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As one of the representing politicians of the Noron party (Patriarch's faction), Jung-ho followed his party’s opinion under King Sukjong (r. 1674-1720) and Yongjo reign (r. 1724-76) as serious political situations occurred in the Late Choson dynasty. He expressed his intellectual and political standpoint of viewing his party. Regardless of an extreme strife among parties such as Soron (Disciples' faction) and Namin (Southerners' faction), the understanding of Jung-ho's consciousness and the view of Choson society along with the position he stood by can be ceaselessly based on complicated circumstances of reorganizing the political influence, and attitude of politicians' true recognition of Choson society. Jung-ho, succeeding Uam's (Song, siyeol) political phenomenalearned and obeyed the principles of Neo-Confucianism (Jujahak) and tried to integrate its practice and actuality of thereality. This can be confirmed by various memorials presented to kings partic ipating in government for a long time. He played an active part as a high-ranking official, a chief state councilor ( Yeong-uijeong ), and an outstanding scholar of Noron party. Accordingly, he was a politician who tried to be positive to see make accomplishments in his life of Uam's thought, ideology, and philosophy and to further contribute to Noron politics.

Foreign concessions which were formed around ports or the main cities become the battle of life that made Korean connects with the new world. The enlarged personal exchange made people reconsider the recognition of the heterogeneous foreign culture. Educational activities which is a part of missionary work drew a conclusion ; the expansion of religious influence and the activated modern education. The private schools in Incheon, Ganghwa and Gaesung could make progress with this phenomenon. The first private school in Kyunggy province was Younghwa women's school in Incheon which was built in 1892. The founder of the institution was pastor Rev George Heber Jones's wife. This institution could strengthen educational substance due to the growing number of the students and the curricular consolidation. This became the cradle of the modern women education. Samil women's institute, Inchen Bakmoon school, Namyang Boheung school, Gaesung Hosudon women's school, Ganghwa Bochang schoo were the representative private schools of the time. The private school which was built in the village run both the elementry and advanced education. The curriculum was varied depends on the combination of the instructors or the characters of the students. Foreign languages such as English and Japanese were treated importantly in the port areas and in the foreign concessions. Especially the education which had too much emphasis on Japanese language education have important meaning in that it reflected the recognition of the reality to the operating body. There is some problem that it was the expediency to ensure the "aggression passage" and to upbring Japanese-friendly power. The founding and operating bodies were christians, ministers, local governors and the wealthy. The main figures of this movement were Cho Wonsi(Rev George Heber Jones), Lee Donghui, Yoo Kyunggun, Lee Hakjoon, Kang Jun, Seo Sangbin, Yoon Chiho, and Jeong Jae Hong. Later, cultural enlightenment movement was also lead by them. It was the motivation to promote educational national salvation movement by the mandatory education during the Han Empire era. This is reflected by the tie with the local people through the inspiration of the military spirit and the united movement committee. The private schools in the first part of the Great Han empire was the stage of the life that awaken the change of the current of the time. Building the civilized society was their ultimate goal. The educational effectiveness was the primary factor that destruct remaining negative convention. The strong interest in predominance of men over women, the discrimination against legitimate son and daughter, the equality rights between men and women, and the individual rights were the representative cases. Especially Kyunggy province area can be even called the "Mecca" that lead the modern education of Korea.

After being castrated, eunuchs were branded with a mark representing a special sexual level: neither male nor female. Besides, eunuchs usually acted as a population disturbing politics in the previous governments. So they were relentlessly criticized by historians and always clothed with evil characteristics, including cruelty, greed, infertility and eccentricity, far different from other normal populations. And these characteristics were usually attributed to their physical defect and unsatisfied sexual desire. Through out the Chinese history, the literature about Chinese eunuchs has accumulated to an immense number of books clarifying the spouting and the revolution of the system in past dynasties. However, many writings in bookstores focus on the investigation of the bad characteristics of eunuchs, endeavor to present the control and distortion of humanity in Chinese dynasties and culture and smear the bodies and daily life of eunuchs to fulfill the readers’ desire of prying into the “body” privacy. In fact, we can’t always explore the body and mentality of historical figures with present thoughts. As the writer is concerned with medicine and body history, this article endeavors to ask: what the history of eunuchs can help us to understand? Starting from their bodies, two core questions will be investigated: the relationship between castration and operation. How to confer eunuchs a special level in the physical hierarchy and are there any points worth understanding? Then, after eunuchs were castrated, were there any parts of their physical and metal status ignored in the past? How did they face their daily lives? This article doesn’t study historical figures in the view of present physiology, but reviews these historical materials and literature with multilevel viewing angles in the classical Chinese medicine. Finally I hope readers to understand: castration or “injured” bodies won’t bring too many troubles in life and a physical defect won’t directly attribute to perverted mentality. Generally people think castrating or “cleaning” eunuchs is to disable them from perverting the government. However, eunuchs have not only normal sexual desire but also a healthy body, or even a body healthier than normal people. It is hard to tell the difference between eunuchs and normal people by surveying the diseases easily infesting eunuchs, whereas it is also an arrogant conclusion to say that castration has no impact on the body and mentality of eunuchs. However, though the operation mark the physical border of this special level, the pressure and criticism of secular perspective inflicted on them is what really decides their social caste as well as the main factor of their mental change. If scrapping the discrimination of the sexual physical hierarchy, the image of eunuchs is far healthier than what the history delivers. This article wants to confirm this idea.

First Sino-Japanese War between the Qing Empire and Japan took place mainly because of the Tonghak rebellion in 1894 concerning the hegemony of Korea. Although the War did not have anything to do with the will of Korea, its battlefield was the Korean territory and it eventually shaped the future of Korea. It started on July 25, 1894 and ended on May 8, 1895 when the Treaty of Maguan was made. The War actually brought great damages on the Qing Empire, ruined its pride, and made its people suffer enormously. Furthermore, the Chinese people staying in Korea were afflicted even greater than those in their own country. During the War, it was the British Consulate in Korea that protected the Chinese and their property on behalf of the Qing government. Throughout the whole period of the War, the Chinese people could save their lives and properties due to the British Consulate's continuous care for them. The English obviously did this because of their long friendly relationship with the Qing Empire. They, however, did those favors for the Chinese people also due to promoting their national interests. The English chose China as their partner in order to check Russia and carried out those protection policy for the Chinese staying in Korea on the basis of this partnership. On the other hand, even though the English did a lot of protective works for the Chinese in Korea, the intermediary work between the British Consulate and the Chinese was done by Xu Yin-hui, a Chinese working in the British Consulate General as a staff member. He played his role on pretty much everything and did his job very well. Xu Yin-hui with his status, a staff in the British Consulate, did his best in helping the Chinese fallen behind and the merchants in Korea and dealing with the most difficult problems. It was his duty as a Chinese to be a strong support for the disappointed fellow Chinese by playing various roles and participating in numerous activities. It is obvious that he surpassed all the others in giving his best of abilities utilizing the given circumstances. Although Xu Yin-hui worked so hard to help the Chinese staying in Korea, their deviation and wrong doings made him very much embarrassed. He also used his status as a staff in the British Consulate having an access to the broad based information, and worked very faithfully as an agent for the Qing government. In Pyungyang Battle, the largest and the most crucial battle in determining the winner, one of the reasons for the Chinese army's defeat was the lack of leadership in the Chinese army as well as the insufficient cooperation between the Qing government and the people.

As China could not isolate herself from the family of nations since the defeat of the opium war, the interactions between domestic affairs and international politics has become evident. Moreover, when the revolution broke out in October, 1911, treaty rights enjoyed by foreign powers were in steak. Therefore, it has become necessary to manipulate declassified foreign language sources to compare with Chinese ones to look for the truth. As Tang has received education in the U.S. in his early teenage years and has still maintained his traditional cultural root, he was knowledgeable about world affairs and could be more flexible and versatile than any of the Qing officials in making good use of conflicts among powers. Moreover, Tang has been one of Yuan Shih-kai’s long-time proteges since 1884 when he served in Korea. When Yuan was recalled by the Qing government, he appointed Tang to act on his behalf to negotiate with the revolutionaries. Wu Ting-fang, Tang’s counterpart, refused to negotiate unless Tang moves to Shanghai. At the same time, foreign powers led by the British still preferredboth of them to launch their peace talks in Shanghai partly because foreign concessions were there. With British diplomats’assistance, Wu successfully asked Tang to sail down from Hankou and successfully asked foreign powers not to provide financial assistance to the Qing government. Tang arrived at Shanghai on December 17, 1911, and the peace conference took place next day on December 18. As there were still some skirmishesin Shansi and Anhui, in the first conference they asked their troops in these areas to stop fire. In the second conference, they discussed the future form of government. Wu presented two points as the condition: to establish a republican government and to treat the Qing royal family with dignity. While Tang personally agreed on these points, he still needed to wire Peking to ask for decree from the court. Meanwhile, both of them agreed to extend the deadline of ceasing fire to December 31. In the third conference, Tang was authorized to notify Wu that the future form of government will depend upon the decision of the National Assembly, which will be organized by delegates from all over the country and should be held no later than three months. However, since skirmishes still happened in some areas, both of them agreed that the Qing should withdraw their troops no closer than 100 li ��–��–within five days from 8:00am December30. In the fourth conference, they concentrated on the issue of location to hold National Assembly, the loan from foreign banks, and the treatment of the royal family. In the fifth conference, they denounced the atrocities made by Zhang Xun’s ��—��™��—��™troops. However, Sun Yat-sen’s return to China and the result of the presidential election made the situation uncertain. Moreover, Tang’s attitude to the republican alarmed both Yuan, who was reluctant to give him full power, and the royal family, who denounced Tang gave too much concession to the republican and betrayed the court. Yuan "had no choice"but to refuse to acknowledge the agreements signed by Tang and forced him to resign from this post. It may be worth if we could try to figure out the interaction among Yuan, Tang, John Jordan, the British Minister, and Ijuin, the Japanese Minister. Jordan did not stop himself observing the whole situation to protect British treaty rights in China while Japan tried to expand her influence through the promotion of constitutionalism. The Japanese tried to postpone the National Assembly saying that China will split up in pieces while Jordan personally agree to hold the Assembly. Tang wired Yuan to press for the opening of the Assembly, and Yuan cannot miss the time sending his instruction back to Tang. After Yuan wired his instruction to Tang authorizing him to talk with Wu regarding to this issue, Ijuin had no choice but to follow his British colleague’s step. It may be considered that Yuan and Tang successfully manipulate of foreign powers’ conflicts. Though Tang has resigned from the delegate, he still stayed in Shanghai to be Yuan’s liaison with Wu. There are some telegraphs showing that Yuan wired to Tang and Tang handed them to Wu. Jordan even believed that Tang has always kept contact with Yuan via Liang Shih-yi, the leader of the communication clique in the Peking government and his protege under his tenure of Deputy of Board of Posts and Communication ��in the Late Qing Dynasty. Tang’s personal character determines that he might be excellent in foreign affairs but fail in sophisticated interpersonal relations, especially after he infuriated Yuan by getting too close to the republican and making too much concession. As the result, Tang resigned from the delegate of the Qing government. It may constitute for one of the reasons thatcause the split between these two people in June 1912.

본 연구의 목적은 대표적인 포스트모더니즘 철학자인 푸코의 권력과 지식 관계론에 대한 하버마스의 비판을 검토하는 것이다. 동시에 하버마스의 비판이 어느 정도 타당성을 갖는가에 대한 연구도 진행될 것이다. 하버마스는『현대에 대한 철학적 논의』(1985)에서 의사소통의 합리성에 근거하여 푸코의 이론에 많은 문제점들이 내재해 있음을 지적하면서, 하이데거, 푸코, 데리다 같은 일군의 탈근대 철학자들을 모두 니체의 후계자로 지목했다. 그는 이들을 ‘젊은 보수주의자들’로 비판하면서, 이들이 니체의 영향을 받아 근대의 기획으로부터 벗어나려 했다고 보았다. 특히 하버마스는 푸코가 상호주관적 의사소통의 합리성을 간과했으며, 근대 합리성의 강제적 요소를 과장하면서 사람들이 권력에 대해 수동적 자세를 취하도록 하였다고 비난한다. 그러나 필자의 관점에서 볼 때, 푸코의 권력이론은 이러한 비판들을 견디어 내기에 충분히 견실하다. 그가 주목한 사람들은 정신질환자, 감옥의 재소자, 동성애자와 같은 사회적 주변인들로서, 바로 이들에 대한 근대사회의 이성적 폭력을 푸코는 경계했던 것이다. 또한 하버마스의 비판적 도구인 상호주관적 합리성이 역사적으로 완벽하게 실현된 사례가 없으며, 오히려 이는 근대사회에서 그 유효성이 의심을 받고 있는 실정이다. 하버마스와 푸코의 정치적 차이점은 하버마스가 의사소통 행위에 근거한 새로운 사회질서의 확립에 대한 희망을 갖고서 권력에 대해서 비판적 입장을 견지한 반면, 푸코는 새로운 사회질서에 대한 희망뿐 아니라 지배 권력의 철학적 근거도 부정하는 것이다. 하버마스와 푸코 양자 모두 이론과 현실에 있어서 사회과학의 비판적 전통에 근거한 사상가들이었다.