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Chomsky suggests Agree in a long distance or in situ, abandoning feature movement. In contrast, Lasnik supports for feature movement over Agree. Among these two, I show that feature movement is problematic, conclusively arguing for Agree. Addressing the question of why movement takes place anyway, given Agree for feature checking, I propose that -interpretable features of goals (probes at the same time) and the c-command requirement of goals by probes for Agree trigger movement.

This study attempts to reanalyze the Movement Theory of Control in terms of the Ɵ-role feature checking. Adapting Boeckx et al.’s(2010) idea that it is the Ɵ-role feature of the matrix verb that triggers the argument movement in the obligatory control structure, this study argues that the main reason for the movement is the Ɵ-role feature checking between the verb and its argument. It posits the conceptual structure in which all the Ɵ-roles are assigned to the individual concepts which are eventually realized as the verbs and their arguments. The result of the Ɵ-role assignment in the conceptual structure is that all the verbs and the arguments have the appropriate Ɵ-role features which guarantee the proper Merge and movement in the computation. In consequence, it becomes possible that the movement of the subject from the embedded spec-TP in promise structure to the matrix spec-TP without the violation of the MDP. As for the problematic examples of the original MTC, it has been shown that most of them are nicely explained under the modified idea of the Ɵ-role feature checking.

This paper is aimed at analyzing the feature inheritance system by verb movement in the 13c-Medieval French(MedF). To begin with, I adopted the feature inheritance system of Chomsky(2008) and the modified system of Goto(2008). After having applied these proposals in French constructions, I insisted that these systems be rewritten to meet parametric variations of French language. The reason why I modified these proposals is because the C-T feature inheritance leads the asymmetry of spell-out domains. Second, I verified that the word order of MedF is based on either the verb movement to C triggered by the tense feature which is not inherited to T, or the XP-movement to Spec-CP triggered by phi-features remaining in C. Finally, I observed that the feature inheritance and parallel movement proposed by Chomsky(2008) and the modified system can explain the word order variation of MedF in an appropriate manner.

Based on the analysis of human motion with the development of computer vision technology gradually become the research focus, while intelligent monitoring and other related real needs also contributed to its rapid development, attracting more and more researchers to join them. It includes both limbs motion tracking, as well as tracking the movement of the whole body, but does not include the subtle body movement, such as facial expressions and gestures of the track. The monocular video motion tracking method in this article are used in a variety of models, including the human body geometry, said camera imaging model and motion model used. Geometric model of the human body by the appearance of the model human skeleton model and composition of each joint skeleton model the relative proportions of the length of a value obtained from anthropometric measurements, and the establishment of a local coordinate system at each joint. Camera imaging using fluoroscopy model and a mathematical model based on this request to the relative three-dimensional coordinates of each joint between the sports model based on kinematics knowledge polynomial representation.

Head Movement (HM) is problematic in a number of ways. In this paper, I concentrate on the fact that HM is unformulable in Bare Phrase Structure (BPS). Rather than propose novel mechansims or complicate the notion of Merge, I propose that HM be rethought of as Feature Geometry growth. Taking seriously the idea that syntactic heads are merely feature bundles organized into a geometry, I propose that these feature bundles can merge, forming larger feature geometries. The feature geometry thus formed must be consistent with the overall feature geometry of the language in question. Just as intervening features in a Feature Geometry cannot be missing, HM cannot skip intervening heads, thus deriving the Head Movement Constraint. This theory of HM is illustrated in depth with negation in English, resolving some thorny issues left unsettled under the traditional theory of HM. Some tentative remarks are made regarding noun incorporation and Long Head Movement. The paper concludes with a discussion of the advantages of the proposed theory of the traditional theory of HM and with some unresolved issues.

This paper discusses how a feature-checking theory of movement (Chomsky 2000, 2001) along with the feature inheritance hypothesis (Chomsky 2008) fails, and proposes and motivates a non-feature-checking theory of movement --- a non-deterministic theory of movement. The feature inheritance hypothesis has been the last major support for a feature-checking theory of movement. It will be shown, however, that given the motivation of the general theory of merge (Chomsky 2008), the feature inheritance hypothesis cannot be motivated; hence, a feature-checking theory of movement along with the feature inheritance hypothesis cannot be maintained.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the mechanism of the English Subject Parasitic Gap construction. The Parasitic Gap construction can be classified into two types according to the position where the gap is created; the Subject Parasitic Gap and the Adjunct Parasitic Gap. Most of the recent studies (Nissenbaum 2000, Nunes 2001, 2004) seek to unify the many curious properties observed in the two types of Parasitic Gap construction. However, the non-referentiality of the moved wh-element of the Subject Parasitic Gap construction indicates that the unified analysis of the Parasitic Gap construction cannot accommodate the contrast between the two types of Parasitic Gap construction. In this paper, we will propose a new analysis based on Nunes’s (2001, 2004) Sideward Movement analysis and Obata and Epstein’s (2011) feature-splitting system. In this analysis, we will assume that the referentiality of the moved element is decided on whether that element has the referential feature or not. We will also argue that the non-referentiality of the moved wh-element in the Subject Parasitic Gap construction is due to the splitting of the relevant features.

This paper delves into two aspects of Rightward Movement: Heavy-NP-Shift and Extraposition from NP, and examines their absence in the discourse of Korean and Chinese EFL users. I argue that Rightward Movement is a language habit of native English speakers, to whom it is natural and unnoticeable, and is often used subconsciously, but the absence of it is a stylistic feature of EFL users. I prove it via a survey among 388 Chinese and Korean EFL users. It is shown that Chinese and Korean students and teachers are poor at the cognition of Rightward Movement, and do not have a tendency to move rightward the long and heavy elements. This is attributable to the following reasons. First, they learn English in a different manner from native speakers. Second, EFL teachers are not fully aware of teaching Rightward Movement. Third, the grammar books written for Chinese and Korean EFL learners rarely describe Rightward Movement of our concern. These elements are seen to lead to the absence of Rightward Movement in the discourse of Chinese and Korean EFL users, subsequently resulting in a stylistic feature of EFL users.

This paper will primarily focus on providing some empirical arguments in favor of the PF approach to head movement by investigating some work about pseudogapping and sluicing constructions. The central idea argued for in this paper is that whereas the [Spec, head] relation is a pure syntax, the relation between lexical and functional heads is only a PF process. Ellipsis in both pseudogapping and sluicing constructions is taken to be selected if and only if focus is involved in a situation where ellipsis and head-movement compete in PF. In those constructions mentioned above, focus feature is crucial in determining the elliptical process in PF.

In brain computer interface (BCI) system, the most important part is classification of human thoughts in order to translate into commands. The more accuracy result in classification the system gets, the more effective BCI system is. To increase the quality of BCI system, we proposed to reduce noise and artifact from the recording data to analyzing data. We used auditory stimuli instead of visual ones to eliminate the eye movement, unwanted visual activation, gaze control. We applied independent component analysis (ICA) algorithm to purify the sources which constructed the raw signals. One of the most famous spatial filter in BCI context is common spatial patterns (CSP), which maximize one class while minimize the other by using covariance matrix. ICA and CSP also do the filter job, as a raw filter and refinement, which increase the classification result of linear discriminant analysis (LDA).

This paper discusses the non?deterministic theory of movement based on the notion of edge feature (EF) (Chomsky 1995). It will be claimed that the theory of movement based on EF, i.e., the theory of unmarked vs. marked IM, is more explanatory than the deterministic probe?goal checking theory of movement (Chomsky 2000, 2001). Specifically, the notion of unmarked IM is motivated as a movement that should be Agree?free, whereas the notion of marked IM is motivated as a restricted obligatory movement. The unmarked IM is characterized as inducing the default semantic effect called "D?effect", which is simply due to the optionality of the operation of unmarked IM itself (Fox 2000), whereas the marked IM is characterized as induced by blocking the "optional deletion" of the EF. It will be argued that interactions between unmarked and marked IMs account for various syntactic issues like intermediate links of successive?cyclic movements. The notion of Agree independent of movement is motivated for the non?deterministic theory of movement.

The Linguistic Association of Korea Journal, 12(3), 239-255. In Spanish, the verb HABER is distinguished from the other verbs. The Spanish verb HABER uses a unique conjugated form, HAY. In this paper, we have proposed that, in pure expletive constructions, the EPP is satisfied optimally by Movement of the formal features of the Associate to T. We will apply our analysis proposed in pure expletive constructions to the existential construction with the HABER in Spanish. In the concrete, our proposal is that the morpheme Y in the verb HABER in Spanish is defined as the overt Spell-Out of the D-feature. That is to say, in this construction, the EPP is satisfied optimally by Movement of the formal features of the Associate to T. These formal features receive a phonological matrix in the morphological component.

Subjacency Condition is assumed to be a redundant constraint which may be substituted by PIC. A feature-clustered WH-phrase is also assumed to be a barrier which the other WH-phrase(s) cannot cross over in a multiple question. Coordinate Structure Constraint can be explained by a feature-clustered conjunct, which obligatorily accompanies (a) featureless WH-conjunct(s). No constituent can move from a feature-clustered NP accompanying a featureless appositive that-clause to the matrix Spec-C/T in narrow syntax. This paper comes to an assumption that most of constituent-movement conditions and constraints may be substituted by both PIC and Cluster.

An optimal feature selection and extraction procedure is an important task that significantly affects the success of brain activity analysis in brain-computer interface (BCI) research area. In this paper, a novel method for extracting the optimal feature from electroencephalogram (EEG) signal is proposed. At first, a student's-t-statistic method is used to normalize and to minimize statistical error between EEG measurements. And, 2D time-frequency data set from the raw EEG signal was extracted using discrete wavelet transform (DWT) as a raw feature, standard deviations and mean of 2D time-frequency matrix were extracted as a optimal EEG feature vector along with other basis feature of sub-band signals. In the experiment, data set 1 of BCI competition IV are used and classification using SVM to prove strength of our new method.

Idiomatic elements cannot be assigned focus (Yang 2008). The Subject-to-Object Raising induces the discourse effect (i.e., D-effect) of focus, which is the factor that makes the idiomatic meaning disappear (Lee 2008). Chomsky (2005) proposes that all A’-movements are solely induced by the edge feature (EF) of a phase head, which is the so-called EF-movement. This is based on his (2001) proposal that optional operations can apply if they have an effect on outcome (i.e., D-effect). This paper argues that the raised object should undergo Chomsky’s (2005) EF-movement to the upper Spec-v*. This is a non-argument position. That is, the raised object is not in the argument position of the higher clause; hence, its accusative Case marker should not be dropped. In this paper, it is also noted that at the colloquial speech, Subject-to-Object Raising can occur with the stage level predicate as well as the individual level predicate; hence, the idiomatic meaning disappears. (Chungju National University)

본 논문은 not-V의 어순과 V-not 어순이 공존하는 EME 자료를 분석함에 있어서, V0-to-T0이동과 V0-to-C0 이동에 의한 것인지, 연속순환적인 V0-to-T0-to-C0 이동인지를 알아보았다. 따라서, V0-to-T0이동이 결여된 경우가 C0가 있기 때문이라는 van Gelderen (2000)의 주장은 Subject-Verb Agreement와 Tense marking을 TP의 영역에서 일어나는 통사현상이라고 주장한 Chomsky의 (1995, 2002, 20004, 2005) 관점과는 상반된다는 결론을 내린다. 중세영어 이후로, 초기 현대영어에 들어와, 기능핵 T0의 강도(strength)가 약해지기 시작했으므로, 힘이 약해진 T0는 본동사를 유인하지 못하고, 점차 제자리에 남아 있게 되었다. 그러나, T0의 힘이 약화되어가는 과정 동안에도 일부 본동사가 T0의 위치로 핵 이동했고, 핵 이동의 결과는 주어-동사의 일치로 나타나 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. 한편, 의문문, 명령문, 평서문, 감탄문등의 절 유형(Clausal Typing)을 결정짓는 C0의 강도는 EME에서나 (현재도) 여전히 강한 상태였으므로, 명령문의 C0는 '지시적 힘' (directive force)이 강한 화용적이고 화맥적인 [+imp] 자질을 가지며, 이 자질은 동사의 굴절에 영향을 미쳐, 결국 문장의 형태를 명령문으로 결정짓는다. 이 C0가 EME 동사, 특히 Be 동사도 유인하는데, 이때는 V0-to-C0이동이 가능하고, 이러한 자질 유인의 강도가 달라지는 시점에 의해 이동에 영향을 미쳤고, 이는 어순(word order)과 문법화(grammaticalization)에 결정적 영향을 준 것으로 추정된다. 결국, 본 논문에서 옹호한 연속순환 핵 이동 분석은, 주어-동사의 일치현상과 시제표시는 T0가, 화맥 정보(discourse information)나 절 유형에 관여하는 것은 C0라는 Chomsky의 (1995, 2002, 2004, 2005)최소주의 이론과도 개념적으로 잘 부합되는 분석이라고 할 수 있다.

The Purpose of the present study is to discuss various types of Head movements found in Early Modern English (EME, henceafter), especially from one of the Shakespearean works, 'Julius Caesar' (1599) and to provide empirical evidence for a successive cyclic Head movement in EME (V0-to-T0-to-C0 movement), supported many scholars including Han (2001, Radford 1997, 2004) rather than a one-fell-swoop fashion movement of V0-to-C0 advocated in van Gelderen (2000). In her illuminating and insightful work, Gelderen argues that the lack of V0-to-T0 movement is attributed to the presence of C0. This paper, however, based on some counterexamples of EME, argues that the weakening of strength of Function Head T0 (rather than the presence of C0) is responsible for the lack of V0-to-T0 movement. Yet and however, the EME imperatives suggest that a one-fell-swoop movement of V0-to-C0 should also be possible, assuming that C0 is the locus of illocutionary feature [+imp], a kind of semantic/pragmatic feature that affects the clausal architecture. If the present analysis is on the right track, then this paper provides evidence that CP is responsible for encoding the discourse information and Clausal Typing, whereas TP is for the Subject-Verb Agreement and Tense marking, as suggested in Chomsky(1995, 2002, 2004, 2005).