Earticle

중동에서는 소수파 기독교인들은 이교도들과 공존하기 위해서 노력해 왔다. 그렇 지만 시리아에서는 이슬람교 원리주의자들뿐만 아니라 반정부 및 정부지지파 모두 가 과격한 무력투쟁으로 향해 가고 있으므로 기독교인들의 생존이 협박 당하고 있다. 시리아에서는 일반 시민들과 특권계급의 차이가 점점 확대되고 있다. 그 결과 국민들 이 작은 집단으로 분열, 무력투쟁으로 되풀이되는 내전이 2011년3월부터 계속되고 있어 국민국가를 유지하는 것이 곤란한 상황이다. 시리아의 예는 경제적․정치적․ 사회적 상황의 악화가 시민들의 문화적․종교적인 정체성을 변화시키고 있다는 것 을 시사한다. 본고에서는 시리아 정교회교인들 (Suriyan)이 시리아 내전중에 정치적 정체성을 변화시키는 것에 의해 시리아에서의 생존 가능성을 어떻게 추구하고 있는 가를 고찰하고자 한다. 이 기독교인들은 정치적 정체성을 재구축하기 위해서 그들의 민족성의 개념을 변화시키려고 하고 있다.

Christian minorities in the Middle East have been making efforts to explore measures to support their co-existence with neighbouring populations. However, the identity and future survival of these Christians are now threatened by new forces, such as revivalist religions, anti-government protests, and state-abetted violation. Since the Syrian uprising, which started in March 2011, the unity of Syrians has been undermined, and the areas of commonality between the privileged and ordinary citizens have become too small to sustain the national community. Consequently, Syrians become divided, and many pursue a group-differentiated identity. Cultural and religious identities may undergo change, due to the degradation of economic, political and social conditions. This paper discusses Syrian/Syriac Orthodox Christians’ quest for survival in Syria, and the changes in their political identity under the condition of the Syrian Civil War. These Christians are involved in an ambitious project, aimed at transforming the concept of their territory and homeland.

There were several problems of the byzantine defence system concerning byzantine Syria in the early 7th century. They are largely divided in two parts. The one is military defence system, the other is psychological defence system. Military defence system was faced with problems in the decrease of number of army, no establishment of thema in Syria, the absence of positiveness of emperor to be at war, the tactical failure to be at war, the mental condition of soldiers and a little reinforcement of fortification. Psychological defence system was faced with problems in the oppressive measure of byzantine government against Monophysites and Jews who had a lack of confidence to policy of government, and a psychological unrest on the heavy tax which byzantine government imposed on local economy which was decreasing in the early 7th century in the area of Syria. So military defence system and psychological defence system, concerning byzantine Syria in the early 7th century, which were caused by the war between Byzantium and Persia mean that the wrong policy of byzantine government on local area caused troubles which made finally to turn syrian people to Arab.

본 논문의 목적은 이스라엘이 이라크와 시리아에 대해 수행하였던 핵 개발시설에 대한 공습의 사례를 통해 예방공격의 효 용성을 살펴보고, 북한에 대해 예방공격을 수행해야 한다면 바람직한 방안을 제시하는데 있다. 군사적 예방공격이 “단기적인 성공은 가능하나 장기적으로는 효과성이 크지 않다”는 주장에 답하기 위해 1981년에 이라크를 대상으로 수행된 Operation Opera와 2007년에 시리아에 감행된 Operation Orchard 수행과정을 살펴보고, 이러한 예방공격 이후에 각 국가의 핵 개발과정 을 살펴본다. 한반도에서 효과적인 예방공격을 위해서는 현재의 국제적 압박 바탕 하에 예방공격의 정당성을 충분히 확보하 고, 1회의 확실한 군사적 공격이 시설 외에도 인력 등에 대해서도 이루어져야 하며, 공격 이후에도 지속적인 핵 개발 재개여부 를 모니터링 해야 한다.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of preventive attacks through cases of military attacks against nuclear facilities in Iraq and Syria that Israel has conducted. It also suggests a desirable approach to preventive attacks against North Korea. The Operation Opera in Iraq in 1981 and the Operation Orchard in Syria in 2007 are examined with an aim to support the opinion “the preventive attack can not be successful in the long run though it may be effective in the short term”. It is also possible to denuclearize if the effective preventive attacks on the Korean peninsula are conducted together with removing both nuclear weapons development means and will. In order to guarantee the successful prevent attacks, it is necessary to secure the legitimacy of preventive attacks as well as international pressure. Also, the reliable military attack should be done on facilities, manpower and monitored continuously to prevent developing the nuclear afterwards.

이 논문은 전쟁으로 인하여 발생한 이주에 초점을 맞추어 이민과 자녀 출생의 관계에 대해 분석한다. 전쟁으로 인한 비자발적 이주가 자녀 출생 결정에 미친 영향을 살펴보기 위해 세계은행에서 2015-2016년에 실시한 시리아 난민과 난민 거주지역 주민에 대한 조사자료 중 레바논 거주 난민 및 비난민 주민의 미시자료를 활용하여 가구 내 자녀간 출생간격에 대한 생존분석을 시도한다. 이주로 인 한 자녀 출산 지연현상이 있었다면 자녀간 출생간격이 증가했을 것이다. 만약 이주 후 이주민들의 출산 율이 증가했다면 자녀간 출생간격은 단축되었을 것이다. 시리아 난민과 비난민 거주민 자료를 전쟁으로 인한 이주 시점 전후로 함께 비교하여 차이를 살피는 방식으로 이중차분 모형을 변형하여 분석에 적용했다. 분석 결과에 따르면 시리아 난민 가구의 자녀 출 생 간격은 이주 시점 이후로 더 늘어났다. 이는 일반적으로 이민자들이 이주 직후 새로운 환경에 적응 하면서 출산을 지연시킨다는 혼란가설과 부합되는 결과이다. 이주 후 경과년수를 활용한 분석에 따르 면 이주 후 경과년수가 증가할수록 자녀 출생 간격이 늘어났다. 이는 이민자의 출생과 관련한 혼란가설 에서 중장기적으로는 지연된 출산을 실행하는 등 보상행동에 따라 출산율이 회복되거나 증가할 수 있 다는 설명과는 다른 결과이다. 이 연구는 여러 가지 한계를 갖고 있다. 설문조사가 실시된 2015-2016년에는 아직 내전이 종료되지 않아 난민들이 직면한 불확실성이 컸고 전반적인 경제 배경이 양호하지 않았다. 따라서 난민들이 제3국으로 이주하는 등 제반 환경이 더 양호하게 변화할 때 출산과 관련한 보상행동이 나타나는 등 연구 결과가 달라질 수도 있다. 중동 지역의 일부다처제 문화, 전쟁으로 인한 부부간의 사별, 이혼, 별거의 증가, 혼외출생과 입양의 가능성 역시 분석 결과에 영향을 미쳤을 수 있다. 전쟁과 이주로 인해 영아사 망률이 증가하며 결과에 영향을 주었을 수도 있다. 이러한 문제점들은 앞으로 새로운 자료를 이용한 후 속 연구로 보완하여 검토할 필요가 있다.

We analyze the relationship between population displacement and childbirth, focusing on the forced displacement by war. The micro data from the 2015-2016 Surveys of Syrian Refugees and Host Communities in Lebanon by World Bank are used for the survival analysis of birth spacing between children within household. If displacement delays a migrant’s childbirth, the birth interval will be extended. If displacement leads to greater fertility, the birth interval will be shortened. Birth spacing of Syrian refugees is compared with that of non-refugees in Lebanon before and after the year of migration using a difference-in-differences type specification in the survival analysis. Our results show that the birth interval of Syrian refugees increased after displacement. This is consistent with the disruption hypothesis that migrants tend to delay childbirth right after migration when they face new environment and challenges. When the years since displacement, rather than the post-displacement indicator, is used in the survival model specification, refugees’ birth spacing further increased as the years since displacement grow. This result is different from previous findings in the literature about the disruption hypothesis that delayed childbirth is compensated by greater fertility in the long run. Several challenges of this research still need attention and follow-up research. The Syrian Civil War had not ended during the survey period, and refugees were still in great uncertainty and economic distress. If refugees move to developed countries and settle in the better environment, the refugees may show a compensation behavior of increasing fertility. The polygamy in the Middle East, increased divorce, separation, and death of the spouse by war, out-of-wedlock births, adoption may also have affected the analysis and caused a bias in the estimation result. If infant mortality increased during the war, there could be a further bias in the result. More detailed data are required for addressing such issues and identifying the causal link between displacement and fertility.

이 글은 중국이 UN 안전보장이사회가 추진하는 결의권에 대해 전 통적으로 거부권을 행사해왔던 방법과 시리아 사태에 대한 거부권 행사 방식을 비교하는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 중국은 일반적으로 안 전보장이사회에서의 거부권 행사를 자국의 이익을 추구하기 위한 방 법으로 사용해왔으나 시리아 이슈와 관련해서는 중립 추구라는 미명 하에 러시아와의 협력을 통해 결의안을 폐지하기 위한 노력을 기울 였다. 하지만 중국의 거부권 행사 시도는 다음과 같은 결과로 이어졌 다. 첫째, 안전보장이사회를 구성하고 있는 다른 국가들의 정치적 이 익 추구에 의해 중국의 거부권 행사가 제대로 실행되지 않았다. 둘째, 안전보장이사회가 강조하는 UN헌장 자체가 다른 국가들의 정치적 이익 추구에 의해 희생되는 결과가 발생했다.

This paper aims to display how China uses its veto power in the UN Security Council in general and to compare the Chinese perspective in using its veto power with the actual Chinese dealing in the Syrian case. In general, China has exercised its veto right to protect its interests and achieve certain goals such as improvement of its image as a responsible power in the global context. With regard to the Syrian situation, China has used its veto power, jointly with Russia, six times to abolish resolutions related to Syria by taking into account the neutrality. Findings are as follows. First, with the international issues in the UN Security Council China’s deal has been hampered by the motivations of other countries, which were subject significantly to their political interests, at the voting process. Second, the use of a veto power by the core members of the UN Security Council often became a tool for the implementation of their national interests at the expense of a violation of the UN Charter.

셰이나 실버스타인의 『위태로운 균형 Fraught Balance』은 민족음악학과 무용학 분야에 중요한 기여를 하는 저작으로, 시리아의 격동적인 근현대사를 가로지르며 답케(dabke)가 농촌의 민속 실천에서 귀속감을 수행하는 행위로 변모해 온 과정을 추적한다. 저자는 문헌 아카이브 연구, 혁명 이전의 현지 조사, 디지털 문화기술지, 그리고 디아스포라 예술가들에 의한 형식 변용에 대한 분석을 토대로, 답케를 신체화된 청취 실천으로 재개념화하면서 젠더·계급·민족성이 어떻게 사회적 유대를 형성하는 동시에 고착된 위계를 재생산하는지를 조명한다. 이 책은 리듬적 흐름, 기술적 매개, 그리고 시리아 혁명과 강제 이주 과정에서 답케가 겪은 변형에 대한 분석에서 특히 탁월하다. 디지털 음향 기술이 계급 역학을 어떻게 재편하는지, 그리고 군인들의 원무가 어떻게 선전·동의·위안의 공간으로 기능하는지에 대한 고찰은 이 책의 가장 인상적인 성취 중 하나다. 동작 묘사에 대한 보다 심화된 탐구와 민족지적 실천에 대한 지속적인 자기 성찰이 아쉬움으로 남지만, 이러한 과제들은 이 책의 학문적 성취를 결코 감소시키지 않는다. 균형을 흔들리는 역동적 협상으로 파악하는 저자의 중심 은유는 답케는 물론, 권위주의와 강제 이주 하에서의 생존의 정치를 이해하는 강력한 분석 틀을 제공한다. 『위태로운 균형』은 SWANA(남서아시아·북아프리카) 및 그 너머의 신체성, 민족주의, 사회적 삶의 음향-운동적 차원에 관한 향후 연구에 지속적인 영향을 미칠 것으로 기대된다.

본 글은 문화교류(cultural exchange)의 관점에서 고대 후기 동지중해 세계(the eastern Mediterranean)에서 수도사들의 이동(moving)과 이주 (migration)를 연구한 것이다. 사실, 매우 이른 시기부터 금욕주의자들과 수도사들은 이동하는 삶을 살았다. 그 중에 어떤 이들은 사회적이고 교회 정치적인 이유 때문에 강제적으로 이동과 이주를 선택하였지만, 더 많은 이들은 개인적이고, 영적이고 종교적인 이유들로 자발적인 이동을 선택 하였다. 그리고 그들의 이주와 이동 중 일부는 당대의 수도주의 운동을 타 (他)지역으로 전파하고, 중요한 기독교 유물들과 필사본들을 더 넓은 세계로 유포시키는 계기가 되었다. 또한 수도사들이 여행 중에 보고 들은 것을 기록한 여행기(旅行記)와 순례기(巡禮記)는 당대와 이후의 많은 사람들에 게 그들이 여행한 ‘다른 세계’에 대한 정보를 제공해 주었다. 즉, 고대 후기 수도사들이 의도하든 의도하지 않든 간에 그들의 이동은 고대 기독교 문 화를 전달하고 확산시키는 중요한 촉매제 역할을 하였다. 이런 점에서 수 도사들은 고대 교회 문명교류의 주역(主役) 중 하나로 봐야 할 것이다.

This study aims to investigate monastic movement and migration in the late antique period in terms of cultural exchange. It is well known that ascetics and monks lived a mobile life from a very early age. Some of them were forced to choose to move due to barbarian invasions and ecclesiastical politics, but many more chose to move voluntarily for the sake of their personal, spiritual, and religious benefits. Some of their movement and migration, although not all, led to the spread of their monastic movement and Christian artifacts and manuscripts to other areas. Moreover, travelogues and pilgrimages, including what they had seen and heard during their travels, provided interesting and useful information regarding the "other world" they had traveled, to their contemporaries and their next generations. In sum, monastic movement and migration in Late Antiquity acted as a crucial medium for promoting Christian cultural exchanges in the Mediterranean civilization. Therefore, monks should be understood as one of the main players in the ancient world with regard to Christian cultural exchange.

김정남 VX테러를 통해 드러난 북한의 화학무기에 대한 새로운 인식과 북한의 화학무기 위 협을 억제하고, 북한이 보유하고 있는 화학무기는 어떠한 형태로든 사용 할 수 있으며, 사용 시기는 여러 가지 시나리오가 있겠지만, 이 중 급변사태 시 사용하게 될 가능성이 크며, 그 러면 피해는 민간인 및 어린이가 볼 것이며, 이는 시리아보다 더 큰재앙이 발생할 것이다. 본 논문에서는 시리아의 화학무기 사용에 대한 국제적 개입과 화학무기 폐기 사례를 중심 으로 화학무기 폐기에 대한 과정과 교훈을 바탕으로 북 화학무기 현황과 위험성, 김정은이 화학무기 사용 시 국제사회의 북한 개입과 화학무기에 대한 재제와 폐기를 요구 할 것이고 이에 북한 화학무기 폐기에 대한 발전방향을 알아보고자 시리아 화학무기 폐기 시 교훈을 제시하고, 이러한 교훈을 바탕으로 북한에서 화학무기 폐기 시 화학무기 폐기에 대한 평화 적 해결, 화학무기 전문가 활용, 폐기비용 확보방안과 화학무기 폐기절차에 대한 군과 정부 의 임무를 구분하여 준비하는 것에 대한 방향을 제시하였다.

This thesis be focused on the recognition about NK’s chemical weapons and the threat of chemical warfare, which was revealed through Kim, jong nam case. And recognition for NK’s chemical weapons possessing could possible to use new type of terror North Korea has a high possibility of using chemical weapons in the appraisal of the tendency of Kim, jong-eun, if NK faces a situation of sudden changes. on the other hand, the damage will be worn to civilians and children like a Syria but it will be a more serious than Syria. In that case, the international community regulates and intervenes with North Korea’s weapons use and they can demand until the disposal Therefore, in this thesis will confirm once again whether North Korea possesses chemical weapons based on the case of Kim, jong-nam in order to find ways to develop NK’s disposition of chemical weapons, And learn the lessons in the past case of Syria

Due to the complexity and prolongation, combined with the continued inability of world powers to come to a mutual consensus, the Syrian war has become one of the biggest political challenges of the early 21st century. The war started in May 2011 with Bashar Hafez al-Assad regime’s oppression of local demonstrators. From the very beginning of the conflict, the EU expressed its unwillingness to tolerate Assad’s crimes. EU thus severed ties with Assad by terminating all bilateral agreements and imposing sanctions. A dramatic turn in EU – Syrian relations took place in August 2011 when the EU announced that president Assad has lost the legitimacy to lead the Syrian people due to the violence committed against civilians. Subsequently, another development took place on November 2012 when the EU recognized the Syrian opposition as the legal representative of the Syrian people. Apart from the canceling of bilateral agreements, imposing of sanctions and support given to the “legitimate opposition’’, the EU made notable efforts to convince the United Nations (UN) to adopt sanctions against Syria and to therefore bring about a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Even though the EU has been engaging in the Syrian crisis though only non-militarily means – such as the application of diplomatic force and sanctions to seek a peaceful transition of power in Syria - it has tried to keep its interests on equal footing with countries which are directly militarily involved in the conflict. The purpose of study is to examine the reasons behind EU’s engagement in the Syrian crisis and the resulting relations among them – including the degree of importance of each reason for the EU. Furthermore, this paper seeks to evaluate the effectiveness of the EU’s engagement in respect to its motives. This paper finds that the reasons of the EU’s engagement and its priorities in dealing with Syria are as follows: First, migration wave and terrorism; second, energy interests; and third, humanitarian reasons and the maintaining of peace in the surrounding region. In terms of the effectiveness of the applied measures to solve or alleviate the reasons, EU measures have been partially effective in mitigating the first and third problems, but ineffective with regard the second problem.

This article aims to challenge the methodological nationalism implicit in some writing on the Syrian conflict, by putting post-2011 transformations of Syrian commerce and mobilities in the context of wider Eurasian networks, histories, and geographies. The transformations of Syrian commerce and mobility which have occurred since 2011 are often studied under the rubrics of the war economy and forced migration. But the effect of these frames, which focus on the spectacular and immediate, is often to isolate these phenomena from the wider geographical contexts and histories of circulation which have also shaped them. This article seeks to bring these contexts into focus by exploring the activities, mobilities and networks of transnational Syrian traders who have traveled to and resided in the Chinese city of Yiwu over the past two decades. While these individuals are relatively few in number, they are significant because they enable us to see how Eurasian connections continue to shape border and mobility regimes and projects of state formation in the region.

Syrian/Syriac Orthodox Christians (Suriyan) who live in Syria have a refugeeorigin. As a quest for their survival, these Christians have attempted to construct amodel for their political identity and concentrate on communal activities, which fallwithin the wider framework of national politics. The Syrian government hasattempted to integrate different religious, tribal and ethnic groups by adopting anideology of religious-multiculturalism, which regards Christian heritage as one of thecultures of Syrians. The Syrian/Syriac Orthodox Christians reinterpret their originmyth which comprises the legends of the Holy Face of Edessa, or the Mandylion ofChrist, and attempt to claim their apostolic origin and the continuity of theircommunity in Syria since the time of ancient Christian Kingdom of Edessa. Thelegend becomes symbolic resources for these Christians to reclaim their Syriannessand to construct a secure position within the framework of Syrian national politics.

North Korea and Syria have a long history of military cooperation. Most of thiscooperation has been in the form of North Korean proliferation of weapons, training,assistance, and advisors. North Korea has assisted Syria in at least two forms ofWMD?a chemical weapons program, and a plutonium nuclear weaponizationprogram. While both of these programs have been largely destroyed, Syria willlikely rebuild its chemical weapons program with North Korean assistance if notdeterred by the international community. Conventional weapons are also aninternational security issue, as North Korea has proliferated a large number ofweapons systems that have been used in the Syrian civil war by the Syrian armyand Hezbollah fighters. North Korea has been a vital supporter of the Assad regime’smilitary throughout the Syrian civil war. Korean analysts should take note of howchemical weapons were used in the Syrian civil war because this is likely goingto be a test-bed for future North Korean actions in a conflict with the South.

The wind of democratization in the Middle East overthrew Ben Ali in Tunisia, Mubarak in Egypt, and the Muammar Gaddafi's 42 year rule with an iron fist in Libya. The attention of the international society is now being concentrated in Syria, the powder keg of the Middle East. On March 18, 2011, 15 youths under the age of 17 who learned about the Jasmine Revolution on satellite TV in Dara, a small city in southern Syria wrote on a wall "The people want the overturn of the government!" Because of this anti-government graffiti, Mukhabarat (secret police) that keeps an eye on the people arrested the children. Demonstrations were staged by the parents and people demanding the release of the children, and ultimately, the demonstration transformed into one for reforms and the ousting of President Bashar al-Assad. This demonstration spread nationwide and anti-government democratization demands are continuing. When the demonstrations broke out the Assad regime cracked down on the demonstrations, resulting in approximately 2,700 deaths and tens of thousands of refugees. Assad mercilessly rolled over the dreams of the people demanding democratization and political reforms with tanks. Just as Bashar's father, Hafiz al-Assad, used force to repress the Sunni revolt in Hama as a massacre that murdered approximately 20,000, if the anti-government demonstrations continued, a second Hama massacre could recur in Syria.

This article examines the civil war in Syria and Iran’s military buildup in that country through the lens of senior Israeli politicians, military ofcers, and security pundits. Most of them agree that the Netanyahu government’s policy of striking Iran?linked targets in Syria hard while encouraging Europe to impose, like the United States, debilitating sanctions on Iran has severely damaged the ayatollahs’ plans. By interrupting Iranian efforts to establish a Hezbollah-like force in Syria and equip it with precision-guided missiles, Israeli policy has also decreased, some pundits believe, the likelihood of regional war. However, this article suggests that although Israel’s policy has hindered Iranian entrenchment in Syria, the danger of regional war has increased. Debilitating sanctions could cause Iran to discard the 2015 nuclear deal, thereby provoking an Israeli strike on its nuclear installations, and increasingly bolder strikes in Syria may spur the ayatollahs to retaliate harshly. Reliant upon Iran to secure Assad’s victory, but determined to deny the ayatollahs control over Syria, Russia is allowing Israeli strikes to continue as it rehabilitates Assad’s forces and rearms them with advanced weaponry. This weaponry, including S-300 defense systems that threaten Israeli planes, could embolden Syria to attempt recapturing the Golan Heights in the future.

This article examines Israel’s policy toward Syria in the post-Assad era. It analyzes the gains, opportunities, and challenges for Israel and explains why it is concerned that Syria could evolve into a security threat even greater than before. Whereas the Trump administration encourages the Netanyahu government to pursue security arrangements with the new regime in Damascus, Israel’s policy of supporting centrifugal forces in Syria is aimed at countering not only al-Shara’s Islamist interim government but also its patron?Turkey. With the Turkish leadership referring to Damascus as the first stop on the road to Jerusalem, and Turkey being portrayed in Jerusalem as a threat potentially greater than Iran, tensions between two of America’s closest allies in the region have reached new heights. I argue that this dynamic, together with their growing military presence in Syria, necessitates the establishment of a US-administered de-confliction mechanism and the continued presence of US forces in the country as part of it. Preventing a major crisis over Syria between Turkey and Israel is essential to maintaining focus on significant challenges to US interests in East Asia and Europe.

The Israeli Air Force attack on a Syrian military base reportedly containingmaterials of strategic value supplied by North Korea, has shed some light on the largelyconcealed issue of the relations between the two countries. Considered “rogue states”and a part of the alleged “axis of evil,” both the DPRK and Syria are internationallyisolated, economically backward and politically oppressive. Yet, their attempts toacquire strategic weapons should not only, or necessarily, be interpreted as anindication of strength and aggressive intentions, but could and perhaps should beinterpreted as a reflection of a sense of vulnerability and persecution and subjectiveweakness rather than strength, as well as a response to perceived threats and actualencirclement.However, whatever their motivations, these measuresexplicitly or implicitlysupported by Russia and Chinaraise security concerns that are common to bothIsrael and the ROK. Facing a similar threat from the north, Israel and the ROKboth economically developed and democratically ruledare still dependent on U.S.military support, for better or worse. For better, because without U.S. support itwould have been nearly impossible to withstand the threats facing each country; forworse, because the dependence on Washington limits the options (military as well aspolitical) open to each country. This article attempts to put the DPRK-Syria “roguebrotherhood” in a more comprehensive perspective and to analyze the strategicmanifestations and implications of the DPRK-Syria military axis in horizontal andvertical terms.The Korean Journal of Defense Analysis , Vol. XIX, No. 4, Winter 2007, pp. 7192.

이 논문은 과거와 현재의 관계를 고찰합니다.　과거에 관 한 기술이나 구전은 무엇이 일어났는지를 설명해 줍니다. 그러나 이 논문은 과거가 현대 사회에 존재하는 불확정인 요인을 어떻게 드러내는지를 검토합니다.　많은 시리아 정 교회의 기독교들(Syrian Orthodox Christians)은 수세대 이전에 난민으로 시리아에 이주해 왔습니다. 이민자들은 시리아 사회 속 에서 시민권을 확립하는 것 이 어려웠기 때문에 그들은 보다 안정된 지위를 확립하기 위한 방법을 모 색하고 있습니다. 시리아 정교회 교도들의 역사적 체험은 그들의 이 상과 현재의 불안정한 지위를 반영해 주 고 있습니다. 시리아 정교회 교도들은 성 모 마리아의 기적이 그들 집단을 구 했던 경험을 역사적 체험으로서 재구축 합니다.　이러한 역사가 그들과 중앙정부와의 양호한 관계를 형성하기 위한 전망을 보여줍니다. 그러나 그들의 구축한 역사는 이웃의 쿠르드족（Kurds）에 대한 당 파 싸움을 격화시키고 있습니다.

This article tackles the relationship between the past and the present and discusses how the past reveals the nature of uncertainty in present day society, rather than explaining what occurred. Syrian Orthodox Christians in Syria, who have refugee origin, seek further ways for establishing their future position in Syrian society, by relating their historical experiences of 'miracles' of the Virgin Mary. Their accounts of the miracles reflect both the ideals and uncertainties of their community in the present day. Their accounts of their 'assumed' history provide them with the perspectives on which to frame their relationship to the political centre, whilst at the same time accelerating sectarian competition with their Kurdish neighbours.

1915년의 기독교 교도　대학살은 아나톨리아지역에 거주하고 있었던 많은　기독교 교도들을 조국에서 추방하는 결과를 나았다. 많은 시리아 동방정교회 교도 (Syrian Orthodox Christians)들이 시리아에 이주했지만, 그들의 사회적 입장은 불안정하다. 이런 상황에 직면하고 있기 때문에 시리아 동방정교회 교도들은 자기집단의 사회적 향상을 도모하기 위하여 여러 가지 시도를 하고 있다.　본 논문은 동북 시리아 지방의 불안정한 정치적 환경이 이것들 기독교 교도들의 결혼과 친족관계의 형성에 어떤 영향을 미치고 있는가에 대하여 논한다. 결혼과 친족의 관계는 사회의 재생산에 있어서 중요한 역할을 가질 뿐만 아니라 북동 시리아 지역에 거주하는 집단 간의 세력관계를 반영하고 있다. 시리아 동방정교회 교도들은 자신들의 공동체를 도시의 전문가 집단으로서 정의함으로써 사회적 지위의 향상을 목표로 한다. 그렇지만 이 목표를 달성하는 것은 어렵다. 따라서 이들 기독교 교도들은 동북 시리아 지방에 존재하는 당파항쟁의 희생자가 되는 것을 두려워하고 있다. 그래서 시리아 동방정교회 교도들은 자기를 방어하기 위한 전략을 세워놓는다. 친족 간의 결속을 강화하는 것은 당파간의 관계가 만든 지방정치의 문제에 대응하기 위한 중요한 전략이다.

Syrian Orthodox Christians, who forced to emigrate from their homeland in eastern Turkey to Syria aftermath of the 1915 Christian persecution in Ottoman Turkey, have been marginalized in Syrian society. In confronting such a difficult situation, they have made various attempts at establishing their position in society. The aim of this article is to examine how the insecure political environment in north-eastern Syria has obliged the Syrian Orthodox Christians, who are minority and powerless, to transform their marriage practices and their way of demonstrating relationship between kin. Marriage and kinship are important not only as a means for regulating social reproduction, but also for displaying power relations which have developed in a particular political geographic setting. The Syrian Orthodox Christians wish to portray their community as one of the urban professionals. However, it is difficult for them to achieve this goal. The Christians fear they might become victims of a sectarian power struggle, which is related to national politics. The potential threats of violence and the escalation of the power struggle have created practical demands of the Syrian Orthodox Christians for defending themselves by strengthening their kinship ties. The Syrian Orthodox Christians have made an attempt to maximize their strategies for dealing with the problems which the power relations in regional politics have generated.

현대의 테러리즘은 두 가지 방향으로 향하고 있다. 그것은 첫째, 테러리즘은 국가 내에서 억압된 입장에 놓인 자들의 항의이다. 둘째, 테러리즘은 서양의 정치적 엘리트가 구축하는 세계 질서에 대한 항의행동이다. “테러와의 전쟁”은 아랍인 및 이슬람교도의 획일적인 이미지를 만들어내고, 더 나아가 그들을 “타자”로 지정하고 차별을 촉진시키고 있다. 이들 억압된 “타자”는 항의행동 속에서 획일화된 자신들의 이미지를 부정하기 위해 노력한다. 본 논문은 서양사회에서 널리 알려진 “테러리즘”에 대한 인식을 영국의 사례를 통해 분석한다. 더 나아가 시리아 아랍공화국의 도시 알레포(Aleppo)에서 일어난 테러에 대한 항의행동과 거기에서 나타나는 “테러리즘” 개념의 수사적 이용을 고찰한다