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Theresa Hak Kyung Ch‘’s DICTEE has been silenced and invisible, especially to Korean readers, since its publication in 1982. Its inattention results partly from the fact that the writer Cha, a Korean American woman, died too early just after it was published. Besides DICTEE is too complicated and new for conventional readers as it questions the notions of representativeness of authentic identity and the established boundaries of existing genres. It ‘performs’ with fragmented tales, pictures, (un)official documents, maps and apparently irrelevant language exercises. It is undoubtedly amazing that there appears Yu Guan Soon as a main subject in the chapter of Clio-History in this post-modern work, considering it was first published in the United States of America for the sake of being read for American readers. Cha shows that Yu is a representative woman who strived and suffered under the adversity of Korean history. However, Yu, like other women figures in DICTEE, is forgotten or neglected in the chronicles of colonialist and patriarchal history, though her struggling was a self-sacrificial devotion to her country. Therefore, Cha tries to revive and restore Yu’s name, path and actions not for or in the conventional history but in her artistic work. In reconceiving Yu in DICTEE, Cha eternalizes and reconstructs the missing narrative of Yu Guan Soon with the Korean American women subjects.

1919년 4월 1일 천안시 병천면 아우내장터에서 만세시위를 주도한 유관순 열사(1902∼1920)의 신장(身長)을 놓고 논란이 일고 있다. 유열사 신장은 지금껏 서대문형무소 수형자기록표의 ‘5척(尺) 6촌(寸) 0분 (分)’ 표기에 따라 169.68㎝로 알려져 있다. 1척=30.3㎝(1척=10촌) 환산법으 로 계산한 것이다. 그런데 2012년 11월 충남대 충청문화연구소 및 독립기념관 주최로 열린 ‘천안지역 항일독립운동의 재조명’ 학술대회에서 유열사 신장에 대한 새로 운 주장이 제기됐다. 기록표 신장 수치 중 ‘6촌’을 ‘0촌’으로 읽어야 옳고, 그 밖에 유 열사의 얼굴 형태로 보건대 큰 키일 수 없다는 주장이다. 결국 ‘5척 0촌 0분’ 으로 유 열사 키는 169.68㎝가 아니라 151.5㎝라는 것이다. 그러나 ‘0촌’으로 봐야 할 명확한 근거는 없다. 기록표 속 ‘6’자는 기록자의 독특한 필치의 전형을 보여준다. 아라비아 숫자를 마무리하면서 특유의 ‘돼 지꼬리’를 올렸을 뿐이다. 만약 ‘0촌’으로 읽는다면 같은 사람이 쓴 바로 뒤 ‘0분’의 ‘0’자와 크기⋅모양이 비슷해야 하는데 전혀 다르다. 유열사 이화학당 친구로 알려진 남동순 여사의 “관순이는 나보다 작았어” 라는 증언도 신뢰할 수 없다. 남 여사는 출생지 및 행적과 관련돼 여러 부분에 서 엇갈리는 증언을 하고 있다. 연로한 탓으로 돌리기에는 너무 모순된 증언 이 많다. 유열사에 대한 안면 형태학적 추론도 이해하기 힘들다. 유 열사 형제들은 모두 키가 컸다. 세 살 위 오빠 유우석의 60세, 71세 사진과 남동생 유인석의 노년 때 사진을 보면 유 열사도 키가 작지 않았을 것으로 추측된다. 또 유열사와 같은 감방에서 1년간 있었던 어윤희 여사가 ‘몸이 장대한 유관순양’으로 표현한 걸 볼 때 당시 평 범한 여성보다 훨씬 큰 키였음을 알 수 있다. 끝으로 수형자기록표 지문번호는 일제강점기 초기부터 사용한 함부르크 식 10지 지문(十指 指紋)분류법에 따른 것임을 밝혔다. 현재도 경찰청에서 사용하는 이 분류법에 따르면 유 열사 지문은 열 손가락 중 여덟 손가락이 소용돌이 물결 모양의 와상문(渦狀紋)이다.

There is a big controversy over the height of Yu, Gwan-sun(1902-1920), the patriotic martyr, who led a protest in the Awoonae marketplace in Byeongcheon-myeon, Cheonan on April 1, 1919. So far, the height of Matyr Yu has been known as 169.68㎝ according to the notation of ‘’5 Cheuk (尺) 6 Chon (寸) 0 Boon ( 分)’ of the prisoner record of Seodaemun Prison. It was calculated in terms of the conversion table of 1 Cheuk = 30.3cm (1 Cheuk = 10 Chon) However, a new argument on the height of Matyr Yu was raised in the symposium of ‘Review the anti-Japanese independence movement in Cheonan area’ hosted by Chungcheong Cultural Institute of Chungnam National University and Independence Hall in November 2012. It is an argument stating that ‘6 Chon’ should be read as ‘0 Chon’ in the recorded height figures, and Matyr Yu must not be tall guessing from her face. Eventually, her height is ‘5 Cheuk 0 Chon 0 Boon’, in other words, 151.5cm, not 169.68 cm. However, there is no clear reason to see it as ‘0 Chon’. The ‘6’ in the record shows a typical letter style. It was only raised with a distinctive ‘pig tail’ as completing an Arabic figure. If it were ‘0 Chon,’ it should be similar to the size and shape of ‘0’ of ‘0 Boon’ right after it, but they are quite different. The testimony from Mrs. Nam, Dong-soon, who is known as Matyr Yu’s friend in Ewha School, “Gwan-sun was smaller than me” cannot be trusted. Mr. Nam is giving false testimonies regarding her birthplace and whereabouts. There is a big controversy over the height of Yu, Gwan-sun(1902-1920), the patriotic martyr, who led a protest in the Awoonae marketplace in Byeongcheon-myeon, Cheonan on April 1, 1919. So far, the height of Matyr Yu has been known as 169.68㎝ according to the notation of ‘’5 Cheuk (尺) 6 Chon (寸) 0 Boon (分)’ of the prisoner record of Seodaemun Prison. It was calculated in terms of the conversion table of 1 Cheuk = 30.3cm (1 Cheuk = 10 Chon) However, a new argument on the height of Matyr Yu was raised in the symposium of ‘Review the anti-Japanese independence movement in Cheonan area’ hosted by Chungcheong Cultural Institute of Chungnam National University and Independence Hall in November 2012. It is an argument stating that ‘6 Chon’ should be read as ‘0 Chon’ in the recorded height figures, and Matyr Yu must not be tall guessing from her face. Eventually, her height is ‘5 Cheuk 0 Chon 0 Boon’, in other words, 151.5cm, not 169.68 cm. However, there is no clear reason to see it as ‘0 Chon’. The ‘6’ in the record shows a typical letter style. It was only raised with a distinctive ‘pig tail’ as completing an Arabic figure. If it were ‘0 Chon,’ it should be similar to the size and shape of ‘0’ of ‘0 Boon’ right after it, but they are quite different. The testimony from Mrs. Nam, Dong-soon, who is known as Matyr Yu’s friend in Ewha School, “Gwan-sun was smaller than me” cannot be trusted. Mr. Nam is giving false testimonies regarding her birthplace and whereabouts. It is also difficult to understand about the face-morphology reasoning about Matyr Yu. Her brothers were all tall. Looking at the pictures of her 3 year-elder brother Yu, Woo-seuk in his 60 and 71 and her younger brother Yu, In-seuk in his old age, Matyr Yu is assumed not to be small. Furthermore Auh, Yoon-hee once mentioned about ‘Ms. Yu, Gwan-sun who as a stong build’, so she is assumed to be far taller than ordinary women. In the end, we showed the fingerprint number of prisoner records was according to the Hamburg decimal classification method that has been used since the initial Japanese colonial era. In terms of this classification method which is still used in the National Policy Agency, 8 out of 10 fingers of Matyr Yu have the swirling whorl fingerprints.

本文研究了从1879年中国的最初教会大学圣约翰大学设立开始，到1952 年通过全国高等院校调整取消所有教会大学这一过程中，中国教会大学的 设立过程和中国反基督敎运动，以及由此带来的教会大学的中国化过程还 有教会大学的解体。 20世纪初在中国大陆的各个地区美国等传教会和有关基督敎团体开始设 立了教会大学。当时的中国社会刚取消了科举制度，还没意识到大学教育 的必要性， 所以当时存在的几所中国大学的教育过程也处于未完成的阶段。 但是随着中国人对现代化和世界化的要求进一步认识，当时的教会大学 也随之迅速发展起来，并得到了中国人民的呼应，同时基督敎的传教方面 也得到了非常有效的结果。但是中国的教会大学也面临了世界各国的基督 敎大学在发展过程中所发生的世俗化问题。与其他国家不同的是，中国教 会大学的世俗化问题不是大学里面自然发生了，而是。助外部原因，通过 勉强式的中国化而带来的世俗化。 这种世俗化可以分成两个阶段。第一是1920年代的中国化，第二次是 1949年以后的社会主义一体化。首先，20年代的中国化的开端是反基督敎 运动和教育回收运动。根据中国社会的要求，中国政府也要求教会大学必 须转换为教育部体系下的私立大学。虽然从此以后教会大学正式受到了中 国政府的承认并在中国生存了下来，但是教会大学再也不能实行过去的宗 教活动和宗教教育。 这一转变使中国的教会大学开始考虑到去接近中国社会的本土化、去更 有效地培养基督敎人才的方法和一些提高教育竞争率的方法。 遗憾的是，在具有积极意义的中国化过程里，同时也带来了中国教会大学的世俗化。为了确保经营财政和学生 数，教会大学增加了非基督徒学生的 入学比率，还有满足了中国政府在教会大学董事会里中国人的比率必须提高 到3分之2以上的要求。最后，为了追求研究力量的卓越性，招聘教授的时候 更重视教授的学问水平，至于信不信仰基督教就变得没那么重要了。 其次，第二个阶段是1949年中华人民共和国成立后，教会大学的社会主 义一体化过程导致了教会大学的解体。在这一过程中，与教会大学相关的 人没有办法，只好离开了中国。继而中国人民政府接管了教会大学。后来 1952年全国高等院校调整以后教会大学都合并或归属到一般中国大学中去 了，从此教会大学在中国消失了。

일제의 식민통치 하에서 우리 민족이 거사한 1919년 독립운동 및 그 영향 이 한국 현대문학에 어떤 양상으로 표출되었는지 성글게나마 고찰해 본 세 번째 논의이다. 첫 번째는1920년대∼1930년대 시를 중심으로 이를 검토해 보았다. 두 번째는 1920년대 소설을 중심으로 고찰했으며, 구체적으로 1920 년대의 예술소설들과 소위 (신)경향소설들이 검토의 대상이었다. 본고는 3. 1운동이 한국 현대문학에 끼친 영향에 대해서 마무리하는 절차 라 하겠다. 아무리 충격이나 파문이 큰 역사적 사건이라도 오랜 세월이 지나 가면 그에 따른 소용돌이는 점차 잦아들게 마련이다. 우리 민족에게는 참으 로 통분하고 또 절치부심의 한을 품을 수밖에 없는 독립운동이었다. 그러나 누구도 인정하고 싶지 않지만 3.1 운동은 수포로 돌아간 만세운동이었다. 부연한다면 우리 민족의 너무나 뼈저린, 거국적 행동이긴 했으나 여의치 않았고, 그 때문에 영구히 영향력을 미치기란 불가능했다. 세상사란 긴 시간 이 흘러가면 모든 게 심상한 일상 속으로 침윤하게 되고 마는 것이다. 이와 같은 전제 하에 필자는 최종적으로 정리하는 의미에서 한 번 더 논의를 시도한 것인데, 그 대상은 특히 1930년대(1931년∼1940년)의 현대소 설들이다. 시의 경우도 이미 이 시대에 발표된 시편들을 대상으로 한 검토가 있었기에, 동일한 시기의 소설 작품들을 고찰하고 매듭을 짓자는 것이다. 이렇게 함으로써 3. 1운동의 영향을 한국 현대시와 소설들을 통해 대개는 헤아려 본 셈이 된다. 기간은 약 20년 남짓하다. 물론 이 정도로는 다소 미흡 할지 모르나 독립운동의 직, 간접적인 파장을 가늠해 보는 데 결코 큰 문제가 없으리라 판단한다.

If the direction in which the local church will must go for the growth of church as the community church is presented, it is like the next. First, the church has to be deep and intensify the local social organization and connection roomily. The believers form the relation with the board of directors of the community every kind construction base, advisory organs, and committee and the desire of the community and problem is collected and the plan for support of the church is taken. Second, the church has to represent the community. The role as the community center it grasps and whether the church can have the concern in the various events of the local resident and it can give the help or not in which the church expresses the interest to this problem and which can help the self-support of the people which are particularly poor and are neglected and which if necessary represent their opinions has to be performed. Third, the church has to keep the door open towards the community. The door of church is opened so that the various populations oves the community can use the church resource, particularly, the some of the building of church. Forth, the church has to cooperate that it presents the solution to the place where there is the desire of the community and local residents and problem and thinks a lot together. Therefore, the evidence earth rock has to love ’s love through the practical life. And it becomes the guidance center in the community and it has to become the community welfare hall. We has to become the appointed task of the church to fill the necessity of all people of not only within the church but also the church outside and normalize community relation. The church makes the engines of the area and network in the area which the church belongs and has to do the ministry where there is the locality and has to put the first concern as the neglected group. When the church discovers the request of the neighbors through the social investigation which is systematic and scientific and thus corresponds to the community around and advancing, it will be able to utilize efficiently the human traces, which the church has material, and formation resources. And when being put through and to systematize the function of the church along with the social welfare institution or organizations which connect the calling of age of the local church where there is in the age and society changing suddenly and role in the community and which it proceeds and serve with the split completing the social responsibility of the church and advancing, it will become the path in which the church social service activity through the local social organization progresses with the church in the community.

This study analyzed the previous research about the classification of Buffalo model(Katz, 1992) and Bellis/Ferre model(Bellis, & Ferre, 1999) and compared the classification characteristics in these two representative auditory processing disorder models. The Buffalo model is composed of four categories: Decoding, Tolerance-fading memory, Integration, and Organization, and Bellis/Ferre model five categories: three primary subtypes(Auditory decoding deficit, Prosodic deficit, and Integration deficit) and two secondary subtypes(Associative deficit and Output-organization deficit). Similarities and differences between the two models are as follows. First, the two models have same words and characteristics in the name of most categories. Second, the categories of two models are based on dysfunction of neuroanatomical cortical areas. Third, Tolerance-fading memory, Auditory decoding deficit, Integration deficit, and Output-organization deficit explain difficulties in the understanding under noise environment. Last, major differences between the two models are different dysfunction of neuroanatomical cortical areas and characteristics in the same name of categories used in the two models.

The Primary Purpose of this study is to observe the suppression and conflict, resistant mind in Jane’s life, and to clarify the true meaning of the mad woman, Bertha in the attic as Jane's inner symbol challenging the authority of male patriarchal system. Spending her childhood at Gateshead full of cold reception and alienation, male dominated authority and suppression, and experiencing a new dominant ideology of suppression and hard times in her adolescence at Lowood, Jane established her own identity, and realized her own self at Thornfield in her maturity. Charlotte Bronte arranged Jane as a heroin, and hid Bertha as another Jane, that is, her inner self. And then, Jane lives in a conscious world, and Bertha in a dark unconscious world, the attic. But Jane and Bertha are not different ones but a same one. Accordingly, we can find very easily and often Jane resist sex and class ideology in Jane Eyre. Conclusively speaking, I can judge Jane Eye to be a very revolutionary novel suggesting an escaping way and a new hope to the Victorian women confined in the male dominated patriarchal world.

지금 일본을 경제 대국 일을 끝낸 주인공, 단카이 세대를 둘러싼 문제가 사회적인 큰 이슈가 되어 있다. 이들의 취업 시기는 중졸로 1962년부터 1965 년 고졸로 1965년부터 1968년, 대졸로 1969년부터 1971년이다. 베이비 붐 세대의 중졸의 이른바“황금 알”이 노동 추진력이 된 시기는 고도 경제 성장 기와 겹쳐 가장 인원이 많았다 고졸 취업자는 고도 경제 성장 중기, 말기와 겹친다. 큰 인구 구성으로 일본의 경제 대국화를 맡은 이들은 생산자로 소비 자로서도 두드러져, 좋치도 나쁘지도 그 파워로 일본을 세계 제2위의 경제 대국으로 끌어올렸다. 베이비 붐 세대가 한번 있는 상품을 지향하면 그 상품 은 순식간에 큰 시장을 형성했다.“자동차”와 “가전” 그렇고"주택"마찬가지 다. 대기업이 단카이 세대의 노화와 보조를 맞추듯이 큰 성장을 이루어 그 후 세대의 소비 생활에도 큰 영향을 미쳤다. 단카이 세대의 노후 그렇다고 세상은 특별시해 주지 않는다. 자신의 노후 는 스스로 지킬 필요가 있다. 그럼 단카이 세대의 노후에 대해 어떻게 해야 할지를 생각해 보자. 베이비 붐 세대의 노후는 공부하는 것에서 즐거운 노후 를 얻을 수 것이다. 베이비 붐 세대만의 새로운 황금 시대가 다시 시작될지도 모른다. 앞으로 이 돈을 노리고 있는 기업은 너무 많지만, 연금 문제⋅의료비 부담 문제⋅소비율 문제 등 어두운 현실이다. 이것들은 단카이 세대 및 우리 같은 젊은 사람도 생각해야 한다.

今日本を経済大国にしあげた主人公、団塊世代をとりまく問題が社会 的な大きいイッシュになっている。 団塊世代の就職時期は、中卒で1962年から1965年、高卒で1965年から 1968年、大卒で1969年から1971年となる。団塊の世代の中卒のいわゆる 「金の卵」が労働推進力となった時期は、高度経済成長期と重なり、最 も人数が多かった高卒就職者は高度経済成長中期·末期と重なる。大きな 人口構成で日本の経済大国化を担った団塊世代は、生産者としても消費 者としても突出しており、良くも悪くもそのパワーで日本を世界第2位の 経済大国に押し上げた。団塊の世代がひとたびある商品を志向すれば、 その商品はたちまち大きなマーケットを形成した。「クルマ」や「家 電」然り、「住宅」然りである。大企業が、団塊世代の加齢と歩調を合 わせるように大きな成長を遂げ、その後の世代の消費生活にも大きな影 響を及ぼした。 　団塊の世代の老後だからといって、世間は、特別視してくれない。 自分の老後は自分で守る必要がある。では、団塊の世代の老後について どうすればいいかを考えて見よう。団塊の世代の老後は、勉強すること で楽しい老後を、得ることが出来るのである。団塊の世代ならではの新 しい黄金時代がまた始まるかも知れない。これから団塊マネーを狙って いる企業はすごく多いが、年金問題・医療費負担問題・消費税率問題な ど暗い現実である。これらは団塊の世代および私たちのような若い人も 考えるべきと言っておきたい。

The establishment of a community-centered collaborative, synthetic early detection system is required to ensure the successful early detection of infants, toddlers and preschoolers with special needs or are at risk of disabilities. There are several ways to detect these children with special needs as early as possible: First, a wide variety of awareness programs should be developed to inform people in general of the importance of early detection. Second, general kindergartens and daycare centers should conduct a screening test on a regular basis. Third, community councils should be set up. As various organizations are involved in early childhood education for the disabled, every party concerned should make up a community council, and which of them would be responsible primarily and secondarily should be determined to share their duties for planning and periodical evaluation. Fourth, a web system should be developed to manage infants, toddlers and preschoolers with special needs. Relevant institutions can input into it data on young children with special needs and at-risk children to manage all the information in an integrated way.