Earticle

그 동안 한일 역사학계에서 제작일시와 제작국 등에 대해 논란이 많았던 ｢스다하찌만(隅田八幡) 神社 인물화상경｣의 명문을 다시 석독하고, 그에 따 른 제작의 주체와 명문의 성격을 밝히고자 하였다. 이에 동성왕이 일본에 체 재할 때에 男弟王(雄略天皇)의 도움으로 오시사카궁(意柴沙加宮)에 거주하였 고, 당시에 사마(무령왕)가 동성왕에게 200두의 銅을 보냈음을 확인할 수 있 었다. 또한 동성왕이 백제에 귀국하여 왕위에 오른 뒤, 동성왕 13년(491) 8월 10일 사마가 예전에 보냈던 동으로 본 동경을 제작하였음을 알 수 있었다. 한편으로 이 동경의 명문으로 미루어 백제 웅진시기의 모호한 왕실 계보를 다시 복원할 수 있었다. 곧 개로왕과 곤지는 형제이고, 동성왕은 무령왕의 이복형이며, 개로왕-문주왕-삼근왕으로 이어지는 계보와 곤지-동성왕‧무령 왕으로 이어지는 계보를 확인할 수 있었다.

This study aimed to re-interpret the Chinese letters inscribed on the Suda Hachiman Shrine Mirror, which was controversial about the date and the origin of the production in the historical societies in Korea and Japan, and, on the basis of the new interpretation, intended to investigate the subject of the mirror production and the unique features of the inscriptions. As a result, it was confirmed that King Dongseong lived in the Osisaka Palace with the help of Younger Brother King (Emperor Yūryaku) while he was stayin in Japan, and Sama (King Muryeong of Baekje) sent 200 du of copper ingot to him. And it has also been elucidated that the mirror was made by King Dongseong after he returned to Baekje and ascended the throne with the bronze sent by Sama on August 10, 491, which was the 13th year of his reign. On the other hand, the inscriptions on the mirror allowed us to restore the uncertain royal genealogy of the Ungjin Baekje period: King Gaero and Gonji were brothers, and King Dongseong was the half-brother of King Muryeong. In addition, the genealogy leading to King Gaero, King Munju, and King Samgeun and the genealogy leading to Gonji, King Dongseong, and King Muryeong were confirmed.

It is found that Liu Zongzhou’s view on the family and clan is not significantly different from the traditional Confucian scholars’ “family and clan” theory. However, it is noteworthy that in the case of Liu Zongzhou, his own self-cultivating element is projected to maintain the order of the “family / clan”. In other words, it is like a request for moral training in the “family lesson” or a “book of commending good and recording bad(Zhangshanjiebu)” in the “clan regulation(Zongyao).” For him, the order problem of "family / clan" (Qijia) is regarded as the order problem within himself (under morality cultivation). Furthermore, his perspective on “family / clan” is that the stability of order within the family / clan can be directly linked to the nation (world) rather than the actual union of clan. For Liu Zongzhou, various kinds of activities such as rituals performed within the clan are symbolic rituals that reveal the “righteousness” of the emperors and subjects, and worshiping ancestors has the significance of clarifying the human morals of the entire country. If his death to the Ming dynasty is considered, Liu Zongzhou's view of “family / clan” is reasonable.

劉宗周の家族・宗族に対する見解は、伝統的な儒者たちの「家族・宗族」 論と大きく異なっている点は見つかっていない。しかし、指摘しておきたい 点は、劉宗周の場合には彼自身の自己修養的要素が「家族・宗族」の秩序維 持に投影されていたということである。すなわち、それは「家訓」での道徳 修養の要求や「宗約」での「彰善記悪簿」などのようなものであった。彼に とっては「家族・宗族」の秩序問題（斉家）がそのままに自己内部の秩序問 題（修身以下のもの）としてとらえられているのである。さらに、彼の「家 族・宗族」への視点は実質的な宗族の結合よりも、家族・宗族内部での秩序 安定が直接に国家（天下）に連動していくことを望んでいた。そして、劉宗 周にとっては、宗族内部で行なわれる祭祀などの諸活動は、君臣の「義」を 明らかにする象徴的な儀式であり、祖先を祀ることは、国全体の人倫道徳を 明らかにする意義をもっている。彼の明朝への殉死を考えてみると、このよ うな劉宗周の「家族・宗族」観は当然のことである。