Earticle

이 글에서는 서술문 종결형식의 변천상을 주로 형태 구조의 측면에서 개 관하였다. 문장을 종결하는 요소는 몇 가지 부류로 나뉘는데, 이들을 ‘문장 종결소’ 라는 용어로써 포괄할 필요가 있다. 이 글에서는 네 부류의 서술문 종결소, 즉 서술문 고유의 종결 어미, 대우법 어미, 종결 보조사, 명사문 종결소를 설 정한 다음, 이를 토대로 서술문 종결형식의 변천 과정을 고찰하였다. 서술문 고유의 종결어미 중에서는 ‘-다/라, -고, -오마, -옴새’에 대하여 살 펴보았다. ‘-고’는 이른바 감탄문을 구성하였던 어미이고, ‘-오마, -옴새’는 약 속의 서술문에 쓰였던 종결어미이다. ‘-옴새’의 마지막 요소는 청자 높임의 ‘- 으이’이지만, 여기서는 ‘-오마’와 함께 묶었다. 대우법 표지이면서 서술문을요’ 등이 있는데, 이 글에서는 ‘-은뎌, -을쎠, -이녀’ 등의 구성 요소인 ‘여’에 대하여 검토해 보았다. 명사문 종결소는 명사문의 흔적을 유지하고 있는 종 결어미 ‘-으니, -으리’이다. 이 글에서 취한 형태소 분석의 태도는 공시적 통합관계와 계열관계의 제 약에 구애되지 않는 최대 분석의 방법이었다. 이 방법은 구조주의적 관점에 서는 부적절할 수 있지만, 최소 구성 요소의 동질성을 간결하게 기술하기 위 해서는 필요한 방법이다.

In this study, I have examined the shift process of the sentence final forms of declarative based on the morphemic structures. Since some final elements in sentences have been divided into several categories, I have proposed the elements should be called the term of ‘sentence final elements’. In order to analyze the sentence final elements, I have set up four categories in the sentence final elements of declarative which are the sentence final endings, the endings of hearer-honorific, the sentence final particles, and the sentence final elements of nominal sentences. Through the four categories, I have investigated the changing process of the sentence final forms of declarative. First, I have focused on the elements ‘-ta/ra, -ko, -oma, -omsɛ’’ of the sentence final endings. I have claimed that the element ‘-ko’ is the sentence final ending of exclamative, ‘-oma, -omsɛ’ are the elements of the declarative sentences which includes appointment meaning. Although the final element of ‘-omsɛ’ is ‘-ɨi’ of hearer-honorific, it has been combined with the element ‘-oma’ as same category. Second, there are the elements ‘-ə/a, -tsi, -ɨi, -so/o’ which include the hearer-honorific markers and endings of declarative and the sentence final particle, ‘jə’ or ‘jo.’ In this article, the ‘jə’ that is the constituent of ‘-ɨntjə, -ɨls'ə’ or ‘-it'ʌnjə’ was treated. Third, it is surveyed that the sentence final elements of nominal sentences are ‘-ɨni’ and ‘-ɨri’ with the nominal sentences’ trace. The method of the analysis of morpheme which has researched in this article is the ultimate analysis that is a loose affiliation of the syntagmatic relation and the constrains of paradigmatic synchronic. Though it is an inadequate method on the view of the structural linguistics, it is necessary to describe the homogeneity of the smallest constructive elements briefly.

중세국어 이후 국어의 종결어미의 형태나 기능의 변화는 평서형, 의문형, 명령형에서 주로 나타난다. 특징적인 국어 종결어미의 변화 중 하나는 18세 기의 종결어미 ‘-오/소’의 출현이다. 이 어미에 의한 평서형과 의문형은 꽤 높임의 상대 높임 등급을 표시하는 종결형으로 현대국어까지 이어졌으며 이 어미로 인하여 19세기에 아주 높임의 명령어미 ‘-시오’가 형성되었다. 또한 19세기에는 약간 높임의 의문어미 ‘-나’, 명령어미 ‘-게’, 반말 어미 ‘-지’가 새 로 나타나며, 아주 높임을 표시하는 평서, 의문, 명령의 어미 ‘-시오’도 형 성되었다. 19세기의 종결어미 체계는 20세기 초에 체계적 안정성을 확보하 기 위한 조정 과정을 거쳐 현대국어의 종결어미 체계로 이어졌다.

The diachronic formal and functional changes of Korean sentence-terminating endings after Middle Korean, mostly have occurred in declarative endings, interrogative endings, and imperative endings. One of the distinctive changes of Korean sentence-terminating endings is the appearance of ending ‘-o/so’ in 18C. This ending having expressed considerable honorific meaning to the hearer has been used to end the declarative sentence and interrogative sentence until the present day. It formed another ending ‘-ʌpsio’ which expressed honorific meaning to the hearer in 19C. There have been many changes in 19C; interrogative ending ‘-na’, imperative ending ‘-ke’(both of these endings express a little honorific meaning to the hearer.), ending ‘-ji’(it expresses no honorific meaning to the hearer.), and the most honorific ending ‘-ʌpsio’(its declarative, interrogative, and imperative are in same form.). The system of sentence-terminating ending in 19C has succeeded to the present days after it has gone through the adjusting process for systematic stability.

The effect of recasts and prompts on L2 accuracy has already been explored intimately in classroom settings. This study, however, investigates the moderating effect of declarative knowledge on recasts and prompts. To this purpose, 48 Iranian learners of English were assigned to four conditions: +declarative knowledge (DK) recasts, -DK recasts, +DK prompts, and -DK prompts. This assignment was made based on the performance of participants on an untimed grammaticality judgment and a metalinguistic knowledge test which were focused on simple present yes/no and wh- question forms. Learners who appeared to be familiar with the forms in focus were assigned to +recasts and +prompts while those who were unfamiliar with the forms were assigned to -recasts and -prompts groups. A story-completion task and a spot-the-difference task were performed by the participating groups to serve as the pre- and post-test of the study. During communicative interaction, the 4 groups involved received corrective feedback (CF) in accordance with the conditions they had already been assigned to. Results revealed that +DK recasts and +DK prompts groups benefited from feedback sessions more than -DK recasts and -DK prompts groups did and the presence of declarative knowledge made recasts more effective than prompts. Also the recasts group outperformed the prompts group in the absence of declarative knowledge.

본고는 한국인 일본어 학습자의 자연발화에 나타나는 평서문 인토네이션의 특징을 밝히기 위하여 구말의 경계음조와 다운스텝 현상, 피치 범위에 대하여 조사 후 일본어 모어화자와 비교하였다. 또한 한국인 학습자를 일본에 체재 경험이 없는 학습자와 1년간의 체재경험이 있는 학습자로 나누어, 중간 언어적 특징에 대해서도 조사하였다. 조사 결과, 구말에서 나타나는 경계음조에 관해서는 하강조가 많았으나, 일본어에는 없는 지연 상승 후 하강 음조라던가, 상승･하강이 거의 없거나 매우 작고 평탄하게 늘어지는 음조가 상당수 관찰되었다. 또, 일본어 모어화자에게서는 나타나지 않았던 상승조나 상승+하강+상승조도 적은 수이긴 하나 나타났다. 이러한 현상들은 모어의 간섭으로 인한 것으로 보이며, 구말음이 길게 발음되는 경향 또한 관찰되었다. 학습자의 발화에서도 일본어 모어화자와 마찬가지로 다운스텝 현상은 나타났지만, 포커스가 놓여있지 않아도 후속 악센트 구가 첫 악센트 구 보다 높은 피치인 경우가 있었다. 인토네이션구의 피치 범위가 작고, 전체적으로 평탄하다는 것도 특징 중 하나라고 할 수 있다. 또한 일본 체제 경험이 있는 학습자는 체제경험이 없는 학습자에 비해 상승+하강조가 상당히 많이 나타난 반면, 지연 상승 후 하강하는 음조는 훨씬 적어졌다. 더불어 인토네이션 구의 피치 범위, 즉, 억양이 일본어 모어화자와 거의 다름없을 만큼 커져있었다는 점에서 차이가 있으며, 이는 중간언어적인 특징이라 볼 수 있다.

This paper aimed at identifying features of intonation in declarative sentences showing itself in natural utterances of Korean learners of Japanese examined the boundary tones and the down-step, the pitch range, and compared the results with those of the Japanese native speakers. In addition, a survey was also conducted on features as an interlanguage as well by dividing Korean learners of Japanese into the non experience and the experience of staying in Japan. Findings of the survey reveal that L% was predominant in the case of a bordary tones. And that a substantial number of LHL% and no or little rising and falling intonation. And an intonation that prolonged just plainly were observed, Besides, a few H% and HLH% occurred. Such phenomena seem to result from the language transfer. In addition, the duration at the phrase end was very long. While a down-step showed itself, but it didn't regurarly occur and also the pitch range was small. Moreover, while, in the case of the learners who ever stayed in Japan, HL% occurred frequently, LHL% was found to be much fewer. Also the scope of intonation phrase, namely, the intonation has grown prominent in a measure comparable to the Japanese native speakers. These could be regarded as a feature as an interlanguage.

「だろう」は平敍文で推量性の度合により次の5つの意味を表わす。 ①「推量表現6＝想像」 ②「推量表現5＝基本表現」 ③「推量表現2＝基本表現＋妥当性(主張的推量/確信的推量)」 ④「推量表現1＝基本表現＋事実性(回想/反事実的条件)」 ⑤「推量表現0＝再確認(婉曲)/例示」 そして、書き言葉で使われる「だろう」の意味と話し言葉での意味が必ずしも一致いているのではない。たとえば話し 言葉では、話し言葉の特性上、「推量表現2」の連体修飾的な表現と「推量表現1」の「回想」が表われにくいし、 「推量表現0」の「再確認」が「婉曲」として使われやすいのである。

이 논문에서, 나는 <<대승열반경>> (Mahāparinirvāṇamahāsūtra) 산스크리트 단편에 보존된 ‘tathāgatagarbhaḥ sarvasattvānāṃ’라는 선언문의 해석과 관련하여 가설을 제시하고자 한다. 즉, 이 구는 소유복합어(bahuvrīh)인 ‘tathāgatagarbha’가 ‘sattva’를 수식하는 (sarvasattvās tathāgatagarbhāḥ) <<여래장경>> (Tathāgatagarbhasūtra)의 경우와는 달리, 이 구가 소유복합어일 경우 ‘tathāgatagarbha’라는 단어가 문법적으로 ‘sattvānāṃ’을 수식할 수 없다는 것을 확인하고자한다. 선행연구들은 대부분 <<열반경>>의 ‘tathāgatagarbhaḥ’ 를 격한정복합어(tatpuruṣa)로 해석해왔지만, 나는 이 것을 소유복합어로 해석하고. 이 복합어가 어떤 기술되지 않은 명사(즉, 구절에서 생략된 stūpa)를 수식하는 형용사를 취한다고 주장하고자 한다. 이는 다음의 이유에 기반한다. (1) 선언문에서 단어‘tathāgatagarbha’는, 소유복합어로서 ‘tathāgatadhātugarbha’가 ‘stūpa’를 수식(즉, ‘여래의유물을가진stūpa’) 하는 다른 대승 경전에서 증명되듯이, ‘tathāgatadhātugarbhān stūpān, dhātugarbhe caitye’ (유물을 가진 caitya (sadhātuke caitye)라는표현으로 바꿔 말할 수도 있다.) 등과 같은 표현을전제할 것이다. (2) 이 선언문에서 불교 비문(碑文)의 ‘dhātudhṛk’ 나 ‘dhātudharaḥ’와 같은(둘 다stūpaḥ를 생략) 표현에서 발견되는 동일한 생략, 곧 명사 ‘stūpa’의 생략을 반영할 수 있을 것이다. (3) <<열반경>>의 선언문은 자연스럽게 (법신(dharmakāya)과 여래장(tathāgatagarbha)의 관점으로부터 <<열반경>>에서 재해석되는) 여래의 열반(tathāgata’s nirvāṇa)과 탑에 있는 그의 유물을 다루는 <<열반경>>의 주요 주제와 연결되어야 한다. (4) <<열반경>>은 모든 존재들은 실제 ‘stūpa/caitya’라고 정확히 선언하고, 이 선언은 “모든 존재들은 ‘tathāgatagarbha(즉, stūpa)’를 가진다(tathāgatagarbhaḥ sarvasattvānāṃ)”는 구와 맥락상 일치한다. (5) <<열반경>>의 산스크리트 구절에서 “우리 위에 tathāgatagarbha가 있다(asmākam upari tathāgatagarbho ‘sti)”에는 또 다른 해석이 있을수있다. 이 표현에서 단어‘tathāgatagarbha’는 위에 언급된 해석 과 위배되지 않고, 오히려 이 것은 <<법화경>>(Saddharmapuṇḍarīka)의 유명한 장면을 상기시킨다. 즉, 청중들 위 하늘로 올라오는 ‘stūpa’다(saptaratnamayaḥ stūpo ’bhyudgataḥ ... parṣanmaṇḍalasyopari vaihāyasaṃ tiṣṭhet). 따라서, 나는 이 선언문 속에서 단어‘tathāgatagarbhaḥ’를 잠정적으로‘stūpa’ 를 수식하는 소유복합어로 해석할 것을 제안한다. 그러나, 나는 단어의 부차적인 의미로 ‘tathāgatagarbha’를 격한정복합어로 해설하는 것이 가능하다고 생각한다. 왜냐하면 시모다 마사히로나 미하일 라디치가 이미 지적하였듯이 ‘garbha’라는 단어의 의미가 풍부하기 때문에, 두세 가지의 의미로 단어를 사용할 수도 있기 때문이다.

In this paper, I shall propose a hypothetical interpretation of the phrase tathāgatagarbhaḥ sarvasattvānāṃ, which is a declarative formula of the Mahāparinirvāṇamahāsūtra (abbr. MPMS) and is preserved as original Sanskrit. This phrase confirms that the word tathāgatagarbha—if this is a bahuvrīhi compound—cannot grammatically go with the word sattvānāṃ unlike the case of the Tathāgatagarbhasūtra, in which tathāgatagarbha, being a bahuvrīhi, qualifies the noun sattva (sarvasattvās tathāgatagarbhāḥ). Previous studies have mostly interpreted tathāgatagarbhaḥ of the MPMS, as a tatpuruṣa, whereas I shall keep this as a bahuvrīhi and take it to be an adjective which qualifies some undescribed noun—that is, stūpa, omitted in the phrase, based on the following reasons: (1) The word tathāgatagarbha in the formula is probably premising such expressions like tathāgatadhātugarbhān stūpān, dhātugarbhe caitye (which is paraphrased by the expression sadhātuke caitye “a caitya that contains relics”), etc., as found in other Mahāyāna scriptures, where tathāgatadhātugarbha, as a bahuvrīhi, qualifies the noun stūpa “a stūpa that contains tathāgata's relics”; (2) the omission of the noun stūpa in the formula might reflect the same omission found in expressions, such as dhātudhṛk or dhātudharaḥ (both omitting stūpaḥ), as found in Buddhist inscriptions; (3) The declarative formula of the MPMS should naturally be relevant to the main topic of the MPMS, which deals with tathāgata's nirvāṇa and his relics that were found in stūpas (which, in turn, are reinterpreted in the MPMS from the viewpoint of the dharmakāya and tathāgatagarbha); (4) The MPMS precisely declares that all beings are real stūpa/caitya, and this declaration fits well with the phrase tathāgatagarbhaḥ sarvasattvānāṃ “all beings have tathāgatagarbha (i.e. stūpa)”; (5) We find yet another expression (asmākam upari tathāgatagarbho 'sti “there is tathāgatagarbha above us”) in the Sanskrit fragment of the MPMS; however, the word tathāgatagarbha, in this expression, does not disturb the above- mentioned interpretation. Instead, this reminds us of the famous scene taught in the Saddharmapuṇḍarīka—the stūpa arising in the sky above the audience: saptaratnamayaḥ stūpo ’bhyudgataḥ ... parṣanmaṇḍalasyopari vaihāyasaṃ tiṣṭhet. Accordingly, I shall tentatively propose to interpret the word tathāgatagarbhaḥ in the formula as a bahuvrīhi which qualifies the noun stūpa. I think, however, it is possible to apprehend tathāgatagarbha as a tatpuruṣa, to be the secondary meaning of the word because the MPMS most probably utilizes the word with double or triple meaning in order to preserve the semantic richness of the word garbha, which has already been pointed out by Masahiro Shimoda and Michael Radich.

This study aims to elucidate the pragmatic functions performed by the auxiliary particle “maneun” in conversational discourse in Modern Korean. The analysis demonstrates that “maneun” functions both as a discourse connective marker, strategically linking stretches of discourse, and as a discourse modal marker, clearly expressing the speaker’s communicative intent. The pragmatic functions of “maneun” as a discourse connective marker can be classified into four types. First, “maneun” is strategically employed in situations where the speaker freely inserts spontaneously recalled information while continuing the utterance without disrupting the discourse context. Second, it is used to present relevant background information in advance of a forthcoming question or request. Third, “maneun” serves to display politeness by protecting the interlocutor’s face prior to asserting the speaker’s own viewpoint, and it may also function as a strategic device for mitigating the speaker’s responsibility for the subsequent claim. Fourth, “maneun” is used to signal to the listener the dimension or perspective from which the upcoming utterance should be interpreted. When “maneun” appears without linking to a subsequent utterance and instead concludes the turn with sentence-final intonation, marking the utterance as ending with an attitude of uncertainty, it functions as a discourse modal marker. In this role, “maneun” may indicate the speaker’s intention to confront a potential conflict directly by making their uncertainty explicit, or conversely, to defuse or avoid conflict by withholding categorical assertion.

This paper discusses certain types of exclamatives in Spanish in which they appear in the shape of declarative and do not involve wh-phrase at the left-periphery of the sentence. Although this kind of exclamative has been described in the literature on Spanish exclamatives, it has not yet been discussed in detail. The aim of this paper is to examine some instances of declarative exclamatives to see whether they can be derived in the same way as typical wh-exclamatives. To this end, I describe first some properties of declarative exclamatives in Spanish with or without the presence of the copulative verb involved therein, and then I address some issues relevant to both the syntax of wh-exclamatives as well as ordinary wh-questions in Spanish. Finally, I also offer a twofold analysis of declarative exclamatives; depending on the ellipsis of the copulative verb, they can be derived either from “T-to-C” movement, similar to what happens in wh-exclamatives, or by way of subject raising to [Spec,CP] in order to satisfy the [Excl]-feature on C.

Using conversation analytic framework, this paper examines negative declarative yes/no question-answer sequences that are produced in naturally occurring English conversation. The analysis explicates various actions that are implemented through a negative declarative question, such as doing an understanding check, providing a potential account, or registering and resolving an unexpectedness. The paper also illustrates the ways in which different responses are produced to different actions embodied through a negative declarative question. The analysis demonstrates that a negative declarative yes/no question invokes different degrees of epistemic gradient between conversational speakers depending on the interactional contexts in which the question is embedded and the speakers use the declarative question-answer sequence as to achieve different interactional goals, even beyond the basic function of requesting the answerer to affirm the truth of the proposition.

This research aims to investigate finite that?clauses immediately following predicative adjectives in English referential?subject be?copular clauses. The empirical target displays three asymmetries. First, clause?taking adjectives cluster into a small number of recurring clause?type profiles. Second, in PP/CP alternations, an overt preposition is systematically excluded before a finite declarative that?clause, while interrogative clauses can occur in prepositional environments. Third, when propositional content is discourse?recoverable, adjectives differ in how the missing content is realized. A direct [A CP] analysis can represent the surface order, but it requires repeated lexical encoding of the same clause?type restrictions and separate stipulations about how discourse?recoverable propositional complements are realized. This research proposes an AP?internal complement?introducing layer FP: the adjective selects FP, and the head F selects the post?adjectival finite CP. The FP architecture provides a consistent structural locus for clause?typing and for the PP/finite declarative CP split, without over-specifying the internal feature values of F.

사용자의 관점에서 볼때는 compiler가 parallelism을 발견할 수 있게 하는것이 매우 요구되지만, 아무리 잘 만들어진 compiler 라 할지라도 conditional, functional 또는 I/O statement 등 프로그램내에 존재하는 많은 parallelism을 인식 하기가 결코 쉬운 일이 아니다. 경우에 따라서는 compiler의 parallelism 결정이 곤란할경우 사용자에게 feedback 시키는 경우가 종종 있다. 이런 입장에서 프로그래머는 parallelism을 바로 전달하기 위해서 프로그램의 일부를 재구성 시킬 필요가 자주 발생한다. 그러한 관점에서 Functional, Declarative 언어의 잇점이 있다고 할 수 있고, 그러기 위해서는 paralled machine에 적합한 Algorithm 이 필요하다. 그러나, 이미 사용중인 Algorithm이 Parallel Machine에 부적절 하다는 것을 의미 하는것은 아니다. 본 연구에서는, Fortran을 이용하여 Parallel Algorithm을 구현 시키기위한 Declarative 언어에 있어서 Array 및 Matrix 를 다루기위한 Abstraction 방법을 제시 하고자 한다.

Detection of parallelism by a compiler is very desirable from a user's point of view. However, even the most sophisticated techniques to detect parallelism trip on trivial impediments, such as conditionals, function calls, and input/output statements, fail to detect most of the parallelism present in a program. Some parallelizing compilers provide feedback to the user when they have difficulty in deciding about parallel execution. Under these circumstances, a programmer has to restructure the source code to aid the detection of parallelism. But, functional and declarative languages can be said to offer many advantages in this context. Functional programs are easier to reason about because their output is determinate, that is, independent of the order of evaluation. However, functional languages traditionally have lacked good facilities for manipulating arrays and matrices. In this paper, a declarative language called Id has been proposed as a solution to some of these problems.

This paper reports what, if any, effects of optional subject and object case markers have on intonation in Burmese. Declarative sentences are recorded with four variables: presence of both case markers, only one of the case markers and absence of both case markers. The results show that there is a small peak in pitch at the juncture between subject/object and the case markers. Additionally, two previously unreported phenomena were observed. First, downstep was found in the high tone context. Second, in the creaky voice context, a linear shift of creaky voice from the creaky voice morpheme to a non-creaky voice suffix was found.

Korean sentential ending -tako has been dealt with in many previous studies as an ending used in echo questions. However, -tako can also be used in echo declarative sentences, which has not received much attention, as far as we can see. To fill this gap, this paper aims to analyze the sentential ending -tako in declarative sentences. For this purpose, this paper first describes the context where -tako can be felicitously employed in declaratives, and shows that the proposition under the scope of -tako (or the prejacent of -tako) is usually the same as the preceding utterance. This strongly suggests that echo declaratives with -tako may have the semantics similar to -tako in echo questions (Jang 2024, a.o.). However, crucially, unlike -tako in echo questions, the prejacent of -tako in echo declaratives need not show strict identity. In addition to this, as further differences between -tako in echo declaratives and that in echo questions, -tako in echo declaratives need not be uttered by the same conversational participant, or need not immediately follow the previously uttered proposition. To capture both of these similarities and differences between -tako in declaratives and -tako in questions, I propose that the prejacent of -tako should be regarded as a set of propositions (as assumed in Inquisitive Semantics: See Ciardelli et al. 2018, a.o.) rather than a set of possible worlds (as standardly assumed in formal semantics), and this prejacent should be entailed by a previous utterance in a discourse. I will then show that this proposal can explain the semantics of -tako in echo declaratives, even when they do not simply repeat the previous utterance. I also show that this analysis gives us further implications regarding the semantics and pragmatics of sentential endings in general.

이 연구는 육진방언의 평서형 종결어미의 목록과 용법을 밝히고 그의 통사, 의미적 특성을 살피는 것을 목적으로 한다. 문법 형태 가운데 종결어미는 시대나 지역에 따라 다양한 변화를 겪으면서 지역 방언의 특색을 잘 나타내고 있다. 육진방언의 종결어미 역시 특이한 형태를 많이 보존하고 있을 뿐만 아니라 변이형도 복잡하게 발달되어 있다. 이 연구에서는 육진방언의 평서형 종결어미를 상대높임법에 따라 존대, 평대, 하대로 나누어 그 목록을 제시하고 이들 어미의 통사적, 의미적 특성에 대해 구체적으로 살펴보았다. 존대를 나타내는 대표적인 종결어미로는 ‘-읍구마/습구마’가 있다. 모음 뒤에서는 ‘-읍구마(으꾸마)’가 쓰이고 자음 뒤에서는 ‘-습구마(스꾸마)’가 쓰이는데 ‘-읍구마’의 ‘으’는 앞모음에 완전동화 되면서 때론 탈락하기도 한다. 또한 ‘-읍-’과 ‘구마’ 사이, ‘-습-’과 ‘구마’ 사이에 회상법의 선어말어미 ‘-더-’가 결합되어 ‘-읍더구마’, ‘-습더구마’의 형태로도 나타난다. 그 외에 ‘-읍구마/습구마’보다 좀 더 공손한 표현인 ‘-꽈이(까이)’가 있다. 평대를 나타내는 종결어미에는 ‘-오/소’와 ‘-읍데/습데’가 있으며 그 외에도 ‘-오’의 변종인 ‘-요’가 있다. ‘-오/소’는 그 형태나 쓰임이 표준어와 거의 비슷하다. ‘-읍데/습데’는 ‘-더라’는 의미를 나타내는 말로서 모음 뒤에서는 ‘-읍데’가 쓰이고 ‘ㄹ’을 제외한 자음 뒤에서는 ‘-습데’가 쓰인다. 하대를 나타내는 종결어미에는 ‘-는다/ㄴ다/다’, ‘-더라’가 있는데 이들의 형태와 쓰임은 표준어와 같다.

This study aims to analyse lists and usage of declarative endings in the Yookjin dialects of Hambuk and their syntactic and semantic characteristics. The endings have features of local dialects as they have had a variety of changes according to ages and areas. Endings of Yookjin dialects have also preserved peculiar forms and developed complicated alternant. The study divided declarative endings in the Yookjin dialects into honorification, usual treatment and disrespectful treatment according to hearer-honorification and examined the syntactic and semantic characteristics of endings. A representative ending of honorification is ‘-guma’. ‘-guma’ is combined with both predicates and substantive, and it is actually pronounced as ‘-kkuma’. When ‘-eup-’ and ‘-seup-’ are placed before ‘-guma’, it is designed to show more respect. Usually, ‘-eupguma(eukkuma)’ follows vowels and ‘-seupkuma (sekkuma)’ follows consonants. ‘eu’ of ‘-eupguma’ is completely associated with a previous vowel or sometimes drops off. When ‘-deo-’ is combined between ‘-eup-’ and ‘guma’ , and between ‘-seup-’ and ‘guma’, forms of ‘-eupdeoguma’ and ‘-seupdeoguma’ appear, which means communication. In addition, ‘-kwai/kai’ are used to be more polite to close acquaintance. Endings of usual treatment include ‘-o, -so’ and ‘-eupde, -seupde’, and ‘-yo’ as a variant of ‘-o’. The forms and usuage of ‘-o’ and ‘-so’ are like those of the standard language. ‘-eupde’ and ‘-seupde’ are forms with a meaning of ‘-deora’ and ‘-eupde’ is used after a vowel and ‘-sepde’ is used after consonants except . Endings of disrespectful treatment include ‘-da’ and ‘-deora’ and their forms and usage are the same as those of the standard language.

본고에서는 ‘-단다’가 어떠한 과정으로 형성되었으며, ‘단다’의 분포적 특성이 무엇이고, 그의 의미 기능이 무엇인지를 살펴보았다. ‘-단다’는 16세기경 인용동사 ‘-’가 인용서술의 기능을 잃어버리고 문법화의 길을 걷게 되면서 나타난 형태이다. 본고에서는 ‘-단다’가 보이는 분포적 제약 현상을 인용구문이 가지는 화용상의 특성이 반영된 것으로 분석하였다. ‘-단다’는 청자가 상정된 담화 환경에 나타나고, 화자의 인지영역 내에 이미 들어와 있는 사건이나 상태를 전달하는 경우에 쓰이는 특성이 있다. 그리고 인용구문에서 화자가 표현하는 심리적 거리감이 문법화된 ‘-단다’에도 지속되어 나타나는데, 이는 ‘-단다’가 청자의 소극적 체면을 유지시켜주는 화용기능을 갖기 때문이다. 즉 화자가 자신의 인지영역 내에 있는 정보를 전달할 때, 청자가 관심 밖의 내용에 대해 자유롭고자 하는 소극적 체면을 위협하지 않도록 전달 정보에 대해 거리감을 표현하기 위해 ‘-단다’를 사용하는 것이다.

This paper examines the derivational process of ‘-tanta’, the characteristics of its distribution, and its semantic functions. In sum, ‘-tanta’ is a form that appeared after a quatotive verb ‘ha-’ lost its quatotive function and underwent the grammaticalization around the 16th century. Moreover, this paper analyzes that the distributional characteristic of ‘-tanta’ reflects the pragmatic feature of the quatotive structure. ‘-tanta’ appears in the hearer-oriented discourse where a speaker conveys information existing only within his/her territory of information; the information must be regarding to the event or situation that has already occurred or has already been settled. Lastly, the persistence of the speaker's psychological remoteness which expressed in the quatotive structure is used as the strategy of politeness. That is, when the speaker is conveying the information within his/her territory, he used ‘-tanta’ in order to express a remoteness from the information as to not threaten the negative face-saving of a hearer who wishes to be free from the contents of the information that is outside his/her interest.

A Study on the Declarative Final Endings of Pyeongan-do Dialects

한국어에서 어미는 위치에 따라 선어말어미와 어말어미로 나뉘는데, 어말어미는 문장을 끝맺는가 그렇지 않은가에 따라 종결어미와 비종결어미로 나눌 수 있다. 비종결어미에는 내포의 기능을 지닌 연결어미가 있다. 한편 몽골어의 종결어미에는 시제 종결어미, 인칭 종결어미가 있다. 본고에서는 한국어와 몽골어의 평서형어미 체계의 특징을 살펴봤다. 평서형어미는 초급 단계에서부터 학습하는 사용 빈도수가 높은 어미 중 하나이다. 따라서 한국어와 몽골어의 평서형어미 구성을 대조하고 그 안에 있는 세부적인 특징에 대해서도 검토하는 것은 의의가 있다. 두 언어의 평서형어미의 유사점으로는 기능의 유사점, 형태 및 활용의 유사점, 문체의 유사점을 각각 살펴봤다. 그리고 두 언어의 평서형어미의 차이점으로는 형태의 차이점, 규칙 및 불규칙 활용의 차이점, 문체의 차이점을 살펴봤다.

In the Korean language, the ending is divided into a “prefinal ending” and a “final ending” according to the location. The final ending can be divided into a termination ending and a non termination ending depending on whether the sentence ends or not. The non-terminating ending has a connection ending with a function of inclusion. On the other hand, Mongolian terminative endings include tense terminative endings and number of personal names declarative endings. In this paper, we were examined the characteristics of the declarative ending system of Korean and Mongolian. Declarative endings are one of the most frequently used endings to learn from the beginner level. Therefore, it is meaningful to contrast the composition of the declarative ending of Korean and Mongolian languages and review the detailed characteristics within them. As a result, the similarities between the two languages’ declarative endings, similarities in function, similarities in form and use, and similarities in literary style and colloquial style are examined, In addition, the differences between the declarative ending of the two languages, the differences in form, the differences in the use of rules and irregularities, and the differences in literary style and colloquial style were examined.