Earticle

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Experiencer Objects of the English Psych Verbs. There are two constructions which show the crossover between two thematic roles: one is the Locative Inversion Construction(LIC). The other is the Experiencer Object Psych Verbs Construction(EO-PVC). In this study, I assume that EO is another locative PP in LIC because the preposition P has [Loc] features which contain a mental location. So the EO-PVC can be called the expanded LF-LIC. Specifically, I follow Landau (2010)’s “quirky experiencers” and the basic assumptions: According to QSP, the preposition in the locative PP has a null case, “φ” in English. Just as the PP in LIC is overtly moved to the [Spec, TP] at S-Structure, so the experiencer PP in EO-PVC is covertly moved to the [Spec-TP] at LF. As a result, both constructions have the multiple specifiers. But in the former the inversion is obligatory and the subject is topicalized, but in the latter this is not the case. That’s because the LF-movement is a covert movement which is not related to the discourse function. This analysis of EO as an LF-subject help to solve the puzzles such as adjunct control, backward binding, and scope readings.

The purpose of this paper is to propose that the suspension of the that-t effect may be accounted for by the ECP. The rest of this section provides data illustrating (the suspension of) the that-t effect. Section 2 presents evidence that sentential phrasal adverbs are different from non-phrasal adverbs like probably in terms of their distribution. Section 3, with the assumption that phrasal sentential adverbs are base-generated in Spec of a maximal phrase between CP and IP, reexamines (the suspension of) that-t effect in terms of the ECP. The last section is a conclusion drawn from the analysis.

This paper discusses the double constructions of the subject-case markers in Korean. In doing so, this paper reviews previous hypotheses and theories on this topic by introducing three major hypotheses on them. The main research questions of this paper include: 1) What are the grammatical functions of the subject-case markers in children’s earlier language development? 2) What are the developmental orders and phases of Korean subject-case markers? and 3) What is the most typical syntactic forms of Korean subject-case markers? Having discussed those major hypotheses, this paper argues for the hypothesis that the structure of ‘NP1(focus) + NP2(real subject)’ might be an original type of the double constructions of the subject-case markers. To support this argument, this paper investigates the real speech examples of two young children by analyzing their oral utterances involving subject–case markers. The discussion of this paper will shed some lights on the understanding of the double constructions of the subject-case markers in Korean and in other languages.

This paper deals with topic of Classical Chinese: function of topic, characteristics of topic makers, topicalization rules, and anaphors originated by topicalization. In Classical Chinese, various topic makers are used to make topics the center of attention or contrastive focus. Some makers such as fu夫, ruo若, ruofu若夫 precede topic. Others such as zhe者, ze則, ye也, ye-zhe也者 follow it. Topics of Classical Chinese are derived by applying part or all of topicalization rules consisting of Movement rule, Copying rule, Contraction rule, and Equi-NP Deletion rule one by one. In Classical Chinese, shi是 and ci此(as subjects), zhi之 and empty categories [e](as objects), yan焉(as PP), qi其(as nominal Det) play the rules of anaphors that are co-referring topics. Ultimately, this paper argues that the topic-comment is very efficient tool for the analysis of discourse of Classical Chinese.

This paper, conducted within the GB framework, investigates inversion phenomena in the functional categories, Focalization Phrases and Topicalization Phrases. The leading idea of this paper is that formal feature checking in these two functional categories is mostly responsible for inversion in which either verb or auxiliary verbs appear in front of subjects and also it will try to find an answer to the following questions: "What are the features that trigger the inversion?" and "Can all the inversion constructions explained by Haegeman's Focalization & Topicalization?" My discussion is largely based on English inversion constructions such as wh-inversion, negative inversion, and adverbial inversion. Also I will show there are some problems in Topicalization and Focalization analysis to explain some inversion constructions and present Rizzi(1999)'s analysis for those problems.

Many languages including Korean allow the so-called predicate topicalization in which a predicate expression is located in the left peripheral position while the identical stem also appears in the lower clause. The morphological (stem) identity of the two predicates indicates that there is a doubling process. Languages differ with respect to the exact morphosyntatic properties of the fronted predicate as well as its discourse function, but share certain grammatical properties. This paper first reviews this kind of doubling process as topicalization in Korean while referring to other languages. It then offers a construction-based HPSG analysis that can resolve issues that simple movement and spell-out analyses would encounter.

This paper puts forwards a discourse-based approach to middle field (or short) scrambling. It is argued that somewhere between TP and vP, certain functional categories such as TopP (i.e. Topic Phrase) are necessary to account for the displacement of an anti-focused element, which is originally base-generated within VP. In a broad sense, this supports the general view that middle field scrambling is required by the alternation of information structure (Abraham and Monarfi 2002). Also, this paper suggests that middle field scrambling is not a simple syntactic movement operation to TopP. Rather, it is a complex phenomenon accompanying two more interface operations: prosodic destressing and pragmatic defocusing. Under my proposal, an element in the domain of vP phase undergoes scrambling to Spec, TopP between TP and vP when it is D-linked and loses its prosodic prominence (i.e. a focal stress). The head of TopP has a strong EPP feature in the sense of Chomsky (2001, 2005); therefore, scrambling to Spec, TopP is obligatory. Theoretically, this narrow syntactic movement approach to middle field scrambling stands against the overgeneralization that scrambling is a semantically vacuous or PF-interface optional movement operation, as suggested in many researches (cf. Saito 1992; Sauerland & Elbourne 2002). In addition, this paper plays an important part in establishing a solid foundation to understand the fine structure of the left periphery of vP.

This paper examines the left periphery of CP in Korean and shows how the syntactic positions are correlated with the particular interpretation such as topic and focus. I propose that CP has TopP and FocP in order between C and T. I assume that Top and Foc inherit EF (Edge Feature) from the phase head C following Chomsky (2005). The EF can then raise any DPs to these positions. Such movement is characterized as topicalization or focalization. It is claimed that long-distance preposing is uniformly focalization. The long-distance quantifier raising is also analyzed as a focalization process with the scope reconstruction effects: it is not semantically vacuous. Scrambling is analyzed as movement within a phase without any semantic import. Thus ambiguous meanings from the free word order phenomenon are accounted for by different operations, not by scrambling only. The particular interpretation is obtained by the syntactic position that an element occupies.

This paper argues that Topicalization in Chinese is generally island-sensitive. However, Zhang (2002) notes that the complex NP composed of a relative clause (RC) can be transparent for movement like Topicalization when the immediately higher clause outside it contains a stable-state denoting predicate, but it cannot be otherwise. To account for the island obviation of Chinese Topicalization with such a predicate, we adopt Han and Kim’s (2004) analysis of double relatives in Korean, where the Double Subject construction occurs with the first major subject nominal is relativized from the RC that modifies the second grammatical subject nominal. In fact, we show that in a parallel fashion, Topicalization in Chinese does not invite as island violation with a stable-state denoting predicate because the predicate allows double subjects. More specifically, Topicalization proceeds licitly from the edge of the RC to the immediately adjacent outer Spec of TP granted by a stable-state denting predicate. To the extent that the present analysis of the island obviation in question is successful, this paper strengthens the movement thesis for Topicalization in Chinese.

This paper will investigate how the Korean EFL learners process unambiguous English and Korean sentences with filler-gap constructions. To proceed this investigation, we recorded the ERP components of the participant responses during the time of processing them. We discovered two features through the ERP experiment. One is that a LAN occurred at the position of the subject following the dislocated object and the indirect object following the gap of the object. The other is that the positive wave forms were elicited at the position of the subcategorizing main verbs and subjects following the dislocated objects. These imply that the Korean EFL learners are syntactically more sensitive to the object movement among filler-gap dependency constructions and even the Korean EFL learners process the given sentences separately based on working memory for integrating the filler and gap.

The aim of this paper is to reanalyze the structure with preposed and inverted constituent(PCS & ICS) of topicalization and focalization and to suggest that PCS and ICS have the same derivation in the narrow syntax(Chomsky1998,1999) as the canonical construction and then have a further derivation to prepose the preposed and inverted phrase to the left periphery. I argue the negative and interrogative sentences that can set up inversion, laying stress on the theory of Haegeman. She analyzed such negative and interrogative sentences as topicalization and focalization, and interrogatives accompanied by topicalization and also inversion and the grammatacalicity of sentences that negative constituent and topicalization appear together. She showed the branching diagram as the tree diagram of main text with topic over focus on the right line. In the case of focus the finite verb, the head word moves into the position of C and therefore inversion takes place. In ICS the inversed constituents were assumed subjects. This paper argues that the postverbal DP is a subject and that the preverbal elements are placed at the Spec of CP. To analyze the structure of IC, this paper adopts the Split CP, which comprises CP, TopP, and FocP. Since in terms of the checking/agreement theory of movement, no freee optional preposing can be allowed, this paper suggests that the preverbal elements of IC has [Foc] feature and that to check the feature, the focused element, that is, the inversion phrase should move to the Spec of CP or FocP.

This paper deals with topic of Classical Chinese: function of topic, characteristics of topic makers, topicalization rules, and anaphors originated by topicalization. In Classical Chinese, various topic makers are used to make topics the center of attention or contrastive focus. Some makers such as fu夫, ruo若, ruofu若夫 precede topic. Others such as zhe者, ze則, ye也, ye-zhe也者 follow it. Topics of Classical Chinese are derived by applying part or all of topicalization rules consisting of Movement rule, Copying rule, Contraction rule, and Equi-NP Deletion rule one by one. In Classical Chinese, shi是 and ci此(as subjects), zhi之 and empty categories [e](as objects), yan焉(as PP), qi其(as nominal Det) play the rules of anaphors that are co-referring topics. Ultimately, this paper argues that the topic-comment is very efficient tool for the analysis of discourse of Classical Chinese.

화제의 지시성 조건과 관련하여 학계에서는 오랫동안 한정성에 관심이 집중되었고 종류지시에 대해서는 충분히 주의를 기울이지 않았다. 본고는 중국어 화제화에 있어서 종류지시 성분의 중요한 역할과 그 생성 요인에 대해 논의하고자 한다. 종류지시는 한정⋅비한정의 상위 개념인 “개체지시”와 대응되지만, 지시 속성에서 한정에 더 가깝고 특히 고유명사와 유사하다. 이들은 모두 공유된 장기 구정보에 속하며, 일반적인 한정성의 현장 구정보와는 다소 구별된다. 중국어 종류지시 성분은 화제화 기능이 강해서, 본문에서 종합한 화제화 구문의 4개 상위유형 및 19개 하위유형 중 한정 성분은 8개 유형에 적합하지만, 종류지시 성분은 17개 유형에 충당될 수 있다. 본고는 중국어 종류지시 성분의 화제화에는 다음 세 가지 생성 요인이 있음을 지적하였다. 1. 정보지위: 종류지시는 공유된 구정보로서, 화제로 기능할 잠재적 가능성을 지니고 있다. 2. 유형학적 특징: 중국어는 화제 부각형 언어로, 화제는 고유한 통사 성분으로서 다양한 화제 구문을 도출해낸다. 화제는 현저한 범주로서 현장 구정보로부터 장기 구정보로 확장됨으로써 종류지시 성분을 포괄하게 된다. 3. 인지 도식: 종류지시 성분은 주로 틀-설정 화제의 세 가지 하위유형인 배경⋅틀 화제문, 분열식 화제문, 동일성 화제문으로 기능한다. 이들 화제는 모두 평언 내부에서 이와 상응하는 성분과 “대-소” 인지 도식을 구성하며, “배경⋅틀이 내용보다 큰 원칙”(Liu 2004)이라는 화제화 원칙을 준수한다.

With regard to referential requirement on topicalization, the literature has been focusing on definiteness, with little attention to genericity(kind-denoting). The present paper aims to focus on the active role of kind-denoting elements in topicalization and the underlying factors in Chinese. Opposed to individuality, the upper category covering definiteness and indefiniteness, kind reference is close to definiteness, particularly to proper nouns, both belonging to shared long-term given information, though it is a bit different from other kinds of definiteness which usually occur as situational given information. Kind-denoting elements play an active role in topicalization in Chinese. Among four classes and 19 subclasses of topic constructions, definite elements can serve as topic in eight subclasses while generic elements are seen in 17 subclasses. The paper specifies three factors which may trigger topicalization of generic elements: Ⅰ. Information status: Generic elements as shared given information have the potential for topicalization. Ⅱ. The language type: Chinese as a topic-prominent language has topic as an inherent syntactical function, giving rise to rich topic constructions. Topic as a mighty category expands its range of application from situational given information to shared long-term given information, including generic elements. Ⅲ. Cognitive schema: A generic element can mainly serve as one of the three types of frame topics, i.e., domain topic, split topic and identical topic. Topics of these types and their corresponding elements in the comments can form big-small cognitive schema, which observes the Principle of Frame Being Bigger than Content for topic constructions(Liu 2004).