Earticle

This paper dealt with the grammar and discourse functions of nominative, locative, directive and dative case markers in the Jeju Dialect. The four nominative case markers -i ,-ga, -iseo and -eseo in the Jeju dialect have the grammatical function similar to those of standard Korean and the latter two of them indicate the meaning of group. The discourse meaning of the four markers is to emphasize, confirm and conclude the meaning of a noun phrase preceding those markers. The one locative marker -e shows the discourse meaning concretizing, confirming, stressing a thing or a place in which an act of the predicate occurs. The discourse meaning of the other locative marker -di includes confirmation, designation and emphasis in addition to its grammatical meaning of place. The directive case marker -eorae whose grammatical meaning is location and direction signifies the discourse meaning of confirmation, conclusion, designation and emphasis and its function is to specifically determine the scope of agent's action. There are four dative case markers -sindi, -sinderae, -anti and -antirae in the Jeju dialect and their discourse meaning includes confirmation, conclusion, designation and emphasis.

The purpose of present paper is to analyze the repetition of Korean classifiers. There are a great number of classifiers in Korean language and they take an important role in Korean conversations. Repetition is a common phenomenon in the use of Korean classifiers. However, the use of repetition presents an irregular distribution. In other words, some of the classifiers have the repetition, while the others do not. Since the studies on the repetition are still not enough, this article is going to solve this problem. In this paper, the repetitions of Korean classifiers are systematically analyzed which is based on the 21 century Sejong corpus. 161 of Korean classifiers have been analyzed, and 25 of which have the repetitions. Then the construction, grammatical function, and semantic features of these 25 repetitions have been deeply discussed in this paper. At the same time the reasons of the rest of the classifiers that do not have repetitions have also been investigated. (Yonsei Univerisity)

The purpose of this paper is to explore how the grammatical function of that-clauses has been changed since Old English. The diachronic development of that-clauses shows that the complementizer that was developed from the determiner that from the Germanic period, then the complementizer that in Old English extended to the relativizer that of relative clauses from the early Middle English period. In addition, from the late Old English period, to-infinitive clauses began to substitute that-clauses and usage of to-infinitive clauses spread in the Middle English period at the expense of that-clauses. Meanwhile, gerund clauses as well as to-infinitive clauses started replacing that-clauses in the early Modern English period and keep this trend going on. As a result, the diachronic developmental processes in the grammatical function of that are as the following: the determiner that>the complementizer that in that-clauses>the relativizer that in relative clauses, and to-infinitive clauses and gerund clauses were substituted for that-clauses.

We investigated V-2 constructions in Old English within the theory of Minimalist Program. The derivation of V-2 word order by Phase in OE is triggered by the checking of Agree feature in C against an XP element and the resultant XP movement to the sentence initial position where it performs the grammatical function of focalization. As the external motivation of XP-raising to the CP-spec in a V-2 construction, we propose a focus feature [+F] that owns an uninterpretable EPP-feature of OCC as its subfeature in C. The Agree of feature between the XP that has to move to the CP-spec in narrow syntax and the [+F]-feature in C that must be lexicalized by the tense verb within the phonological component. This syntactic operation is carried out through internal Merge so as to satisfy the C-I system that should manifest discourse-related semantic Property of V-2 constructions. The syntactic evidence that a displaced XP manifests the grammatical function of localization in the CP-spec, not that of topicalization, is proved by the incompatibility with a wh-fronting or a negative inversion in the same sentence. As the [+wh]-feature is checked in the head C of an open sentence, so is the [+F]-feature checked in the head of C of a focalized structure. A representative type of verbs that can occur in V-2 constructions involve unaccusative and passive verbs including some unergatives. This class of verbs has the underlying argument structure in which v, not v* selects defective VP with φ-incomplete as its complement.

This Paper discusses the issues related to the grammatical features and functions of the o as showing a Period and naka-o as showing a situation. In the usage of case particle o, these forms of o were considered a sort of the usage as showing a move and path in precedent studies. However, there are grammatical deferences between the period o, the situation o and the path o. The first point is that we should discuss that the grammatical features of the period o, the situation naka-o are different from the path o. In order to know that, it is necessary to analyze the indispensability of noun phrase revolving around a verb in a sentence. Moreover, it is also necessary to analyze that there are the differences of movement between the situation o and the path o. In conclusion, it is clear that the period o is parted in the period o① of the indispensable case and the period o② of the secondary case, i.e. the period o② has a different grammatical function with the path o of the indispensable case. Situation naka-o is also parted in the spatial naka-o and the temporal naka-o. The spatial naka-o has a same movement with the path o, but the spatial naka-o is the secondary case. The temporal naka-o has a temporal movement and the grammatical function of situation component.

This paper aims to classify the types of Korean grammar education items in terms of grammar functions. Among the Korean grammar items, there are many types of complex forms that are not handled well in Korean linguistics or Korean language education for native speakers. These complex forms have been categorized as ‘expression’ categories and distinct from other grammatical items. Thus, there is a problem that items having the same grammatical function are classified into different types. However, the grammatical functions of ‘expression’ items are not different from other grammatical items. On the contrary, there are more advantages in classifying all types of grammar education items, focusing on grammatical functions. Classification of grammatical items should be in accordance with the purpose of Korean grammar education. From this point of view, classification according to grammatical functions is more valid than classification based on differences in formal composition.

“Dao” being used after a verb, and thereafter is a Locative or Locative Phrase, the “Dao” have the Locative meaning. The whole sentence represents people or things get somewhere with the action. We denote this type of sentences by “V Dao X”. “Dao” in this type of sentence roughly has six semantic features. From the diachronic development point of view, the timing is different for above mentioned six V entering into “V Dao X” format: V1 verbs first entered the format, later V2 verbs also entered this format. Early on, these two types can be directly after the verb object with premises and thus with the “Dao” constitute a hyperactivity of accusative type. V4 verbs entered into the formats earlier than V3 verbs. Early entering into this format, two verbs are intended to indicate the manner in which agent to reach somewhere. As V4 verbs implied “resulting displacement patient grammatical meaning, after V and “Dao” syncretized, the difference between two types of verbs gradually became apparent. Although early V4 focuses on that Angle arrived somewhere, but also implies causing Patient to move, thus pushing the other righteous verbs to enter which only represents “cause someone or something to move”. Among them, the Patient is "person" preceding verb. This article referred to as V5; Patient is “material” preceding verbs, this is denoted V6.

The purpose of this study is to examine the discourse function of Korean grammar items in an inductive way. Through this inductive approach, this study tries to summarize the discourse functions that are being handled at high frequency in the actual education field and cluster them. In this way, it is possible to understand what kind of discourse function is being actively used in Korean. The grammatical items in this paper are mainly subject to teaching in Korean educational grammar. This study refers to the Korean textbooks and the Korean grammar dictionary for education as materials to select them. Each grammatical item can have multiple meanings, which can be derived from the grammatical basic meaning, and these grammatical meanings make it possible to acquire distinctive functions in a specific discourse context. First, this study classifies the type of discourse function based on inductive analysis of individual grammatical items for Korean corpus. The grammatical items are 54 particles, 98 connective expressions, 189 final ending expressions, and 8 pre-final endings. Second, this study analyzes whether the discourse function of grammatical items in each category has different grammatical features. Third, this study classifies the grammatical items by discourse function and identifies specific grammatical items belonging to each group.

Grammatical Function of 在 as Preposition and Aspect Auxiliary - 서월아 Many scholars have debated on the categorization of 在 in Chinese language, because it can be analyzed as a verb, a preposition, or a serial verb. They classify the word 在 as a verb in the structure like [在+ Noun] in sentence final, and a preposition in [在 + Noun + VP] structure, and a serial verb in [在+ VP] structure. That is, they tried to describe the meaning of the word based on the different kind of the category. However, they disregard the grammatical functions of the word. In this respect, we could treat the word as a functional relation such as functor-argument in the model of categorial grammar. The grammatical function of 在 in [在 + Noun] could be analyzed as a argument of the subject, and 在 in [在 + Noun + VP] could be analyzed as functor of [Noun + VP] regardless of the categories. And 在 in [在 + VP] could be analysed as an aspectual modal which is a functor expression taking the sentence as the argument. Those grammatical aspects of Korean and English can be found in the copula verb structure such as John is tall, John is at home. in English, or 산이 높다(Mountains are high), 철수는 집에 있다(Chulsu is at home)" in Korean. On the same way we could find that aspectual auxiliary usage of 在 is same as the John is reading a book in English and 철수가 책을 읽고 있다(Chulsu is reading a book) in Korean respectively. However, we would like to point out that the Chinese [在 + VP] structure is quite different from the serial verb constructions in English and Korean. There are some problems to figure out that Chinese copula 是 works as be in English or 이다(be) in Korean, and what is the grammatical function of copula in those languages.

J?zyki indoeuropejskie wykorzystuj? jeszcze wiele innych ?rodkow do tworzenia czasu przyszłego, por. angielskie konstrukcje z shall, islandzkie skal, niderlandzkie zullen (ik zal werben ‘b?d? pracował’), wszystkie z odcieniem deontycznym, spokrewnione z niemieckim sollen ‘mie? powinno??’, niemieckie z procesualnym, a wi?c zakładaj?cym zmian? werden, francuski futur proche z formami osobowymi czasownika aller ?i??”, w ktorym mo?na by si? dopatrzy? wezwania do działania, oraz sygmatyczne formacje bałtyckie, starogreckie i inne. Wła?ciwie zaskakuje fakt, ?e nie spotyka si? w funkcji słowa posiłkowego leksemu ?moc”, ktory w pewien sposob ł?czony jest z konstrukcjami wyra?aj?cymi przypuszczenie, por. wspomniane wy?ej On b?dzie miał 50 lat = On mo?e mie? 50 lat. W niektorych u?yciach jest on bliski czasowi przyszłemu, na przykład, na pytanie Pojdziesz ze mn? do kina? mo?emy otrzyma? bardziej zdecydowana odpowied? Pojd? lub mniej zdecydowan?, zdradzaj?c? wahanie Mog? i??. Ro?norodno?? konstrukcji futuralnych ma swoje ?rodło w niefaktywno?ci tego czasu, ktora powoduje subiektywne ustosunkowanie si? do przyszło?ci. Ustosunkowanie to wyst?puje w całej gamie odcieni od biernego pragnienia, oczekiwania, przez przekonanie, a? do decyzji lub poczucia obowi?zku. Wybor takiej, a nie innej formy czasu przyszłego, takiego, a nie innego słowa posiłkowego nie sprowadza wypowiedzenia o przyszło?ci do jednego rodzaju modalno?ci, ktora zreszt? w znacznej mierze ulega zatarciu, ale w pewnym stopniu rzutuje na stosunek danej grupy j?zykowej do przyszło?ci (przyszło?ci, ktora jest niewiadom?, nieznan?, a jedynie oczekiwan?, przewidywan?, b?d? zamierzon?, planowan?) przynajmniej w okresie formowania si? tego czasu.

This study analyzes the effects of high- and low-variability phonetic training on learners’ perception of Korean intonation. The participants were twenty Chinese primary learners studying Korean as a foreign language; they were and divided into two groups. The experiment consisted of a pretest, five exercises, a post-test, and a generalization test. The results are as follows. First, high- and low-variability phonetic training have the same effect on increasing the accuracy of learners’ perceptions of the grammatical function of intonation. Second, both high- and low-variability phonetic training are needed to improve the accuracy of primary learners’ perceptions of the emotional/attitudinal function of intonation. Because high-variability phonetic training can compensate for the key disadvantage of low-variability phonetic training, namely that learners find it difficult to master various intonation patterns.; and On the other hand, low-variability phonetic training can compensate for the key disadvantage of high-variability phonetic training, namely that the effect is not stable.

Choi, Seong-hoon and Xu Yuee. (2016). Grammatical function and Semantic Representation of ‘zai’ in Chinese by categorial grammar. The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal 24(1), 113-130. Many Chinese scholars have debated on the ‘在'(be) in Chinese language, because it can be analyzed as a various kind of syntactic category. They classify the word ‘在' as a verb in the structure like [‘在'+ NP] in sentence final, a preposition or serial verb in [‘在' + NP + VP] structure, and a aspectual auxiliary verb in [‘在'+ VP] structure.　That is, they tried to describe the meaning of the word based on the different kind of the category. However, they disregard the grammatical functions of the word. In this respect, we could treat the word as a functional relation such as functor-argument in the model of categorial grammar. We argued that ‘在' in [‘在' + NP] or [‘在' + NP + VP] structure is a preposition, but the prepositional phrase works as a predicate of subject or an adjunct of the sentence. We also proved that the ‘在' in [‘在' + NP + VP] would be a sentential adverb or a predicate adverb depending on the meaning of NP in this structure. Especially the word ‘在' in [‘在' + NP + VP] was classified as a preposition or a serial verb, but we also proved that it works as a sentential adverb or a predicate adverb, that is, it is not a serial verb, but a preposition phrase. Finally we gave a formal representation of ‘在' in [‘在' + VP] as the aspectual auxiliary in the functor-argument relation.

The purpose of this paper is to examine what grammatical functions and meanings the for-to-V construction possessed in the early Middle English religious prose Holy Maidenhood (original title: Hali Meiðhad). It has been claimed that the for-to-V construction arose in the early Middle English period. From the 19 examples containing for-to-V sequences in Holy Maidenhood, it is found that they could have diverse grammatical functions such as subject, complement, and adjunct, and various meanings other than ‘purpose.’ These findings are against Jespersen's (1909-49, V) and Mustanoja's (1960) arguments that the for-to-V construction originally expressed ‘purpose.’

본 논문은 현대러시아어의 구어적 사용에서 무인칭 환경에 나타나는 지시대명사 중성 단수형 это와 인칭대명사 중성 단수형 оно의 문법적 기능을 살펴봄으로써 это와 оно의 이러한 허사적 사용이 현대러시아어의 문법체계 범주화에 어떤 의미를 갖는지 고찰할 수 있는 경험적 토대를 마련하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 구체적으로 это와 оно의 사용이 허용되는 정확한 무인칭 환경 유형을 파악하고 이 형태들이 실제로 문법적 주어의 지위를 가지는지 규명하기 위해, 다양한 유형의 무인칭구문 및 그에 상응하는 это, оно 구문에 대해 원어민 피험자들(총35명)을 대상으로 설문을 진행했다. 설문 실험 결과, 자연현상이나 신체적 작용을 나타내는 무인칭 정형동사 구문에서는 это/оно가 사용될 수 없었던 반면, 무인칭 재귀동사와 부사적 술어 구문에서는 종속절(원형부정사절 및 정형절)이 있을 경우 это/оно의 용인성이 높게 나타났다. 전반적으로 это의 용인성이 оно보다 더 높은 것으로 관찰되었다. 무인칭 재귀동사의 경우에는 어휘에 따라 종속절이 없는 경우에도 это와 оно의 삽입이 가능했다. 이와 같이 무인칭 환경에 삽입되는 это와 оно는 인상술어의 주어로 인상될 수 있고, 재귀사를 결속시키며, 술어일치를 유발할 수 있다는 점에서 제한적인 환경이기는 하지만 문법적 허사 주어로 인정될 수 있다.

This paper examines whether Modern Russian features (semi-) expletive subjects, based on the judgement test that was taken by 35 Russian native speakers. The test was designed to compare the acceptability of оно and это in three impersonal environments, in which no thematic subject is allowed: Finite verbs expressing natural phenomena, adverbial predicates, and reflexive verbs deriving from unergative verbs. The test shows that оно and это may be acknowledged as true expletive subjects in limited environments although a clear contrast is seen between это and оно. The acceptability of это is clearly higher than that of оно irrespective of the construction type, which can be ascribed to the strong deictic nature of это. First, finite verb constructions denoting natural phenomena do not allow overt expletives at all: The semantics of a subject is available in this type of constructions although the covert subject cannot be referential. As this invisible argument related to natural phenomena already occupies the subject position, an overt expletive cannot be inserted into this position. This result parallels with the analysis of the weather-it in English as denoting an (quasi-) argument in the literature. Second, in the case of reflexive verbs and adverbial predicates, expletives are allowed if a subordinate clause (infinitival or finite) follows. In a limited case of reflexive verbs, это and оно are allowed even without a subordinate clause. This must be because there is no argument in the subject position in this type of reflexive verb constructions unlike finite verbs expressing natural phenomena. Это and оно in the given impersonal environments can be raised as the subject of a raising verb, can bind subject-oriented reflexives, and trigger agreement on predicates, which indicates that это and оно may be construed as grammatical subjects occupying Spec,TP, a position dedicated to a nominative subject.

The purpose of this study lies in clarifying the grammatical function ofKorean particles ‘kkeseo, eseo, seo(께서, 에서, 서)’ and establishing theirgrammatical position. In addition to their features discovered in a number of discussions, it isclaimed that through the analysis of their syntactic structure and passivesentences, ‘kkeseo, eseo, seo(께서, 에서, 서)’ are revealed to play a role ofthe subjects of noun phrase. However, ‘kkeseo, eseo, seo(께서, 에서, 서)’ are defined as auxiliaryparticles rather than nominative particles.

‘이’와 ‘서’는 같이 나타나기도 하지만 ‘이’ 없이 ‘서’만 나타나기도 하고 ‘서’ 없이 ‘이’만 나타나기도 한다는 점을 고려하면 ‘이서’를 하나의 형태소로 보기는 어렵다. 전체 형태(‘이서’)와 선행 요소가 생략된 형태(‘서’)와 후행 요소가 생략된 형태(‘이’)가 서로 교체하는 형태소는 생각하기 어렵기 때문이다. ‘이’는 사람의 수를 지시하는 수사에 붙어 ‘여동의 뜻을 더하는 접미사’이다. 그런데 ‘이’가 갖는 의미, 곧 더불어 함께(여동) 하는 것은 다름 아닌 특정 행위이므로 ‘이’는 행위의 주체인 주어에만 결합한다. 그리고 ‘이’는 수사에 주로 결합하지만 ‘분, 명, 놈, 사람’ 등 사람을 세는 단위성 의존명사(분류사)에도 결합할 수 있다. ‘서’는 여동의 뜻을 더하는 접미사 ‘이’ 뒤에 붙어서 ‘강조의 뜻을 나타내는 보조사’이다. 따라서 다른 보조사와 마찬가지로 보조사가 후행하기도 하며, ‘는, 도’ 등의 보조사와 결합할 수도 있으며, (보조사 ‘만’이 후행할 때) 주격조사와 보격조사 등의 구조격조사를 선행하기도 한다. 그리고 강조의 뜻을 나타내는 일부 보조사와 마찬가지로 ‘서’가 쓰인 문장에서는 자매항목이 전제되지 않으며 ‘서’가 쓰인 문장과 쓰이지 않은 문장은 (강조 이외의) 특별한 의미 차이를 보이지 않는다.

배경 및 목적: 본 연구는 한국 아동의 초기 문법형태소 습득의 전반적인 발달 규준을 얻기 위하여, 아동의 조사와 연결어미, 종결어미 표현을 부모를 통해 종단적으로 관찰하여 얻은 자료를 가지고 분석하였다. 방법: MCDI-K(배소영, 2003)에 제시된 표현어휘목록 가운데 세 가지 유형의 총 30개 문법형태소(종결어미 15개, 조사 12개, 연결어미 3개)에 대해 18개월부터 36개월까지 총 4회에 걸쳐 323명 아동의 부모를 통해 아동의 표현 여부를 조사하였다. 아동들이 18개월 당시 처음 조사에 참여한 아동은 모두 323명이었으나, 최종 36개월에 조사에 참여한 아동은 모두 276명이었다. 결과: 관찰조사가 시작된 18개월에는 극히 소수의 아동에게서 문법형태소의 산출이 시작되었으나, 관찰 종료된 시점인 36개월에는 종결어미 평균 12개, 조사 9.67개, 연결어미 2.15개가 산출되어 이 시기 문법적 형태소의 습득이 비교적 안정적이 되었음을 알 수 있었다. 발달적인 문법형태소의 증가는 통계적으로도 유의미한 차이가 있었다. 18개월부터 36개월까지 평균 문법형태소의 표현은 점차 증가하였으나 개인차가 컸던 것으로 나타났다. 논의 및 결론: 한국 아동은 두 단어 조합이 시작되는 18개월 시점에 문법형태소 산출이 시작되어 36개월 시기에 비교적 안정적인 산출이 이뤄지나 이러한 발달시점에서 개인차를 고려해야 할 것으로 보인다. 본 연구의 문법형태소 분석 자료는 언어발달연구나 장애아동의 중재에 많은 의의를 지닌다고 할 수 있으며. 특히 4회기에 걸친 종단적 관찰 측정을 시도함으로써 발달적 추이를 살펴본 점에서도 의의가 있다.

Background & Objectives: The purpose of this study was to establish developmental norms of Korean children’s acquisition of final endings, case particles, and connective endings from longitudinal data gathered from 18 to 36 months. Methods: Mothers of infants completed MCDI-K (Pae, 2003) at 18 (N = 323), 24 (N = 320), 30 (N = 298), and 36 (N = 276) months and the number of words in final endings, case particles, connective endings, and categories were analyzed. Results: At 18 months of age, only a few children produced grammatical function words. However, the average number of grammatical function words was 12.0, 9.67, and 2.15 at 36 months for final endings, case particles, and connective endings categories, respectively. The number of grammatical function words increased with age. By 36 months, most children in the study used grammatical function words. However, there were individual differences in the use of grammatical function words. Discussion & Conclusion: The results of this longitudinal study suggest that Korean children start to produce grammatical function words at 18 months and most children use grammatical function words by 36 months. The implications of these results on language development and on interventions for children with language deficits are discussed

본고는 ‘是…的’ 분열문의 ‘的’를 상표지로 분류할 것을 제안하였으며 그 근거는 다음과 같다. 첫째, ‘的’는 완정상 ‘了1’과 마찬가지로 사건을 하나의 덩어리로 나타낸다. 둘째, 분열문의 ‘的’는 다른 상표지와 공기할 수 없다. 셋째, 분열문의 ‘的’는 점차 목적어의 앞으로 이동하고 있으며 그 위치는 중국어 상표지의 전형적인 위치이다. 분열문에서 ‘的’의 분포적 변화가 발생한 것은 ‘的’의 문법적 기능의 변화를 가시적으로 보여주는 중요한 현상이다. 본고는 7대 방언 지역의 251명의 화자가 분열문을 사용할 때의 ‘的’의 분포를 통계적으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과 ‘的’의 분포는 우선적으로 운율의 영향을 강하게 받음을 알 수 있었으며 남방 지역으로 갈수록 ‘的’가 문말에 출현하는 경향이 강하고, 북방 관화 지역으로 갈수록 목적어의 앞에 출현하는 경향이 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 현재 ‘是…的’ 분열문의 ‘的’는 북방 관화 지역에서부터 문말에서 목적어의 앞으로 이동하고 있으며, 이러한 분포적 변화의 근본적인 원인은 ‘的’가 상표지의 자격을 획득하고 있는 문법화 단계에 있기 때문이다.

This paper proposed to classify ‘DE’ of the cleft sentence as a aspect marker based on the following reason. First, ‘DE' shows the event as a whole. Second, the 'DE' of the cleft sentence can not co-occur with other aspect markers. Third, ‘DE’ in the cleft sentence is gradually moving to front of the object which is typical position of Chinese aspect markers. The occurrence of the distributional change of ‘DE’ in the cleft sentence is an important phenomenon that visually shows the change in its grammatical function. This paper statistically analyzed the distribution of ‘DE' with which 251 speakers in the 7 dialects were using cleft sentences. As a result of the analysis, it was found that the distribution of ‘DE' is strongly influenced by the prosody, and we can confirm that ‘DE' tends to appear at the end of the sentence as it goes to the more southern region, and it tends to appear immediately after the verb in the northern Mandarin region. Through the analysis, this paper shows that ‘DE' of the cleft sentence in Mandarin is moving to front of object from the sentence-final position, and this distributional change is closely related to its grammaticalization to a aspect marker.