Earticle

본 고찰은 성철스님의 그동안의 연구에서 누락되었던 김룡사 시절의 행적과 역사성을 탐구한 고찰이다. 지금껏 성철 연구에서 소홀하게 인식되었던 김룡사 시절의 운달산 법회(1966)의 개요와 성격을 조명하고자 한다. 그리고 이를 통해 성철의 지성 및 사상에 관련된 역사적 행보를 탐구하고자 한다. 이를 위해 본 고찰에서 탐구할 내용은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 성철의 김룡사 시절(1965∼1966)의 개요를 정리하고자 한다. 둘째, 김룡사에서 두차례 행해진 운달산 법회의 개요와 성격을 탐구하고자 한다. 셋째, 성철이 김룡사 이전에서는 10년간 은둔적인 행보를 가다가, 김룡사에 입주하면서 공개적인 행보를 간 배경을 탐구하고자 한다. 왜 성철은 김룡사에서부터 그의 사상을 공개적으로 강조하고 나섰는가를 조명하고자 하였다. 즉 성철은 김룡사 시절에 불교혁신, 불교중흥을 강력하게 피력하였는데, 이를 주목하고자 한다. 넷째, 성철의 김룡사 시절에는 대학생불교연합회의 회원(구도부)들의 왕래가 있었는데, 이에 대한 역사를 탐구하고자 한다. 다섯째, 김룡사에서 행해진 법문과 해인사에서 있었던 백일법문과의 상관성을 주목하였다. 백일법문에 대한 연구는 심화되었지만, 김룡사에서 행해진 법문의 개요, 내용은 거의 주목하지 않았다. 때문에 운달산 법회가 연구해야 됨을 제기하였다. 이와 같은 본 고찰의 내용은 성철의 행적, 사상, 개혁 등에 있어서 중요한 대상이 될 것이다. 또한 본 연구에서 제기된 내용은 1960년대 불교 지성사, 정화운동사, 개혁운동사에서도 중요한 관점으로 활용될 것으로 기대된다.

This review explores the history and history of Kimryongsa Temple, which was omitted from Seongcheol's previous research. I would like to highlight the outline and character of Undalsan of public lecture(1966) during the Kimryongsa period, which has been perceived as negligent in Sungcheol's research until now. Through this, we want to explore the historical activities related to Seongcheol's intellect and ideas. To this end, the following points will be explored in this consideration: First, I would like to outline Seongcheol's days as Kimryongsa Temple(1965-1966). Second, we would like to explore the outline and character of the Undalsan public lecture, which was conducted twice at Kimryongsa Temple. Third, we would like to explore the background of Sung-chul's 10 years of seclusion before Kim Ryong-sa Temple and his public career as he moved into Kimryongsa Temple. Sung-chul wanted to shed light on why he publicly emphasized his ideas from Kim Ryong-sa Temple. In other words, Seongcheol strongly expressed Buddhist innovation and Buddhist revival during the Kim Ryong-sa period, which is to be noted. Fourth, during the days of Kim Ryong-sa Temple in Seongcheol, there was a visit by members of the Association of University Student Buddhists (the Salvation Sect) to explore the history of this. Fifth, we noted the correlation between the law carried out at Kimryongsa Temple and the one at Haein Temple. Research on the Baekil public lecture has deepened, but little attention has been paid to the outline and content of the lecture carried out at Kimryongsa Temple. Therefore, the Undalsan public lecture raised the need for research. The content of this review will be an important subject in the track record, thought and reform of the season. In addition, it is expected that the contents raised in this study will be used as an important point of view in the history of Buddhist Jiseongsa, Jeonghwa Movement and Reform Movement in the 1960s.

불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현은 근대한국사회에서 한국불교의 ‘근대화’와 ‘정체성 확립’이라는 근대불교계의 과제와 연관된다. 불교개혁운동의 배경은 歷史的, 思想的, 宗敎的 측면의 세 가지 측면으로 나타난다. 첫째, 역사적 배경으로써 근대불교계는 일본의 한반도 정책과 긴밀한 관계를 지니고 있었다. 둘째, 사상적 측면에서는 開化思想, 社會進化論, 反宗敎運動의 영향이었다. 셋째, 불교개혁운동의 종교적 배경은 1887년 韓佛修好通商條約으로 인한 信敎의 자유였다. 불교개혁운동은 3･1운동을 전후하여 차이를 나타낸다. 3･1운동 이전의 불교개혁운동이 紙上에 발표된 개혁론이었다면, 3･1운동 이후의 불교개혁운동은 신흥종단인 대각교와 원불교의 실천적 개혁운동이었다. 불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현은 다음과 같은 의의를 지닌다. 첫째, 불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현은 포교, 역경을 통한 불교의 대중화에 기여했다. 둘째, 불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현은 사원경제의 자립을 지향함으로써 승단의 혁신을 통한 개혁운동을 현실화시켰다. 셋째, 불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현은 민족종교로써의 불교의 정체성을 확립하고, 민중불교로 거듭났다. 그러나 불교개혁운동과 신흥종단의 출현이 日帝 치하라는 시대적 상황으로 인해 한계를 드러냈다. 첫째, 기존 불교계의 개혁론자들은 당시의 현실인식의 부족과 日帝의 사찰령 때문에 주체적인 개혁성과를 거두지 못했다. 둘째, 신흥종단인 대각교와 원불교는 抗日운동과 계급의식의 부족이라는 한계를 보였다.

The Buddhist Reform Movement and the Appearance of New religions is continuous with, "the modernization and identity-establishment", a challenge of the world of modern Buddhism. The background of Buddhist Reform Movement appears on the three aspects of history, thought and religion. First, for history the world of modern korean Buddhism had be closely connected with the policy of Japan's Korean Peninsula. Second, on thought it had been influenced by the Enlightenment Thought, the theory of social evolution and the Counter Reformation Movement. Third, the registry background was the Religious freedom on the Korea and France Amity Commercial Treaty of 1887. The Buddhist Reform Movement is the difference before and after the Samil Independence Movement (of Korea). The Buddhist reform Movement before the Samil Independence Movement was the Reform theories on hit the paper, whereas one after the Samil Independence Movement was the practicing Reform Movement by the Taegakkyo and the Won Buddhism of New Religions. The Buddhist Reform Movement and the Appearance of New Religions are the following meaning. Firstly, those have contributed to the popularization of Buddhism with mission and the translating Sūtras in Korean. Secondly, those are realized the Reform Movement through the revolution of Buddhist Monk's Organization's aiming at the Self Supporting Economy of Buddhist Temple. Thirdly, Those established the Buddhist Identification by regarding the Korean Buddhism as the religion of people and were born again with the Popular Buddhism. But They were limited by the current conditions under the rule of the Japanese imperialism. First, the Reformers of the existing Buddhist world didn't bear fruit of the subjective Reform because of lacking of the realistic understanding at that time and the Statue for korean Buddhist temples. Second, the Taekagkyo and the Won Buddhism of the New Religions had limit to that is called the lack of an anti-japanese movement and a class consciousness.

이 연구는 1930년부터 1934년 미국에서의 방송에 대한 정체성을 결정하는 태동기에 신문이 방송개혁운동을 어떻게 다루었는지를 내용분석과 담론분석을 이용한 프레이밍 분석을 통해 분석하였다. 이 연구의 목적은 크게 두 가지로 첫째, 신문이 방송개혁운동을 1930년대 방송제도화의 출발시기이자 격동기에 어떻게 다루었는지를 양적, 질적 방법을 통해 분석하였다. 둘째, 이를 통해 신문과 라디오방송의 관계 변화가 방송개혁운동을 다루는데 어떤 변화와 영향을 주었는가를 알아보았다. 연구결과 가장 뚜렷한 특징은 방송개혁운동에 대한 양적 취재가 매우 제한적이어서 이러한 움직임에 대한 공론의 장을 충분히 제공하지 못했다는 점이다. 또한 질적으로 보았을 때도 방송개혁운동에 대한 신문의 주된 프레임은 부정적인 것이 많았다. 그리고 라디오가 신문의 경쟁매체가 될 것이라는 인식이 점차 신문과 방송의 공생과 전략적 제휴로 변화되었던 것도 공익적 방송제도의 논의에 간접적인 영향을 준 것으로 보인다. 또한 이러한 종합적인 요인들과 함께 정치경제학적 관점에서 볼 때 기존 미디어산업과 관련자들이 추구하고자 했던 현상유지를 위한 가치와 경향이 미래 미국방송의 소유와 운영 방식을 포함하여 상업방송 이외의 다양한 방송구조에 대한 논의를 촉구하고자 했던 방송개혁운동을 위한 담론 확산에 긍정적인 영향을 주지 못했던 것으로 보인다.

The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, this study investigates how the press covered the broadcasting reform movement during the early 1930s. Specifically, the study, using key word searches of broadcast reform groups, investigated the New York Times from 1930 to 1934 when commercial broadcasting was formally set up. In doing so, this study aimed to investigate how many number of articles covered the broadcast reform movements and its related figures and events, and which frames were generally used. Second, it examines how the relationship between the press and radio affected the broadcast reform movement. This study found that the newspaper coverage of the broadcast reform debate was neglected. The press covered the broadcast reform movement very rarely, which also means the broadcast reform movement drew very little attention from the press even if several groups and intelligentsia tried to seek public support. More seriously, among very scant amount of coverage about the broadcast reform movement, the media did not frame the issue more in-depth by marginalizing important public interest discourse. Consequently, the lack of press coverage for the broadcast reform movement and unsophisticated media frames stemmed from the press-radio relationship in that era contributed to the prevention of sufficient public debate about the broadcast reform movement. Hence it might well have established the current system of advertising-supported and profit-driven media commercialization of radio broadcasting. The lack of coverage also maintained the status quo of the radio industry being inherently neutral and wholesome for the American public. Also, viewed from the press coverage of the broadcast reform movement during the early 1930s, the recognition of the press that radio became their strong competitor had not played any positive role in generating support for the broadcast reform movement.

본 연구는 충청남도 논산 지역을 중심으로, 동학이라는 사상이 지역 사 회 내에서 어떻게 계승되어 나타났는지를 고찰한 것이다. 이를 위해 1894 년 동학농민혁명과 1904년 갑진개화혁신운동을 주요 사례로 설정하고, 두 사건을 통해 확인되는 지역 민중의 집단적 실천과 그 계승 양상을 분석 하고자 하였다. 동학농민혁명기 논산에서는 은진·노성·연산 지역에서 접주와 동학군의 활동이 있었으며, 무기 제작과 전투 참여 등 조직적 참여가 이루어졌다. 이후 1904년 갑진개화운동에서 논산 진보회는 토지제도 개혁을 요구하며 대규모 집회를 조직하는 등, 동학적 실천이 재구성된 형태의 민족운동을 보여주었다. 본 연구는 이와 같은 흐름이 인물의 반복 참여에 기인한 것이 아니라, 동학이라는 사상이 지역사회 속에서 변용·재구성되며 민족운동으로 실현 된 결과로 이해될 수 있음을 제시하였다. 이를 통해 논산 지역 동학 실천의 역사적 연속성을 제시하고, 동학과 천 도교, 근대 민족운동을 연결하는 지역사적 연구의 기반을 제공하는 데 그 의의를 둔다.

This study examines how the ideology of Donghak and its practical implementation were inherited and reappeared in the local context of Nonsan, Chungcheongnam-do. To this end, the study focuses on the Donghak Peasant Revolution in 1894 and the Gapjin Reform Movement in 1904 as major cases, analyzing the collective actions of local people and the patterns of their continuities. During the Donghak Peasant Revolution, local leaders and peasant forces were active in regions such as Eunjin, Noseong, and Yeonsan, engaging in armed resistance and organizing practical activities including the production of weapons. In 1904, the Jinbohoe-led Gapjin Reform Movement in Nonsan demanded land reform and mobilized large-scale assemblies, representing a reconstructed form of Donghak-based collective action. This study suggests that such developments were not the result of repeated participation by the same individuals, but rather the reconfiguration and reappearance of Donghak thought and practice in response to changes within local society. Through this analysis, the study highlights the historical continuity of Donghak praxis in the Nonsan region and contributes to establishing a foundation for regional historical research that connects Donghak, Cheondogyo, and Korea’s modern nationalist movements.

이 연구는 시민 스스로 자발적인 의식개혁 운동으로 정착시킬 수 있는 지방정부의 주민자치의식 개혁운동에 관한 비교연구를 시도하고자 한다. 이에 따라 지역사회개발운동으로서 세계의 주목을 받고 있는 새마을 운동과 지방정부의 주민자치의식 개혁을 위한 삶의 춤 운동을 선택하여 비교하였다. 그리고 시민의식의 개혁에서 성공한 모델인 새마을 운동으로부터 삶의 춤 운동을 성공적으로 이끌어갈 정책적 시사점을 모색하고자 한다. 결론적으로 이 연구는 주민자치의식 개혁운동의 선진화 방안으로는, 첫째, 기초질서․준법의식을 고취하고, 둘째, 네트워크 관리로 운영방식의 개선하고, 셋째, 녹색생활을 통한 선진시민의식 구현하며, 마지막으로 NGO를 통한 삶의 춤 운동의 확산을 제시하고 있다.

Recently some local governments are developing their own citizenship reform programs. There exist pros and cons about the effectiveness of their activities. The purpose of this study is to find the alternatives to improve the effectiveness of citizenship reform programs in local governments. For this end, the study utilizes a comparative approach and develops an analytical framework & criteria. Following the criteria, the study compares tow case of Samaul Movement of President Park's Government and Life-Dancing Movement of Gyeongsan City. Based on this comparison, the study proposes some policy alternative for the improvement of citizenship reform programs in local governments.

Carolingian monasticism has been the subject of much excellent scholarship in recent years especially of German origin, just like D. Geuenich, J. Semmler and J. Wollasch. This paper concerns the Rule of Benedict which had long been dominated in the Frankish kingdoms, from the 630s onwards it had often been combined with Columban's monastic rule, but gradually, was to gain supremacy within the Carolingian realm. Benedict of Aniane, the 'second Benedict', increasingly came to the foreground in the efforts to bind all monks and nuns to the Rule of Benedict and in so doing he became the mentor of young King Louis the Pious. When Louis became emperor in 814, Benedict was soon at his side as religious adviser, as an 'imperial abbot', who tried to root out older monastic traditions in the Carolingian realm, acting strictly and rigidly against communities that had lapsed into canonical life. The reform of older monastic life in the regulae mixtae not only to one rule, regula Benedicti, but also to a unified custom, una consuetudo, was called "Aniane Reform" in general. There is, however, no apparent explanation for meaning of 'Aniane', whether it means the region in Septimania or the person Benedict. So, first this paper tries to find out the meaning of "Aniane". Then we investigate the monastic community movement concerning with the reform movement of Benedict of Aniane.

Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia’s first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

본 연구는 기원전 8-7세기에 있었던 신명기 개혁운동에서 나타난 사회 개혁의 한 부분으로 약자보호, 특별히 나그네 보호에 대하여 살펴본다. 필자는 그 원인 중의 하나로 농촌의 소자유 농민들의 이농현상에 주목한다. 이런 배경에서 신명기 개혁운동에서는 다양한 인도주의적 및 법적 보호를 주장한다.

Prohibiting Oppression of the Disadvantaged and the Aliens in Society by the Deuteronomic Reform-Movement Dong-Gu Han, Th.D. Professor, Department of Theology Pyeontaek University The present article studies the social reform, a part of the deuteronomic reform-movement which was taken place in the 8th-7th centuries BCE and was particularly concerned with the oppression of the socially disadvantaged and the aliens. The economic growth of the 8th century had brought about enormous changes in the Israelite society, the very cause of widened gap between the rich and the poor. The majority of the Judaean cities expanded around the time of late 8th century, which had resulted in the three times larger residential area of Jerusalem by the time of 7th century. The massive immigration of the refugees from the northern kingdom was the main cause of the expansion, alongside that of the farmers from the rural regions. Israel as a state charged its people tax and corvee, to which tributes to Assyria were added. The prolonged state of war left the farmland deserted with the reduced agricultural products. Because of the economic hardship, the rural farmers fell into debt to the rich, who took advantage of the situation to increase their wealth. Since Hezekiah the aliens/the sojourners had been a serious social problem. The theological justification to support them was definitely associated with this historical context. The present article seeks to find the exact reasons of the appearance of the aliens, particularly the historical causes of it in the 8th-7th centuries BCE. The concern for the aliens and the socially weak in Deuteronomy is examined in light of various legal ordinances. Among the ordinances are (1) the prohibition of excluding the aliens from the Sabbatical services(Deut 5:14), (2) the encouragement of various groups in society to attend the services(Deut 16:11, 14; 26: 11; cf. Deut 2:18), (3) the bringing of the tithes to help the poor(Deut 14:28-29; 26:12-13), (4) the concern for the socially disadvantaged attested in humanitarian ordinances(Deut 24:6-25:18).

본 연구는 신명기 개혁운동에서의 군사개혁을 살펴보고자 한다. 이를 위해 이스라엘의 군대를 역사적으로 짧게 개관하였으며, 이어 히스기야 왕과 요시야 왕 시대의 역사적 상황을 살펴보았다. 이러한 역사적 상황의 빛에 군대의 구조를 살펴보고, 나아가 신명기 왕의 법에 언급된 군사적 금령(신 17; 16a)의 의미를 살펴본다.

This study aims to examine the military reform in the time of Deuteronomistic movement, when it was needed in preparation for the anti- Assyrian influence. It was Josiah particularly reinforced the militarily capability in the hope of freeing from it. On the other hand, Deut 17:16a narrates that "The king, moreover, must not acquire great numbers of horses for himself...", insinuating negative intention against the reinforcement of military power. The present study investigates the difference between the two opposing ideas and, historically, the structure of the military in the time of Josiah. Here is the outline of the Israelite military briefly introduced. Largely the infantry constituted the military along with some professional units and armed chariots units of commanders. The historical context and military reform in the time of Hezekiah and Josiah is also examined. Hezekiah's was nation-wide due to the anti-Assyrian and independent movement, improving military defence and weaponry system. The main forces was composed of by the infantry recruited from all over the nation, and the guard troops by horses and chariots. Josiah had to rebuild the military, dismantled before, to free nation from the Assyrian authority. The shortage of the nation's resources only made it possible to recruit national infantry mainly with the common people. Probably the prominence of 'am-haarets' in the Josiah's years' political stage must have shaped the military structure as well. Since he was politically dependent to 'am-haarets', not to the military power of the elite, Josiah was not able to do away with them. Therefore it is clear what the prohibitory decree against the military reinforcement in Deut 17:16a meant to say. It prohibits inequality in the military and political realm, which could be caused by the progressional elites.

이 글에서는 미국의 종합적 학교혁신(CSR) 동향을 검토하였다. (1)미국의 학교혁신은 학교교육체제의 일부분이 아니라 교육과정과 수업, 평가에서부터 학교 조직과 운영, 문화, 교사의 전문성 개발, 자원의 배분, 관련 주체와의 관계에 이르기까지 학교교육체제 전반에 걸쳐 변화를 유도하려는 종합적이고 총체적인 접근을 시도하고 있다. 학교교육의 특정 측면과 특정 학생집단을 겨냥한 다수의 파편화된 교육프로그램이 아니라 학교교육체제 각 영역의 개혁을 유기적으로 연계․조정하려는 접근이다. (2)학교혁신은 그 궁극적인 목표를 모든 학생들의 학업성취도 향상에 두고 있다. (3) 학교혁신의 핵심 전략 중 하나로 학교 혁신을 통해 도달해야 할 측정 가능한 목표와 이 목표에 도달했는지를 평가할 수 있는 기준(benchmarks)을 개발하고 있다. (4)학교혁신에 대한 교직원의 지지를 중시한다. (5)학교혁신 전략을 수립할 때 과학적 연구 결과에 기초하도록 유도하고 있다. (6)단위 학교의 혁신에 외부의 기술 지원이 큰 비중을 차지하고 있다. (7)학교혁신 활동의 기획, 추진, 평가의 모든 단계에 학부모와 지역사회를 참여시키려고 적극적으로 시도하고 있다. (8)학교혁신 과정에는 다양한 방식의 지속적인 교직원의 전문성 개발과 연수 기회를 포함시키고 있다.

This Study examined the recent movement of Comprehensive School Reform(CSR) in the United States, focusing on its policy background, its characteristics and elements, a case, and the outcome of its implementation. CSR is an approach to school improvement which attempts to reorganize and align entire aspects of school work -- from curriculum and assessment, classroom management, professional development, parental involvement and school management -- and to raise the quality of education for entire student population in a more systemic and coherent way. It is differentiated from past school improvement efforts which were made in a rather piecemeal, specialized and uncoordinated manner, focusing on a specific target student population with a variety of separate programs. CSR's ultimate goal is to improve students' academic achievement. Therefore, all CSR programs are required to indicate measurable goals for student academic achievement and develop banchmarks for assessing the achievement of those goals. CSR lays emphasis on the support of teachers, principals, administrators and other staff throughout the school. CSR induces the meaningful involvement of parents and the local community at all stages of school reform processes from planning and implementation to evaluation of school improvement activities. CSR encourages each CSR school to utilize high-quality external technical support and assistance from an entity that has experience and expertise in schoolwide reform. CSR programs provide high-quality and continuous professional development and training for teachers and other staff.

지난 30여년이 넘는 기간 동안 미국사회의 첨예한 논쟁거리가 되고 있는 이른바‘불법행위법개혁’ 운동(Tort Reform Movement)은 1970년대부터 본격적으로 전개되었고, 실제로 ‘Tort Reform’이라는 용어가 사용된 것은 이러한 움직임이 조직화되기 시작한 1980년대부터이다. 1980년대를 시작으로 하여 미국의 대형 제조업체들과 유통업계, 의료업계, 그리고 보험업계의 연합세력은 막강한 로비력을 바탕으로 미국 사회에소위 ‘개혁’의 필요성을 설파하였으며, 공화당의 전폭적인 지원에 힘입어 전국적으로다양한 입법적, 사법적 성과를 끌어낸다. 동시에, 이러한 일련의 움직임은 불법행위피해자들과 일반 소비자들, 그리고 사회, 경제적 취약계층의 배상받을 권리를 제한하고, 효율성과 공정성의 허울아래 기업들이나 가진 자들의 비도덕적이거나 불법적인불법행위에 배상책임 소송을 통해 사회적 처벌을 가한다는 불법행위법의 존재당위성을 무분별하게 무너뜨리고 있다는 비판에 맞닥뜨린다. 미국의 불법행위법개혁운동이 실제로 존재하던 커먼로 불법행위시스템의 문제점을제거하거나 희석시키기 위해 출발한 것이든지, 혹은 이윤을 극대화하려는 자본주의 가치의 정치적 추구였든 지간에 이 운동은 지난 30년간 줄기차게 전개되어왔고 앞으로도쉼 없이 진행될 것이다. 지난 30년간의 다양한 ‘개혁’조치들은 원고의 잠재적 배상금액을 줄이고, 소송을 까다롭게 함으로써 성공보수제로 사건을 수임하는 원고 변호사의경제적 인센티브를 줄임으로써 일견 현실적 성공을 거두고 있는 것으로 보인다. 본고에서는 지난 삼십년간 미국사회의 뜨거운 논쟁거리가 되어온 Tort Reform Movement의 소개와 분석을 시도한다. 기존 한국의 학계나 언론에서는 Trot Reform Movement에 대한 비판적 분석이나 정책목표의 당위성에 대한 비판적 고찰 없이 그 전개 과정과 성과만을 다루어온 경향이 없지 않은 바, 본고에서는 Tort Reform Movement 에 대한 비판적 분석 또한 다룸으로써 빛과 그림자를 동시에 조망하고자 한다. 머리말에 이은 Part II에서는 미국 불법행위법 시스템의 개관 및 비용발생 현황, 그리고 미국 불법행위법이 추구하는 정책 목적들을 살펴본다. Part III에서는 불법행위법 개혁운동의 연혁과 주요 타깃들을 분석한다. Part IV에서는 불법행위법 개혁운동의 어두운 측면을 사회적 약자의 입장에서 살펴보고 논리적 약점을 지적하며, 결론인Part V에서는 일련의 개혁조치들이 실제 소송건수 증감에 끼친 영향과 우리에 대한시사점을 살펴본다. 우리나라도 제조물책임법의 도입과 집단소송제의 도입 이후 미국식 濫訴가 만연할 것이며 우리의 전반적인 불법행위법 시스템이 미국처럼 ‘위기’를불러일으킬지도 모르므로 차제에 미리 대비하여야한다는 목소리가 나오고 있다. 이에 미국 불법행위법개혁운동의 빛과 그림자를 함께 살펴봄으로써 이러한 개혁이 법적 도덕적 논리적으로 타당하고 민주적이며, 소외계층을 함께 아우르는 여유가 있는개혁임을 확실하게 하여야할 것이며, 이러한 맥락에서 향후 미국 불법행위법 개혁운동의 추가적 전개 양상에도 후속 연구가 계속 뒤따라야 할 것이다.

For over thirty years, repeat players on the defense side of tort litigation have undertaken to “reform” tort doctrine in their favor in the U.S.A. The term “tort reform” was first used in the 1980’s to describe such moves. Staring from the 1980’s,the Republican Party, big businesses and the defence bar combined their resources to implement their agenda to reform the system, and this effort still continues today, and will carry into the future. Today all fifty states and the federal government have enacted some of such reform measures, as urged by the proponents of this movement. Of course, there were numerous reasons, political and otherwise, for this massive reform. This article attempts to review and analyze this movement. This article not only reviews the history and the fruits of this movement, but also the measures’disparate impact on certain groups of people. It also tries to have a critical view upon the movement’s methods in achieving its goals. Following the introduction that discusses the general background of tort law,Part II reviews the tort system in general, the current state and the social costs associated with it. Part III then discusses the history and the dimensions of the movement, as well as its agenda and target areas. Here, this paper will discuss the ‘changes’ adopted by various American States. In Part VI, I will point out the disparate impact of the movement and its accomplished measures upon certain groups of people, with a focus on the impact on women. Part VI will also discuss the political nature of the movement and criticizes it. This part will also talk about the statistical data used by the reformists. Part V concludes this paper by looking at the real life effects of the measures and urging future studies to follow the movement. In all likelihood, this so-called ‘reform’ movement will not only continue but also will evolve to include more ways to achieve changes that generally favor defendants ― insurance companies, physicians, and businesses. The nature of this movement will shift to a more politicized context where money and rhetoric tend to supplant traditional rational analysis. In Korea, after the enactment of class action law and the product liability law,there have been concerns about whether Korea might also follow the American foot steps to have such ‘litigation crisis’ or ‘liability insurance crisis.’ Of course,Korea has a totally different legal culture and history, therefore, such worries would be deemed premature. However, it is still important to keep an eye on the trot reform movement in the U.S.A., because, as we have seen above, the movement may have been inspired by the so-called crisis, but the main driving force behind the movement has been the desire of big businesses to maximize their profit and to minimize the transactions costs.

Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia’s first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

The United States curriculum reform movement has recently started in each area of science education. The initiatives on curriculum reform stem from a notion that the low rate of science curricula offered in schools has been a serious problem. The schools in the United States are not only facing a lack of offerings within science curricula but also low enrollment in science courses, especially in physics, chemistry, and earth science. This trend resulted in low performances on international achievement tests including TIMSS and PISA. This paper introduces the efforts to solve existing problems through curriculum reform; including ChemCom, BioCom, EarthComm, and Active Physics. In this paper, a discussion is presented to show how the curricula can help address the status quo in science education. More specifically, this paper focuses on curriculum reform in high school earth science (EarthComm), providing a closer look at the scope and sequence of the reform movement. EarthComm was chosen because it was released based on the development of the National Science Education Standards (NRC, 1996). Consequently, EarthComm became a curriculum that espoused the visions of the Standards, which has been guiding the reform of the US curriculum. At the end of this paper, two research outcomes of the EarthComm curriculum implementation in schools are discussed in terms of student learning and differences from conventional curricula.

The comparative aspect of criminal justice system and criminology has gotten greater attention as the society becomes more globalized. Even the transactions between South Korea and Mexico have been increased dramatically and many Mexican people are visiting South Korea, the criminal justice systems and crime problems of Mexico is not appropriately introduced to the Korean academic society until now. This article tries to contribute to the comparative study of criminal justice and criminology in South Korea by introducing the criminal justice system and crime situations of Mexico. This article described, first, the current situation of violence in Mexican society, which is much worse than South Korea. Serious condition of violence is linked to drug cartels and failure of responses to those problems. Even though it was not greatly successful, the criminal justice system including police, prosecutor’s office, court and prison tried to control crime problems in Mexico through the reform movement during the past two decades. Also, this article examined the problems of Mexican criminal justice system and their reform efforts. Finally, this article proposed the future direction of Mexican criminal justice system and implications for the Korean criminal justice system from the comparative perspective.