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This article examines how developed American leisure and popular entertainment in the 19th century. Between the colonial period and after the early independent age, American minds controlled by the puritan lifestyle, and it revealed several laws known as the “blue law” and the “sunday closing law.” So, during this period American leisure and a popular culture were very limited sphere and people, but after the urbanization and the industrialization changed an understanding of the American people for leisure and entertainment in the 19th century. In this time, a theater became a center of leisure and entertainment. A theater made variety spectacles include a play to a middle class, working class and upper class too. But, these phases were changed between the mid and the late 19th century. A rapid urbanization, a wage increase and lower working hours made more time and income to the American people, and the middle class looked around their own sphere because they wanted to show off their success and identity for a new order. A regular theater was not satisfied with the middle class and they did not attend there and made a new entertainment like Buffalo Bill Cody’s “Wild West Show” or a play related in a family and a white middle class. Also, some middle class tried to make their own culture exchanged of the working class’ like a “prize fight.” Finally, a vaudeville accepted variety entertainment before to attract a family customer with family and developed one of the most favorite entertainment in the early 20th century.

19세기 말 미국제국주의 성립은 어떠한 역사성을 띠는가? 이에 대한 다양한 해석이 존재한다. 일부 학자들은 이를 미국의 역사적 전통과 국가이념에 맞지 않는 ‘우연적’이고 ‘돌출적’인 현상으로 이해한다. 이러한 견해는 미국의 전통적 문화와 외교정책의 이해라는 측면에 그 근거를 두고 있다. 따라서 이러한 현상을 일회적이고 非미국적 사실로 해석한다. 그러나 본고에서 필자는 그러한 가설을 비판적으로 검토한다. 오히려 필자는 미국 제국주의의 뿌리를 미국의 역사성과 사회구조에서 찾으려 시도한다. 그 근거로 건국 초기부터 나타나는 내적 팽창론(internal expansionism)에 주목하면서 그 구체적 증거로 대영제국을 대체하는 미국 제국(American Empire)의 이론적 근거, 지정학적 결정론, 대륙주의론, 미국적 세계중심론과 같은 19세기 중엽의 영토에 대한 미국적 이데올로기를 분석한다. 이러한 이데올로기가 19세기 말 미국의 국력이 팽창하면서 어떻게 자연스럽게 제국주의론에 부합되었나를 분석하였다. 결론적으로 필자는 미국의 제국주의화는 결코 ‘우연적’현상이 아니라 미국 역사의 ‘필연적’인 과정이었음을 주장한다.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the origins and emergence of U.S. imperialism at the end of the 19th century in terms of accidentality or inevitability. As far as the debate is concerned, while there are strong arguments advanced by the deviation from U.S. traditional diplomacy. The writer however tracs the origins of U.S. imperialism in terms of such internal ideologies as the early Continentalism of Gilpin, Centralism of Vevier and Geo-politcal determinism of Whitney. When the U.S. confronted with serious socio-economic depression by 1890's U.S. policy makers began their outward movement in searching for new market-presumably, china. With the outbreak of Sino-Japanese war, the U.S. policy makers began to realize unilateral action in asia. Consequently, the orgins of American imperialism are the combination of factors as domestic economic crisis and traditional ideologies-continentalism, centralism etc.

As Melville’s frustration grew deeper as a result of the reading public’s misunderstanding of his novels such as Moby-Dick and Pierre, his family urged him to travel around European countries and put a stop to his career as a writer. However, in the period of the mid-1850s, he went down the path of more professional artist. In order to satisfy the tastes of the reading public and to pursue his own truth-seeking mission, he made a decision to write short stories for the popular Putnam’s and Harper’s monthly magazine. For the purpose of analyzing Melville’s message in this period, I focused on the collection of short stories, the Piazza Tales, and especially on one story, “The Bell-Tower.” The first story, “The Piazza”, functions as an introduction, presaging the ensuing message of criticism of slavery and emphasizing the unreliable narrator’s viewpoint. Based on these directions, I analyzed “The Bell-Tower.” As an ideal type of intellectual, Bannadonna tries to realize the Renaissance humanism by constructing the bell clock tower, and in the process he is sacrificed by the mechanical utilitarian society symbolized by Talus’ attack of his brain. As seen in his death and the fall of the bell tower and the old capital, it is necessary to find a way out from the social contradiction of the 19th century U.S.

In the 19th century America, Ralph Waldo Emerson and Walt Whitman were the pioneers of cultural independence of America from Europe. It was Emerson that started to discuss the necessity of cultural independence, critical acceptance of European culture, and construction of the American culture. In specific perspective, Whitman continued to manifest cultural independence of America embarked by Emerson. This essay examines Emersonian prose writings and Whitman's Leaves of Grass in terms of their efforts to create cultural independence. Reading their works, however, I will not employ the post-colonial discourses which have been developed since the late 20th century, because they do not contribute to investigating their works composed free from racial and ethnical sentiments. A number of Emersonian essays are directed toward criticism of British society: newspaper, university, aristocracy, parliament, and so on. By doing so, he seeks to make differences between America and England. Out of envy, nevertheless, he looks at the hegemony over the world which England enjoyed at the time. Whitman's Leaves of Grass is full of admiration of America. In his eyes, whatever exists in America looks idealistic and wonderful because they are the very expression of democratic ideas that they invented by themselves; thus, he admires not only American democracy, but also its advocate and defender, President Lincoln. His primary aim of Leaves of Grass consists in creating an American version of epic which is quite different from the traditional style of western epic.

이 연구의 목적은 초기 재미한인에 많은 영향을 미치 기독교에 대한 인식을 고찰 하여, 당시 정치·경제적 어려움으로 간도나 연해주가 아닌 미국이라는 새로운 이 주지를 선택하게 되었는지를 분석하는데 있다. 이러한 목적을 달성하기 위해 본 연구는 당시 조선 사회가 기독교를 어떻게 생각 하고 인식하였는지를 밝히기 위해 호의적 기독교인식(황준헌의 『조선책략』등)과 부정적 기독교인식(신재효 <괫심한 서양되놈> 등), 그리고 복합적인식( 『한성순보』) 를 고찰하였다. 분석결과 『한성순보』와 같은 복합적인 성향도 있었지만, 대부분 호의적 미국에 대한 인식은 기독교에 대한 호의적 인식으로 나타났고, 미국에 대한 부정적 인식은 기독교에 대한 부정적 인식으로 나타났다. 결과적으로 서양(미국)의 문화와 종교에 대한 부정적인 인식과 정부 주도의 이 민이었지만, 초기 한인 이주는 기독교 선교사의 노력과 함께 스스로 하와이에 대 한 지식 또는 생각, 그리고 당시의 호의적인 기독교에 대한 인식에 근거한 자발적 동의가 전제된 이주이다.

The purpose of this study is to examine the perception of Christianity, which had a great influence on the early Korean people, and to analyze whether political and economic difficulties at the time led to the choice of a new place called the United States rather than Gando or Primorsky Krai. To achieve this goal, this study examined favorable Christian perception (such as Hwang Joon-heon’s 『Joseon Strategy』), negative Christian perception (Shin Jae-hyo <Strange Western Duneom>, etc.) and complex perception ( 『HanseongSunbo』) to reveal how Joseon society thought and perceived Christianity at the time. As a result of the analysis, there were also complex tendencies such as 『HanseongSunbo』, but most of the favorable perceptions of the United States were favorable perceptions of Christianity, and negative perceptions of the United States were negative perceptions of Christianity. As a result, it was negative perception of Western culture and religion and government-led immigration, but early Korean migration was based on voluntary consent based on knowledge or ideas about Hawaii and the perception of favorable Christianity at the time, along with the efforts of Christian missionaries.

북미국은 사유재산권 보호 이념이 강고한 나라임에도 불구하고 사적 이익을 위 한 공용수용의 증가와 이를 뒷받침하기 위한 공익 개념의 확장으로 많은 사회적 갈등을 낳고 있다. 본 연구는 이러한 갈등의 기원을 독립혁명기와 건국 초기 재 산권 사상과 공용수용 선례에서 맹아적 형태로 존재하고 있음을 추적한다. 제퍼 슨, 애덤스, 매디슨 등 미국 건국자들은 로크의 영향을 받아 사유재산권 사상을 근본이념으로 하는 자유주의 사상에 기반하고 있었지만 사회적 약자를 보호하기 위한 노력도 전개하였다. 그러나 국가발전 과정에서 산업화와 공공시설의 필요성 때문에 공용수용이 증가하면서 사유재산권 보호이념과 충돌을 낳았다. 특히 제분 소법 시대와 초과수용 문제는 오늘날 도시개발에서 쟁점이 되고 있는 사적 이익 을 위한 공용수용의 맹아적 형태를 보여준다. 주권으로서 공용수용권 사고와 삼 권분립차원에서 사법부의 입법부 존중주의 원칙을 일찍부터 정립하였으나 역사적 전개과정은 사적 이익을 위한 공용수용권 행사로 변질되고 있다는 것을 보여준 다. 이러한 변화는 사법적 권력을 바탕으로 하는 자본에 의한 공간지배 강화의 구체적인 과정이라고 해석할 수 있다.

Today the US give rise to many social problems because of increase of eminent domain for private benefits and expansion of public use concept in spite of strong ideology about protection of private property. This study traces origin of this conflicts back to what was as a embryo in the private property thoughts and cases of eminent domain in the early years of US foundation and Independent Revolution. The founders of the US including Jefferson, Adams and Madison based on Locke’s thoughts established liberal thoughts that treat private property thoughts as fundamental ideology, and they also proceeded efforts to protect interests of the social disadvantages. But increase of eminent domain according to industrialization and utilities necessity in the national development process conflicts with the private property thoughts. Especially, era of Mill Acts and issues of excess condemnation show the embryo forms of public-private takings which are core issues in today urban regeneration. The US government early established eminent domain system as a sovereignty and judicial deference approach with the separation of powers, but historical development proves that eminent domain systems turn into public-private takings. This paper interpret these changes as specific processes deepening spatial domination by capital based on judicial powers.

본 논문은 미국 문학과 관련하여 최근 가장 활발한 학문적 논쟁의 대상이 되고 있는 19세기 문학 정전의 형성에 대한 문제를 연구하였다. 정전에 대한 전통주의 진영의 입장과 새롭게 떠오르는 수 정주의 진영의 입장이 이론적으로 서로 첨예하게 대립하고 있는 가운데 본 논문에서는 19세기 미국 문학을 대표하는 나다니엘 호손(Nathaniel Hawthorne), 허만 멜빌(Herman Melville), 에드거 알란 포우(Edgar Allan Poe), 케잇 쇼팽(Kate Chopin) 등과 같은 작가들의 작품이 어떠한 가치평가의 과정을 거쳐 정전의 지위에 오르게 되었는지를 수정주의적 관점에서 재조명하였다.

In recent decades, few topics have been as a great a subject of debate as the nature and construction of the canon. The traditional belief is that the canon is made up of works that are ‘great,’ ‘valuable,’ ‘universal,’ and ‘timeless.’ Recent revisionist critics are now arguing that a literary work is not an autonomous object which possesses an intrinsic aesthetic value, but rather a product of diverse economic, political, ideological, and institutional forces. In this paper, I intend to examine the literary reputation of Nathaniel Hawthorne, Herman Melville, Edgar Allan Poe, and Kate Chopin, using the emerging revisionist insights into the process of canon formation. This study will demonstrate various contingencies involved in the aesthetic judgment and the significant influence of institutional practices in the formation of the classical American canon.

본 글은 19세기 미국에서 나병이 인식된 과정을 통해 나병의 역사와 미국의 인종 관계를 살펴보는 연구이다. 나병의 스티그마가 백인 유럽인에서 비백인 이민자로 옮겨 간 역사는 스칸디나비아 출신, 특히 노르웨이 이민자가 미국 사회의 일원으로 동화된 과정과 평행선을 이루었다. 당시 미국 사회에서는 북유럽의 백인이라도 앵글로 색슨과 동일한 지위를 쉽게 얻을 수 없었으며, 질병을 옮기는 외부인으로서 정부의 통제와 감시의 대상이 되었다. 그러나 스칸디나비아 출신 이민자가 미국 사회의 일원으로 동화되고, 다른 이민자 집단의 나병이 부각되면서 나병의 스티그마는 점차 비백인 타자로 옮겨갔다. 물론 이 연구를 통해 노르웨이를 비롯한 스칸디나비아 이민자의 고통을 확대 해석하거나, 이들의 배척의 역사가 여타 비백인 이민자나 소수 집단이 겪은 고난에 비견될 수 있다고 주장하려는 것은 아니다. 본 글에서는 19세기 중후반 미국 사회에서 나병에 대한 인식이 어떻게 발전했으며, 노르웨이 이민자와 나병이 어떤 식으로 논의되었는지, 그리고 나병의 통제가 어떻게 미국의 인종 관계를 반영하고 공중보건 법규와 정책 수행에 영향을 미쳤는지를 살펴보고자 한다. 또한 19세기 중반 미국에 도착한 노르웨이 이민자에 초점을 맞춰 이민사의 범위를 확장하는 한편, 당시 미국 사회의 이민자에 대한 이해와 이민자의 동화 과정을 재고하는 기회로 삼는다.

This study discusses the history of leprosy and American race relations by examining the ways in which leprosy of Scandinavian immigrants, Norwegians in particular, was recognized and understood in the nineteenth-century United States. It argues that the process by which Norwegian immigrants came to shed the stigma of leprosy went hand in hand with their eventual assimilation and acquisition of American identity and the alleged rise of leprosy cases among other immigrant groups. Of course, this study has no intention of exaggerating the pain and suffering of Norwegian immigrants as they encountered leprosy and its stigma or arguing that the history of exclusion against them was comparable to the reality of discrimination experienced by other non-white, non-European immigrants in the U.S. What this study attempts to do is to understand the changing American attitudes toward leprosy throughout the nineteenth century, investigate the discourse of leprosy among Scandinavian, in particular Norwegian immigrants, and examine the ways in which the disease reflected the American racial relations and influenced American immigration and public health policies. In addition, by focusing on Norwegian immigrants in the American Midwest, it expands the temporal and spatial scope of the U.S. immigration history and reexamines the process of assimilation for immigrants.

The account of the relationship between Shakespeare and the nineteenth- century American Dream in terms of the making of an American identity is designed to show a traditionally American belief that Shakespeare gave voice to republican values against British aristocracy, and to explore the ways in which Shakespeare has been assimilated to American culture from the nation’s inception to the present day. The discussion consists of two parts. The first part demonstrates in line of the nineteenth-century tradition that Henry V’s “Saint Crispin’s day” speech, with its lines “We few, we happy few, we band of brothers,” has been quoted in America in conjunction with the issues of the nation’s patriotic identity and pride. Henry V was included in the distribution of Armed Services Editions to US troops in 2002 when the country declared the War on Terrorism after the September 11 attacks. This is seen as an illustrative example of the traditional American use of the familiarity with Shakespeare to talk about the crisis. The second contends that Shakespeare provided the way for the formulation of a national identity by situating himself in a theatrical battleground for intense rivalry between American and British star actors and actresses in the early nineteenth-century, and then by facilitating the happy symbiosis between them in the late nineteenth-century. The paper stresses that the nineteenth-century establishment of Shakespeare’s cultural authority still have effect on the American life in spite of all the powerful voices of alternative Shakespeares at the present time.

연구는 ‘미국의 태평양 세기’가 논의되고 있는 상황에서 세계체계, 특히 세계-역사적(world-historical) 관점에서 세계적인 상업적 연계가 민족국가의 형성에 미친 영향에 주목하면서 ‘장기 19세기’에 태평양 연계가 미국 국가형성과정과 태평양 전략에 미친 효과들을 추적한다. 특히 중국과의 교역관계가 초기부터 미국의 태평양 정책에 중요한 영향을 미쳤을 뿐만 아니라 북미 태평양 연안지역이 미국의 영토로 통합되는 과정에도 중요한 요인으로 작용했다는 점을 강조할 것이다. 농업적 이해관심에 따른 서부팽창이 진행되기 이전부터 뉴잉글랜드 상업세력의 상업적 이해관심이 미국을 태평양 국가로 만들었다. 자유로운 정부와의 자유무역이라는 전망에서 개방된 태평양을 지향하는 미국의 정책은 건국 초기로까지 소급되며 유럽 열강들의 제국주의적 접근과는 구별된다.

This study traces the effects of the Trans-Pacific link on the American state-formation process and the Pacific strategy in the ‘long 19th century’, noting the impact of global commercial links on the formation of nation-states particularly from a world-historical perspective. In particular, it will be emphasized that American trade relations with China have not only had an important influence on US Pacific policy from the outset, but have also played an important role in the process of the integration of the North American Pacific Coast into US territory. Even before the western expansion driven by agricultural interest progressed, the commercial interests of the New England commercial forces made the United States a Pacific nation. The US policy toward an free and open Pacific Ocean was based on the idea of free trade with a liberal republic which can be traced to the early days of American Independence. American approach to the Pacific and China was distinct from the imperialist approach of the European powers.

이 논문은 한국 고등학교 세계사 교과서에서 19세기 미국사를 서술하는 방식을 비판적으로 분석한다. 특히 2009/2011년 및 2015년 개정 교육과정에 따른 교과서들이 미국사를 주로 유럽 중심의 시각에서 서술하면서, 미국사의 지역적 특수성과 19세기의 시대적 보편성을 충분히 반영하지 못한 문제점을 지적한다. 기존 교과서에서는 남북전쟁을 비롯한 19세기 미국사의 주요 사건들이 주로 자본주의의 성공 서사로 단순화되었다. 이 과정에서 미국사의 특수성인 노예제 문제뿐만 아니라, 당대 유럽과 미국에서 공통적으로 나타난 자유주의와 민족주의 등 보편적 흐름도 제대로 조명되지 못했다. 본 논문은 이러한 문제점을 극복하기 위해 아메리카 대륙, 대서양 세계, 그리고 지구적 차원에서 미국사를 다각적으로 재조명하는 대안적 접근 방식을 제안한다. 이러한 접근은 학생들이 미국사를 보다 입체적이고 맥락적으로 이해하게 하며, 나아가 세계사적 맥락 속에서 19세기 미국사의 의의를 깊이 있게 탐구할 수 있는 기회를 제공할 것이다.

This paper critically examines how 19th-century American history is portrayed in South Korean high school world history textbooks. Focusing on textbooks from the 2009/2011 and 2015 curriculum revisions, the study reveals that American history is often framed through a Eurocentric lens, failing to fully capture its regional distinctiveness and the broader global themes of the 19th century. Key events like the Civil War are frequently reduced to simplified narratives of capitalist success, neglecting the significance of slavery and its relationship to the prevailing currents of liberalism and nationalism shared by both Europe and America. To address these limitations, the paper proposes alternative approaches that situate American history within the broader contexts of the Americas, the Atlantic world, and global interactions. These perspectives aim to offer students a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of American history, enabling them to better appreciate the global significance of 19th-century developments.

This paper suggests a reinterpretation on Calvert's thesis of the conflict between "shop culture" and "school culture". Robert H. Thurston, who Calvert portraited as the proponent of school culture, was a man from shop culture and the shop culuture's old boy network was essential for Thurston's many achievements as an engineer and educater. This reinterpretation based on the narrowing the scope of the American mechanical engineers in the 19th century into those who shared and inherited the social recognition as the leading machinists from the social upper strata machinist such as the Stevens via machine tool makers of the mid century.

본 연구에서 저자는 세계체계 분석에서 빠진 하나의 고리로서 19세기 미국 주도아시아-태평양 세계의 부상을 주장한다. 그동안 세계체계 연구자들은 19세기를 유럽 국가들이 주도한 공간으로 묘사했고, 또 그중에서도 영국 중심의 글로벌 헤게모니가 위세를 떨치던 시기로 분석해왔다. 이와 달리 본 연구에서는 19세기 세계체계 내 새롭게 부상한 지역으로 아시아-태평양 세계를 상정하고, 이 지역이 떠오르게 된 원인을 찾는 데있어 19세기 미국이 보여준 아시아-태평양 세계로의 팽창을 지적했다. 장기적인 연구를진행하기 위한 첫 단계로서, 본 연구는 지난 세계체계 연구들에 대한 비판적 평가를 수행했다.

In this study, I argue that the rise of the 19th-century US-led Asia-Pacific world is a missing link in world-systems analysis. World-systems researchers have described the 19th century as a period dominated by European countries, or have analyzed it as a time when the global hegemony centered on the United Kingdom was at its peak. In contrast, this study posits the Asia-Pacific world as a newly emerging region within the 19th century worldsystem, and points to the expansion of the 19th century United States into the Asia-Pacific world as the cause of its rise. As a first step towards conducting long-term research, this study has carried out a critical evaluation of past studies on world-systems analysis.

본 논문은 19세기 미국 동부 뉴욕주 오네이다에서 발원한 오네이다 공동체의 성장부터 몰락까지의 과정과 해당 공동체 내에서 작동했던 존 험프리 노이스의 ‘몸의 정치’를 기술하고 분석하고자 한다. 노이스는 완전주의 신학체계를 통해 자 신의 발언에 신적 권위를 씌웠고, 성서 공산주의 철학을 통해 재물과 함께 남녀 관계, 특히 결혼 관계를 자발적으로 공유하는 유토피아 공동체를 건설했다. 이 과 정에서 그는 ‘남성 사정참기’라는 독특한 기술을 통해 공동체 구성원의 생활을 통 제하고, 특히 공동체 내에서 ‘새 아담’으로 존재하며 남성 신자와의 잠재적 갈등 가능성을 미연에 방지하는 몸의 정치를 구사했다. 본 논문은 이 역학 구조를 밝혀 어떻게 소규모 신종교 집단이 남성 종교 지도자를 중심으로 감시와 처벌의 기제로 몸의 정치라는 신학체계를 구성하는지 규명하고자 한다.

This paper aims to explore the growth and decline of the Oneida Community, which originated in Oneida, New York, in the 19th century, while analyzing the ‘politics of the body’ operated by John Humphrey Noyes within this community. Noyes conferred divine authority upon his pronouncements through a perfectionist theological framework and founded a utopian community that voluntarily shared property and interpersonal relationships, particularly marital relationships, based on the biblical communist philosophy. In this process, he wielded control over the lives of community members through the unique technique of male continence, positioning himself as the ‘New Adam’ to preemptively mitigate potential conflicts with male believers. This paper seeks to elucidate the dynamics of how small-scale new religious groups construct a theological system of politics of the body centered around male religious leaders through mechanisms of surveillance and punishment.

Spiritualism, an alternative religious movement, emerged during antebellum America in the late 1840s, leaving a profound imprint on the religious, cultural, and social landscape of the United States throughout the 19th century and persisting into the early 21st century. Rooted in the lineage of Mesmerism and animal magnetism originating in the late 18th century, Spiritualism synthesized spiritual experiences and metaphysical doctrines, notably influenced by the mystic Swedenborg, to forge a novel ritual and religious paradigm. Coinciding with a period marked by scientific advancement and innovation, including developments in electrical experiments, electrical telegraph, daguerreotype, and electromagnetism, Spiritualism uniquely blended elements of scientific imagination with its religious ethos, thus positioning itself within the milieu of Enlightenment thought. Spiritual mediums facilitated spiritual communication with spirits through ‘strange rappings’ during seances (circles), bridging between the earthly realm and the transcendental. Moreover, Spiritualism intersected with and contributed to various social reform movements prevalent in Jacksonian America, advocating for the rights of marginalized groups, notably women and slaves, who were often excluded from mainstream religious and societal discourse. Integral to Spiritualism's identity were its rituals of mourning and consolation, offering solace amidst intergenerational and regional conflicts, as well as the pain of death and separation. Recognizing Spiritualism as a social phenomenon intertwined with the broader context of social reform is essential for understanding its significance within the religious and social landscape of the United States.