As China could not isolate herself from the family of nations since the defeat of the opium war, the interactions between domestic affairs and international politics has become evident. Moreover, when the revolution broke out in October, 1911, treaty rights enjoyed by foreign powers were in steak. Therefore, it has become necessary to manipulate declassified foreign language sources to compare with Chinese ones to look for the truth. As Tang has received education in the U.S. in his early teenage years and has still maintained his traditional cultural root, he was knowledgeable about world affairs and could be more flexible and versatile than any of the Qing officials in making good use of conflicts among powers. Moreover, Tang has been one of Yuan Shih-kai’s long-time proteges since 1884 when he served in Korea. When Yuan was recalled by the Qing government, he appointed Tang to act on his behalf to negotiate with the revolutionaries. Wu Ting-fang, Tang’s counterpart, refused to negotiate unless Tang moves to Shanghai. At the same time, foreign powers led by the British still preferredboth of them to launch their peace talks in Shanghai partly because foreign concessions were there. With British diplomats’assistance, Wu successfully asked Tang to sail down from Hankou and successfully asked foreign powers not to provide financial assistance to the Qing government. Tang arrived at Shanghai on December 17, 1911, and the peace conference took place next day on December 18. As there were still some skirmishesin Shansi and Anhui, in the first conference they asked their troops in these areas to stop fire. In the second conference, they discussed the future form of government. Wu presented two points as the condition: to establish a republican government and to treat the Qing royal family with dignity. While Tang personally agreed on these points, he still needed to wire Peking to ask for decree from the court. Meanwhile, both of them agreed to extend the deadline of ceasing fire to December 31. In the third conference, Tang was authorized to notify Wu that the future form of government will depend upon the decision of the National Assembly, which will be organized by delegates from all over the country and should be held no later than three months. However, since skirmishes still happened in some areas, both of them agreed that the Qing should withdraw their troops no closer than 100 li ��–��–within five days from 8:00am December30. In the fourth conference, they concentrated on the issue of location to hold National Assembly, the loan from foreign banks, and the treatment of the royal family. In the fifth conference, they denounced the atrocities made by Zhang Xun’s ��—��™��—��™troops. However, Sun Yat-sen’s return to China and the result of the presidential election made the situation uncertain. Moreover, Tang’s attitude to the republican alarmed both Yuan, who was reluctant to give him full power, and the royal family, who denounced Tang gave too much concession to the republican and betrayed the court. Yuan "had no choice"but to refuse to acknowledge the agreements signed by Tang and forced him to resign from this post. It may be worth if we could try to figure out the interaction among Yuan, Tang, John Jordan, the British Minister, and Ijuin, the Japanese Minister. Jordan did not stop himself observing the whole situation to protect British treaty rights in China while Japan tried to expand her influence through the promotion of constitutionalism. The Japanese tried to postpone the National Assembly saying that China will split up in pieces while Jordan personally agree to hold the Assembly. Tang wired Yuan to press for the opening of the Assembly, and Yuan cannot miss the time sending his instruction back to Tang. After Yuan wired his instruction to Tang authorizing him to talk with Wu regarding to this issue, Ijuin had no choice but to follow his British colleague’s step. It may be considered that Yuan and Tang successfully manipulate of foreign powers’ conflicts. Though Tang has resigned from the delegate, he still stayed in Shanghai to be Yuan’s liaison with Wu. There are some telegraphs showing that Yuan wired to Tang and Tang handed them to Wu. Jordan even believed that Tang has always kept contact with Yuan via Liang Shih-yi, the leader of the communication clique in the Peking government and his protege under his tenure of Deputy of Board of Posts and Communication ��in the Late Qing Dynasty. Tang’s personal character determines that he might be excellent in foreign affairs but fail in sophisticated interpersonal relations, especially after he infuriated Yuan by getting too close to the republican and making too much concession. As the result, Tang resigned from the delegate of the Qing government. It may constitute for one of the reasons thatcause the split between these two people in June 1912.
한국중앙사학회 [Korean Association of Joong-Ang Historical Studies]
설립연도
2000
분야
인문학>역사학
소개
중앙사학연구회를 중앙사학회로 명칭을 변경함. 중앙사학연구회는 중앙대학교 사학과를 모체로 출발한 연구회였다. 주로 중앙대학교 사학과와 연관을 가진 사람들로 회원이 구성되었으며, 또한 그들의 연구활동의 무대가 되어 온 셈이다. 그러나 이러한 성격의 연구회는 자연히 그 활동과 연구의 지평이 제한을 받을 수 밖애 없다는 것을 지적하는 회원들이 많았다. 뿐만 아니라, 최근 한국학계에서 제기된 학술지 평가문제에 적극적으로 대처해야한다는 공감대가 형성되었다. 어느 곳에 게재된 것이 중요한 것이 아니라 그 글의 내용을 가지고 평가해야 한다는 고전적인 의견에 회의를 품는 분위기가 팽창하고 있다. 이러한 과정을 거쳐서 중앙사학연구회의 명칭을 발전적으로 고쳐보고 조직도 전국적인 규모로 만들자는 데 합의하게 되었다. 그러나 명칭을 무엇으로 하느냐 하는 문제를 놓고 또 다시 1년여를 보냈다. 그 결과, 2000년 겨울 동계 정기 워크숍에서 회원들의 투표를 거쳐서 중앙사학회로 결정하였다.
간행물
간행물명
중앙사론 [JOONGANG SARON ; Journal of Joong-Ang Historical Studies]