lever parliament in the direction of their preferred ecclesiastical settlement. To understand this multifaceted process of religious policymaking, I will look more specifically at the procedure surrounding the appointment of preachers to the humiliations and thanksgivings, the religious outlook of the preachers, and the text of their sermons. Such an exploration will elucidate how the men sitting at Westminster interacted with an influential group of men, the clergy, while formulating policies for reformation of religion and eventual settlement of the church. Moreover such a study will shed light on the inner workings of parliament, especially how parties functioned and engaged with each other, as well as how they sought to influence public opinion via their influential clerical spokesmen.

Martyrs who died under the Roman persecution for keeping their Christian faith were considered as saints and worshiped in Christian society. They became patrons and protectors of people who desperately implored in the adversities of disease, violence, and the depredations. It was believed that saints were deserved to be venerated by people, while they had obligations to defend and give help to men who worshiped them. The conception of reciprocal obligations between saints and men gave an impulse to think out the way to wake up and make them move for the benefits of worshipers. Peasants rushed into the church and with the staff gave the beating on the altar in which the bones of patron saint were preserved, in order to coerce him to wake up. On the other hand, monks and canons stimulated saint through the humiliation of relics for the solution of their difficulties. Humiliation of saints was a process by which saint’s relics were moved from the honorable place and were laid down on the ground of central pass in church. The ritual of humiliation in monastery was formed in the early eleventh century. Humiliation ritual of relics was one of arsenals by which the community performed to remove the depredations of lay persons around them, since they did not have any strong physical power against them. By the thirteenth century the episcopal and papal hierarchy was becoming unhappy with the tendency of communities to humiliate their relics and to discontinue services without canonical grounds. At last, the Second Council of Lyons in 1274 condemned humiliation in the context of condemning arbitrary cessation of the liturgy. Simultaneously, the church fathers seem to have reacted strongly to the mistreatment and punishment of the saints implicit in the humiliation. Under those circumstances the humiliation of saints was to disappear in the ecclesiastical communities from the late thirteenth century.

Analizamos la humillacion como una forma inaceptable de tratar a las personas. Para ello nos acercamos a pensadores como Avishai Margalit, William Ian Miller y Evelin Linder. Despues comparamos la humillacion con la exclusion de Luis Villoro y la falta de capacidades que Sen y Nussbaum consideran senal clara de injusticia. Tambien revisamos la idea de Dignidad de Waldron para ver como se relaciona con la descripcion de la humillacion de Linder. Todo lo anterior tiene como objetivo mostrar que si bien no es comun utilizar el concepto de “humillacion” en la filosofia moral, esta presente con otros nombres. Creemos que el concepto ayuda a visualizar la injusticia. Despues ofrecemos dos ejemplos de como Latinoamerica presenta terribles casos de humillacion como las heridas no tratadas de la conquista espanola y la persistente pobreza y discriminacion que padecen los pueblos originarios. Tambien hablamos de la “gran corrupcion” y sus implicaciones. Defendemos brevemente que se deben enfrentar los casos de humillacion.

Chinese elites today offer at least three views of how China should interact with other nation-states. All three draw on the “Century of Humiliation” (1839-1949) as a starting points: current-day arguments about the nature of international competition, the reasons that nations succeed or fail in the international arena, and the prospects for long-term global peace and cooperation draw not just on China’s experiences during that period, but on the vocabulary and debates that Qing- and republican-era intellectuals developed to understand the modern international system. The three views all start from the implicit premise that today’s international system has not changed in its essence from the 19th century: the world is composed of strong and weak nation-states that vie for dominance on the global stage. They differ, however, on whether this state of affairs is permanent and on what global role China should seek. Some assert that the international system still revolves around Western interests that seek to subjugate and humiliate weaker nations, and that China’s bitter experiences during the “Century of Humiliation” should provide a cautionary tale against engaging too closely with other nations under this system. They suggest that China’s leaders should tread cautiously in their interactions with the “strong nations” of the world. A second viewpoint suggests that that the current system is acceptable now that China can play a prominent role in it. They assert that China’s period of humiliation and subjugation has ended, and China should now seek to ensure the stability of the system and to assure other nations of its commitment to doing so. This view tends to soften the potentially harmful or subjugating nature of a competitive international system, arguing that this dynamic can be sufficiently modified by adapting existing institutions and practices. And a third line of reasoning suggests that China is in a unique position to fundamentally remake the international system precisely because its experiences of shame and subjugation have given the Chinese people an alternate vision of how international relations can and should be conducted.

본고에서는 소시민의 현실 인식이라는 관점에서 1970년대 중반 이후 한국 문학에서 가난을 바라보는 태도를 고찰하고자 하였다. 가난에 대한 담론이 한국전쟁 이후 경제개발을 통해 한국 사회를 급격하게 변화시켰다면, 소시민은 이 흐름에서 사회의 주류로 떠오른 존재였다. 소시민은 근대화 과정에서도 자신의 역할을 인식하였지만, 이전 시기에 겪었던 가난의 기억에서 완전히 벗어난 것은 아니므로 개발주의를 지향하는 추세에 휩쓸리기도 했다. 이 점에서 박완서와 이청준의 1970년대 소설들에 주목하면, 1960년대 소시민 논쟁에서의 문제의식이 그 기저에서 공명하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 이들은 소시민의 입장에서 가난 체험을 형상화하면서 이를 부끄러움과 연결하고자 하였다. 본고에서 분석 대상으로 삼은 ｢도둑맞은 가난｣과 ｢눈길｣을 보면, 전자에서는 경제적 궁핍보다는 자존감 상실로 인한 모멸을 강조하고 있으며 후자에서는 가난과 관련한 원죄의식을 염치의 수준에서 극복하는 모습을 형상화하고자 하였다. 하지만, 개발주의의 명제를 내면화한 소시민에게 가난은 자기모멸을 심화시키는 계기였기에 정신주의를 통해 물질적 가난에 맞서려는 시도는 한계를 지닐 수밖에 없었다.

이 글의 목적은 일제강점기 러시아 연해주 한인들이 국권 상실의 현실 속에서 국치일을 계기로 전개한 기념활동을 통해 드러난 민족의식과 역사적 의미를 고찰하는 데 있다. 1911년 첫 국치일에 연해주 한인들은 8월 29일을 ‘국치기념일’로 규정하고, 국치기념활동을 통해 국치 설욕의 의의를 고무하며 민족의식을 발전시켜 나아갔다. 1919년 3·1운동과 대한민국임시정부 수립은 연해주 한인사회에 국권 회복의 희망을 고취시켰고, 이 시기 국치일은 ‘독립의 날’이자 ‘설치의 날’로 인식되기도 했다. 신한촌 참변 이후 국치기념활동은 위축된 경향을 보였으나, 소비에트 적군이 블라디보스토크에 입성한 이후에는 사회주의 혁명사상과 결합한 새로운 형태의 국치기념활동이 적극적으로 전개되었다. 또한, 청소년층이 국치기념활동의 주체로 부상함으로써 민족해방운동의 세대 전환이 이루어졌음이 드러나기도 했다. 이러한 시기에 창간한 ≪선봉≫은 국치일에 사회주의혁명을 통한 민족해방노선과 독립운동세력의 통일을 주창하며, 당시 연해주 한인사회의 지향을 대변했다. 이렇듯 국치기념활동은 단순한 추모를 넘어, 연해주 한인들의 시대적 사명과 민족해방운동 실천의 장으로 기능했다.

This study examines the National Humor Day commemorations (August 29) by Koreans in Primorsky Krai during Japanese colonial rule. Established in 1911 to mark lost sovereignty, the day transformed after the March First Movement into a “Day of Independence/Resentment,” serving as active resistance. Suppressed post-1920, it revived after Soviet power’s arrival in 1922. Youth-led commemorations merged with socialist revolutionary ideology, reframing it as a “Day of Liberation.” Using discourse analysis of publications like Seonbong, this study argues that the day was not merely commemorative but a form of political practice and ideological struggle for national liberation, reflecting an ideological and generational shift in the overseas independence movement.

In China, there exists a special historical context of national humiliation discourse that goes beyond the simple propaganda of the state’s nationalism. The “100 Years of National Humiliation” is a concept that defines the historical character of modern China for a century since the Opium War. It refers to the great humiliation that the Chinese people suffered in modern Chinese history from the Opium War in 1840 to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, when they were forced to sign unequal treaties by imperialist capital and armed invasion, thereby losing a large amount of national interests and sovereignty of the state. The unequal treaty, which is the core concept of National Humiliation that clearly highlights the injustice of the infringement of national sovereignty, is a history of humiliation and modern Chinese history itself, with over 1,000 unequal treaties, agreements, and charters signed with Western powers, starting with the Treaty of Nanking in 1842 and ending with the abolition of the unequal treaties in 1943. The so-called ‘100 years of National Humiliation’ is based on the perception that it is a history of humiliation that began with the unequal treaty. Through the process of forming the discourse of ‘National Humiliation’ in Chinese history, I will examine the meaning of National Humiliation and its political function. In particular, I will analyze the dual nature of National Humiliation, which is self-criticism and external resistance, and its influence on the legitimacy and foundation of Chinese rule, and how each political group in China utilizes it to overcome national and political crises. Finally, I will analyze the phenomenon of National Humiliation acting as a driving force for nationalism in a situation where it remains as a historical memory rather than an ongoing process, and examine the problems it raises for contemporary China, which is emerging as a great power in the 21st century.

This paper investigates the dictionary and the emergent meanings of kwulyok ‘humiliation’ in public media discourse from the perspective of Positioning Theory (Davies & Harre 1990/1999), and in so doing, explores the potential of Positioning Theory to cast new light on frequent linguistic phenomena. The first part of the paper argues that the linguistic sustainability and wide distribution of the meaning which emerged across the media in the early 2000’s stands in contrast to the lack of research attention which it has received. It is, therefore, argued that the term requires linguistic investigation. Second, the similarities of the two meanings as positioning triggers are demonstrated in terms of their synchronic bidirectionality, diachronic fluidity, multidimensionality, relativity, and selectability under the framework of Positioning Theory. Third, the differences between the two meanings are also highlighted in van Langenhove & Harre’s (1999) four positioning modes. Overall, the dictionary meaning of kwulyok appears in the first-order, performative, moral, forced self- and forced other-positioning modes, whereas the emergent meaning does so in the third, accountive, personal, deliberate other-positioning modes. Consequently, the current study maintains that both meanings of kwulyok operate as positioning triggers, which invariably launch positioning. However, the emergent kwulyok may additionally function as a conventionalized positioning trigger, when occurring in certain, yet frequent collocations. In addition, the study demonstrates that Positioning Theory offers an effective framework for linguistic investigation.

영적 교만과 겸손의 문제는 조나단 에드워즈의 회심론과 성화론에서 중요한 의미를 갖는다. 뿐만 아니라, 에드워즈는 복음의 전체 체계와 하나님의 경륜의 계시의 목적 중 하나가 사람의 마음에 겸손을 불러일으키는 것이라고 말한다. 그러므로 겸손과 교만에 관한 에드워즈의 사상을 연구하는 것은 그의 구원론을 비롯해 신학 전반을 이해하는 데에 매우 큰 의미를 가진다고 할 수 있다. 회심과 관련해서 에드워즈는 겸손이 하나님의 위대하심을 인식하는 율법적인 겸손과 하나님의 도덕적 탁월하심과 자신의 죄성을 깊이 깨우치는 복음적인 겸손을 구분하고, 이 중에서 율법적인 겸손은 회심에 선행하지만 복음적인 겸손은 믿음의 본질적인 요소라고 주장한다. 이것은 그가 일부 청교도들의 준비주의에 반대하는 입장을 진술하면서 명확히 하는 부분이다. 또한 성화와 관련해서 에드워즈는 겸손이 하나님의 은혜로 말미암은 참 된 신앙을 구별하는 적극적인 표지 중의 하나라고 보고, 사랑과 함께 그리스도인의 최고의 덕목으로 꼽는다. 본 연구는 에드워즈가 이러한 사상을 어떻게 풀어내는지 다음의 순서로 차례로 연구한다. 첫째, 영적 교만과 겸손의 정의와 본질에 대한 에드워즈의 사상을 살펴본다. 둘째, 영적 교만과 겸손이 구원 얻는 믿음과에 미치는 영향을 연구한다. 셋째, 영적 교만과 겸손이 신앙에서 맺는 열매에 대해 살펴본다. 마지막으로, 에드워즈의 사상을 한국 교회에 적용한다.

Spiritual pride and humiliation are significant subject matters in both the doctrine of conversion and sanctification in Jonathan Edwards' theology. He also claims that bringing humiliation (humility?) into man's heart is one of the great goals of the whole frame of the gospel and all God's dispensations to humankind. Thus, a study on his thoughts on these two subject matters would shed light on the understanding of his whole theology including soteriology. In the doctrine of conversion, he makes a distinction between the legal humilation, a sense of the greatness of God, and the evangelical humiliation, a sense of God's excellency and man's sinfulness and despicableness. The former precedes conversion, but the latter is an essential part of saving faith. This is a significant part of his strong arguments when he opposes to the preparationism that some Puritans claimed. As for the godly life of saints, evangelical humiliation is a positive sign of gracious affections, and shares an honor with love as the best virtues of godliness. This article articulates how Edwards unfolds these thoughts, examining his definition of spiritual pride and humiliation and their natures; the influence of spiritual pride and humilation on saving faith in conversion; fruits that they bring birth in the life of faith. Finally, it attempts to provides some implications for the Korean Church.

三跪九叩頭禮는 丙子胡亂의 결과 仁祖가 淸太宗에게 삼전도에서 행한 항복의 의식이었기에 ‘치욕의 의식’으로 널리 알려져 있다. 그러나 고두례는 원래 만주족의 의례가 아니라 한족의 의례였고, 명나라를 방문한 연행사들도 행했던 일상적인 의례였다. 이 논문 2장에서는 ‘치욕의 의식’으로 자리매김된 삼궤구고두례의 기원과 한족 의례의 시대별 변화 상황을 살펴보고, 만주족의 전통 의식인 포견례에 대해서도 살펴본다. 더불어 3장에서는 ‘삼전도의 굴욕’으로 널리 알려진 삼궤구고두례를 《조선왕조실록》에서는 어떻게 기록하고 있는지 살피고, 청의 입장에서 삼전도의 항복 의식을 기록한 滿文 기록과 비교하여 그 차이를 살펴본다. 청나라가 중원의 주인이 된 후 조선에서는 매년 燕行使를 파견하였다. 파견된 연행사들은 황제를 알현할 때 항상 삼궤구고두의 예를 행했다. 이 논문의 4장에서는 金堉의 《朝京日錄》(1636), 姜銑의 《燕行錄》(1699), 金昌業의 《燕行日記》(1712), 李義鳳의 《北轅錄》(1760), 任百淵의 《鏡浯遊燕日錄》(1837) 등에 기록된 삼궤구고두례 관련 기록들을 소개하고, 일반적으로 ‘치욕의 의식’으로 알려진 삼궤구고두례와 관련해 연행사들은 어떤 생각을 하고 있었고, 또 시대가 지남에 따라 어떤 인식의 변화가 발생하는지 살펴본다.

在十九世纪西欧发展的commemoration这一政治文化传到东亚后，首先在日本开始将此翻译成“纪念”，十九世纪八十年代，纪念碑、纪念会等广泛流行。戊戌变法前后的中国，以梁启超为代表的立宪派以日本的“纪念会”做为榜样，再加上独特的解释，提出了纪念国耻，激发国人感情，以图自强的策略，并付诸实施。与此同时，梁启超还认为类似法国革命纪念日和美国独立纪念日的“祝典”也是有必要的，并建议通过表彰过去的“事业”来增强民众的爱国心。新政时期立宪派采纳这些方案，一方面召开国耻纪念会，将晚清史描绘成充满外侮的国耻史，另一方面则举办“祝典”，把新政说成是洗雪国耻的妙策，以此来试图获得大众对改革的赞同。与立宪派不同的是，革命派是以推翻清朝为目的的，他们更注重强调汉人受到的满洲人压制的“国耻”。辛亥革命成功后，在清一色的庆贺气氛中，新建的民国政府却只采纳了国庆日等“祝典”，而将国耻纪念置之不理。可是1915年的“二十一条要求”事件迫使中国知识分子又一次意识到曾一直被忽视了的“国耻纪念”的必要性。加以之后发生的反复被“辱”事件，促使“国耻”成为比“国庆”更有力的近代中国自我形象表象和激发国民感情的因素了。

The political culture of modern commemoration was developed in nineteenth century Europe. It was subsequently introduced into East Asia, with kinen-hi(monu -ment for commemoration) and kinen-kai(meeting for commemoration)becoming very popular in Japan in the 1880s. In China, during the Hundred Days Reform in 1898, Liang Qichao took the Japanese kinen-kai as a model, interpreting it in his own way to propose the new idea of commemorating China’s national humiliation, thereby stirring up people’s patriotic emotion, and mobilizing them to make their own country rich and strong. On the other hand, Liang also recognized that it was also important for China as a modern country to celebrate positive historical events, in a similar vein to the Independence Day in the United States or Bastille Day in France. After the defeat of the Boxer Uprising, Qing Reformists adopted Liang’s idea, holding the ceremonies to commemorate national humiliations, painting the late Qing history as a miserable time full of foreign invasions and defeats. In addition, they also held ceremonies to celebrate the fruits of their policies, insisting that reform was the only way to wipe off such national shames, as an attempt to win the people’s approval. Meanwhile, the Revolutionaries tried to overthrow the Qing government and as such tended to stress the shame which the Han nation had suffered at the hands of the Manchu nation. After the 1911 Revolution, the new Republican government, in an entirely celebratory mood, adopted only a national day to celebrate the success of the uprising, and did not adopt any national humiliation days. However, the Twenty-one Demands issued to China by Japan in 1915 reminded Chinese intellectuals of the importance of commemorating national humiliation. Subsequent to that point, continuous foreign invasion has made commemorating national humiliation a far more effective method for Chinese intellectuals to adopt in order to mobilize the public than any celebration of national days.