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本稿的目的有二:第一, 以中國現當代學術史的視角梳理一九五八年以來余英時對陳寅恪晚年詩文的解釋以及有 關討論的社會意義. 第二, 以文學研究方法論的立場探討余英時對陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的學術意義. 本論第一部分主要討論余英時一九五八年文章<陳寅恪論再生緣書後>之學術與社會意義. 據余英時的分析, 我 們將《論再生緣》的宗旨可視為“針對當時社會沒有‘自由之思想’而提倡自由思想之意義”. 本論第二部分主要討論余英時一九八三年文章<陳寅恪的學術精神和晩年心境>之學術與社會意義. 據余英時的 分析, 我們將《柳如是別傳》的宗旨可視為“針對當時社會沒有‘獨立之精神’而提倡知識份子獨立精神之意義”. 本稿的結論有三:第一, 關於陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的討論其實與中華人民共和國的文化正統性問題有密切關係, 此便係這場討論的外部背景. 第二, 關於陳寅恪晚年詩文之解釋的討論其實與在中國大陸自由主義勢力的伸張有密切關係, 此便係這場討論的 內部背景. 第三, 《論再生緣》與《柳如是別傳》皆可視為以學術精神與社會批判相融合的具有特殊意義的學術著作.

「體育之硏究」를 통해 살펴본 모택동의 주장은 과거 중국의 전통에 얽매이지 않았으며, 매우 과감하고 참신하 게 체육이 왜 필요한지, 왜 당시의 지식인들이 운동을 하지 않는지는 촌철살인방식으로 정확한 지적을 하고 있는 저 술이다. 그리고 앞의 저술이 공허한 이론에만 머무르지 않도록 자신이 직접 창안한 ‘육단운동’을 소개하며, 실생활에 서 구체적인 실천방법까지 제시하고 있다. 「體育之硏究」속 모택동의 체육사상은 단순한 건강증진이 아닌, 5.4 신문화운동과 궤적을 같이하며 강건한 신체를 바탕으로 한 나라과 민족을 위한 구국사상과 연결되어 있다는 점이다. 이는 단순히 체육에 대한 생각이 아니라. 이를 기반으로 한 장래에 전 중국을 영도할 지도자 모택동의 대의적 구상과 연결되는 지점이라고 할 수 있다.

Mao Ze Dong's argument, which was examined through "Ti-Yuzhi Yan-Jiu," was not bound by Chinese traditions in the past, and it is a very bold and novel writing that points out exactly why physical education is necessary and why intellectuals of the time do not exercise. In addition, so that the first half's description does not stay only in empty theories, the second half introduces "Six-stage Gymnastics," which he created himself, and suggests specific action methods. Mao Ze Dong's idea of sports in "Ti-Yuzhi Yan-Jiu" is not just about promoting health, but is in line with the 5.4 New Culture Movement and is linked to the idea of saving the country for the nation and its people based on a strong body. I believe that 'Tiyuzh Yanjiu" initially stemmed from a simple sports enthusiast's ideology emphasizing Mao Zedong's physical training methods and their necessity. However, over time, the expression and practice of this argument became the foundation for the socialist political ideology of Mao Zedong, who united the people of China under socialism, founded the People's Republic of China, and led the entire country for nearly thirty years with his practical approach to physical training.

庾信的《哀江南賦》采用长篇赋体写成，作者在文中回顾了自己的人生历程，同时还结合当代王朝的兴亡，时而化身为一个史官，对这段历史和其间的人物进行了评价。因此与庾信的其他以抒情性为主的小赋作品相比，叙事性很突出。该作品在叙事方面有两条线索，一条是有关作者身世的自传，另一条是对梁朝灭亡的历史叙述。这种构思在序文中就已经有所体现。首先，在充满悲哀的叹息声中引出主题和创作动机，然后点明悲哀源于自身的境遇不济和梁朝之灭亡。这與文中要铺展开的自传與历史两个中心紧密相关。正文以江陵的陷落为分水岭可分为前半部和后半部，以自传叙述衔接历史叙述的方式构成。前半部的自传依次叙述了自己的家世背景，东晋时期迁移到江南后的前途光明的青年时期，后半部叙述了离开侯景掌控的建康到达江陵的过程及丧父的经历。把对家世的叙述置于文首的行文方式，纵然反映了当时士族重视家族远胜于社稷和王室的世界观，但也不排除是深受屈原《离骚》影响的结果。在对梁王朝兴亡的叙述上，从梁武帝的太平时期到侯景的叛乱导致建康陷落、武帝遭囚禁继而死去是前半部的内容。后半部则叙述了平定叛乱后，由于王室内讧而使江陵陷落，以致王位禅让與陈的过程。这种历史叙述并非局限于单纯地将事件按时间顺序进行排列，其间不乏寻找事件发生的原因、总结出责任所在，从而探求其历史意义的史论性内容。这意味着庾信持有史官意识，这一点通过《哀江南賦》将创作動機放在“记言”上，并把自己比喻成司马迁可以得到印证。可以说《哀江南賦》被赋予“赋史”这一美誉，也正是因为这一点。《哀江南賦》在创作时期上有入北后期说、初期说、中期说，但無论何种见解都尚未有确凿的理论依据。我们认为中期说可信度比较高，推测依据是已得到考证的北朝时期庾信的事迹和作品中出现的间接性线索，以及作品全文中所流露出的对人生和历史的深度省察的痕迹。當然关于这一推测还需日后进一步的考察。

지금까지 알려지고 자주 이용되는 유희 󰡔언문지󰡕의 필사본과 활자본들이 7종이 있는데, 이들 이본 사이에 자세한 비교 검토가 이 글에서 진행되었다. 크게 오류의 종류에 근거하여 두 부류의 이본들이 자세히 검토되었다. 한 부류는 유희 집안의 필사본(2건)․가람문고 필사본․이진환 추정 필사본이다. 다른 부류는 1938년 조선어학회 활자본과 이를 저본으로 한 김구경 간행본․일사문고 필사본이다. 이본들의 자세한 비교 검토 작업으로써 유희 친필 󰡔언문지󰡕에 좀더 가깝게 다가갈 수 있는 토대가 마련되었다.

There have been known, from around early 20th century on, at least, seven more versions of Un­Moon­Ji or ‘Korean Scripts’ written by Yu Hee(1773～1837), since it was produced in 1824 as a manuscript. It was originally inserted as an independent chapter in a large set of a big manuscript, entitled as Moon­Tong, which was unfortunately missing during the Korean war. In this paper, one version of manuscript, preserved by his offsprings, was thoroughly compared with other six variants so that a number of corrections could have been possibly obtained; such as a variant kept in Ka­ram Archive at Seoul National University, one in the Academy of Korean Studies, one published by the Chosun­O­Hak­Hoy, one by Kim Ku­kyong, one in Il­sa Archive at Seoul National University. Some version is now better suggested through the comparison of two types of variants classified by their error patterns.

庾信是南北朝時期具有總結意義的詩人, 近年來在他的詩賦方面的硏究已得到了相當的成果, 可是樂府方面的硏究比較罕見. 我看, 那是因爲擬樂府因循古題的題材, 內容上好像幾乎沒有作者本身的體驗或是發自內面的感情. 後半期庾信文學的特徵是從貴族的唯美文學轉向言志的詠懷文學. 這篇文章的目的就是闡明在他的樂府作品裏也有沒有這種詩風的轉變. 在題材上庾信的樂府可分爲三類, 就是行樂類⋅宮體類⋅邊塞類. 行樂類的樂府最含有南朝貴族的遊戱文學成份, 這類作品大槪是入北以後適應正在渴仰漢族文化的北方人的需要而寫的. 一部宮體類的作品分明是因審美目的而製作的, 可是<怨歌行>等一些作品裏確有寄托. 他用悲劇性的婦女形象來寄托了他內心的痛苦和怨望, 因此我們可以說庾信用擬樂府形式來寄托了寓意. 經過侯景的亂以後庾信在江陵寫了一篇邊塞風的樂府<燕歌行>, 脫離曹丕以來以思婦哀怨爲主的<燕歌行>的情調, 而顯示出了蒼茫的意境和悲凉蒼勁的氣槪, 可是這裏還含有南朝貴族文學的神仙色彩和脂粉氣味. 入北以後他脫離這種傾向, 本着親眼目睹的北方風物和北方人的尙武精神, 用多彩的典故來寫了形象豊富而風格雄渾的邊塞樂府. 因此我們可以贊賞他奠定了盛唐的邊塞詩的基础.

This study aims to trace expansion of two Seon school in the latter period of Koryo dynasty. Especially the writer tried to work into development in which up Koryo Seonjong(禪宗) during the period of Mongol Influence changed into a Seon oriented Buddhism. I have paid attention to the Imje(臨濟) school that has exercised influence upon the Koryo Seonjong sect such as Sooseonsa(修禪社) of Sagulsanmoon(闍崛山門), Gajisanmoon(迦智山門).After the domination of the Yu’an(元) Dynasty supported by sixteen Kuksa(National Preceptor 國師) such Sakulsanmoon(闍崛山門)’s masters Koryo Buddhism under ; Wongam Choongji(圓鑑冲止), Hyegam Manhang(惠鑑萬恒) and Gakgin Bokgoo(覺眞復丘).After the latter part of Koryo Dynasty Sooseonsa-seon continuned the main streams centered around different masters. they were Gajisanmoon(迦智山門)’s masters ; Bogak Iryeon(普覺一然)․Bogam Hongoo(寶鑑混丘), Even though they were related to Sooseonsa-seon, tried to spread tradition Seon. For instance, Seonwonsa(禪源社) temple was the second temple of Suseonsa(修禪社 or Songgwangsa temple). It was a important temple that was appointed the resident head preist of Suseonsa(修禪社) Temple. And It was recepted Mongsan Dukyi(蒙山德異)’s thought of seon that was forming Kan hua seon(看話禪) in the Korean Buddhism, who were Manhang(萬恒) and Seolbong Chonggam(雪峯冲鑑). Mongsan Dukyi(蒙山德異) and his disciples- Cheolsan Sogyung(鐵山紹瓊)’s thought of Seon(禪) exerted an influence in the development of the ideas of the three Masters. During the reign of King Kongmin in the latter period, they were three main master: Master Taego Bowoo(太古普愚), Master Naong Hyeguen(懶翁惠勤) and Master Baekwoon Kyeonghan(白雲景閑).Their thoughts emphasized Mooja hwadoo(wordless topic of meditation 無字話頭) and the acknowledgement of one’s master Inga(印可), dependent upon one’s realization of enlightenment, was also regarded as important.They were influenced of Seokok Cheonggong(石屋淸珙) and Pyeongsan Cheolim(平山處林) who were direct descendants of Seolam Joheum(雪庵祖歆) and Joongbong Myeongbon(中峰明本) who were direct descendants of Gobong Wonmyo(高峰原妙). They leaded to Buddhism in the latter period of Koryo Dynasty and the early Choseon Dynasty. Since three outstanding masters’s activities in the Koryo dynasty(麗末三師), Chanyeong(粲英) and Honsoo(混修) of Gajisanmoon(迦智山門) initiated in leading Buddhist circle. Hyekeun(慧勤) and his disciples reformed their buddhist doctrines suitable for new eras.

许多评论家关注余华文学所发表《活着》之後有些新风格的转折。这篇论文也对余华文学的转换要提供有理的解释。余华发表《许三观卖血记》以後没写出小说就写了三年多的散文。其中包括自身读外国文学的经验。我从余华写读书经验的散文中获得到他的文学和创作观念，也得到他怎麽从80年代先锋作家转变成如今又幽默又人道主义的作家的答案。他从外国文学中学会“一種虚伪的形式”和“真实”的重要性。他摈棄了就事论事的寫作态度，他主张那種态度只能导致表面的真实。他说：一種虚伪的形式即使背離现状世界提供的秩序和逻辑，可能让作家接近真实。但是，他并不是摈棄準確的现实感，他却更注重它。他所对卡夫卡的评價，即“用叙述之砖堆砌荒诞的大厦”，也是他自身的创作方法。他文学的最大特點是在準确、精细的现实描写的基楚下创造出異想天开的世界。余华就这種文学观念和创作方法来作为先锋派代表作家之一登上中国80年代文坛的。可他表现出的文学世界是血痕斑斑的暴力、亲属之间的敌对关系、隸属于冷酷命运的奴隸般的人生、被命运愚弄的悖论等殘酷世界。总之，余华是摈棄僵硬的现实主义文学并选择“虚伪的文学”来表达出在文革下过少年期的一代人的恐怖、懷疑、愤怒的內心。关於他转变过程和转变後文学，將下次繼续进行研究。

Theresa Hak Kyung Ch‘’s DICTEE has been silenced and invisible, especially to Korean readers, since its publication in 1982. Its inattention results partly from the fact that the writer Cha, a Korean American woman, died too early just after it was published. Besides DICTEE is too complicated and new for conventional readers as it questions the notions of representativeness of authentic identity and the established boundaries of existing genres. It ‘performs’ with fragmented tales, pictures, (un)official documents, maps and apparently irrelevant language exercises. It is undoubtedly amazing that there appears Yu Guan Soon as a main subject in the chapter of Clio-History in this post-modern work, considering it was first published in the United States of America for the sake of being read for American readers. Cha shows that Yu is a representative woman who strived and suffered under the adversity of Korean history. However, Yu, like other women figures in DICTEE, is forgotten or neglected in the chronicles of colonialist and patriarchal history, though her struggling was a self-sacrificial devotion to her country. Therefore, Cha tries to revive and restore Yu’s name, path and actions not for or in the conventional history but in her artistic work. In reconceiving Yu in DICTEE, Cha eternalizes and reconstructs the missing narrative of Yu Guan Soon with the Korean American women subjects.

손승휘의 한련화는 역사적 인물 ‘유관순’의 일대기를 다룬 역사소설이다. 이 소설은 독립운동가로서의 유관순이라는, 일반화된 표상을 바꿔보려 했다는 점에서 주목을 요한다. 영웅인물의 이데올로기를 강조하기보다는 흔들리는 주체성을 가진 주인공을 형상화한다. 이렇게 형상화된 인물은 역사적 인물로서 ‘유관순’이라는 표상을 지우고 ‘어려운 현실’을 극복하며 살아내는 ‘한 여성 인물’로 전이되어 폭넓은 공감대를 형성한다. 하지만 현대화된 독자들에게 ‘유관순’이라는 역사적 인물과 역사를 새로운 방식으로 전달하기 위해서는 섬세한 인물형상화 차원에서만 머무를 것이 아니라, 역사에 대한 총체적인 인식과 주제의식이 뒷받침되어야 할 것이다.

Son Seung-hwi's Hanryeonhwa(Nasturtium) is historical novel about Yu Gwan-sun's life story. This novel is noted about her generalized persona than independence activist. And this novel illustrated that a main character has jiggly identity than ideology of a heroic character. This symbolized character shows that overcame the 'harsh realities' than embodied independence activist Yu Gwan-sun. Accordingly, this novel forms broad sympathies. Therefore I think that this novel is especially worthy of notice. But, this novel does not convey description of delicate character for historical person and history, because does not show about overall recognition on the history and thematic consciousness.