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이 논문은 도성 공간에서 거행된 국가의례를 중심으로, 탕롱의 의례도 시적 성격과 리 왕조가 지향했던 통치이념의 점진적인 변화과정을 추적해 보았다. 리 왕조는 불교세력의 열성적인 지지를 받으며 건립되었기 때문 에, 불교의례가 국가차원에서 적극적으로 도입되었다. 국가가 위기에 처할 때는 궁성의 중심에 위치한 용지광장에서 ‘인왕회’ 등을 거행하며 국태민 안을 기구하였다. 지역신앙도 국가의례의 일환으로 채택되었다. 특히 용지 에서 거행된 동고산신 의례는 지방 세력들이 황권에 대한 충성을 주기적으 로 맹서하는 의례로서 그 위상을 확고히 했다. 리 왕조는 탕롱 천도를 통해서 당초 고변이 건립한 방형 성곽도시를 계승하였고, 도성의 기본 구조와 전각 명칭도 중국식 도성제도를 모방했지 만, 도성 구획의 기준이 되는 기념비적인 건축물은 전통적인 ‘좌조우사(左 祖右社)의 구도 대신에, 불사와 도관을 선택하였다. 하지만 향후 탕롱정권 은 당송시기의 전통 도성의례를 점진적으로 수용하였다. 태묘는 황제가 친 정이후 포로를 바치는 개선의례로, 탄일행사는 황권을 선양하는 의례로 활 용되었다. 리 왕조의 황제들이 적극적인 관심을 표출한 의례는 성경, 성렴 등 농업의례였다. 인종이후에는 도성에 문묘가 설립되었고 공자와 유교 선 현을 제향하는 석전례도 거행되었다. 리 왕조 시대는 불교의 정치적 영향력이 지대한 시기였지만, 적어도 의례상에 있어서는 유교화 추세가 점진적으로 강화되고 있었다.

The Ly Dynasty, which lasted for a long time for the first time in Vietnam's history, moved its Capital City to Tanglong immediately after the founding, the central city of the Red River Delta, which was greatly influenced by Chinese culture. The Ly Dynasty was established with the enthusiastic support of the Buddhist faction. For this reason, the Ly Dynasty built Buddhist temples in key locations in the capital and actively encouraged Buddhist rituals. When there were important political or imperial events of the state, Buddhist ceremonies were held at the central square of the palace under the leadership of the government and the imperial family. The government of the Ly Dynasty strengthened its control over the provinces while simultaneously suppressing and embracing. While actively promoting military expeditions and innovation of the governing system, the government accepted regional rites with strong folk religious characteristics as part of State Ritual. In particular, God of the Mount Donggo(銅鼓山神) rite, held in the central square of the palace, became a State Ritual in which local powers pledged their allegiance to the emperor regularly. The Ly Dynasty built a rectangular Chinese-style castle town in Tanglong, and the basic structure of the city and the names of the buildings also imitated the Chinese-style palace. The State Rituals held in and around the palace were also focused on Buddhist rituals in the beginning, but gradually the traditional rituals of the Tang-Song Period capital were selectively accepted and utilized. Imperial Ancestral Temple was used as a triumphal rite by the emperor to offer prisoners after military expeditions. The birthday of the emperor was used as a ceremony to enhance the power of the emperor through a banquet and awards held in the central square of the palace. Agricultural ritual was the rites that the emperors of the Ly Dynasty showed the most active interest among the traditional State Rituals. Emperors actively participated in sowing and harvesting ceremonies, encouraged agricultural production and expressed interest in the lives of the people. After King Injong period, the civil service examinations began, albeit in a limited way, and Confucius Temple, which offered sacrifices to Confucian gods, was also established in the capital. Although Buddhism still had a great influence as a governing ideology during the Ly Dynasty, but a new change was emerging in the State Rituals held in the Capital Tanglong, gradually becoming Confucian-based.

『大唐開元禮』󰡕는 唐 玄宗의 적극적인 지원 아래 張說·蕭崇 등 集賢院學士들이 참여하여 開元 20년(732)에 편찬된 150권으로 이루어진 國家儀禮書이다. 이 의례서는 ｢序例｣·｢吉禮｣·｢賓禮｣·｢軍禮｣·｢嘉禮｣·｢凶禮｣로 구성되어 있다. ｢序例｣는 『大唐開元禮』의 총칙에 해당되는 부분으로 여기에서는 의례를 행할 때에 준비해야 하는 내용·의례에 사용되는 물품 등에 대해 기술하고 있다. ｢吉禮｣는 황제 또는 황제를 대신한 관인이 주관하는 국가제사로 구성되어 있다. ｢賓禮｣는 唐의 황제가 來朝하는 번국왕이나 번국왕이 파견한 관리를 영접하는 의례이고, ｢軍禮｣는 전쟁과 관련이 있는 의례로 이루어져 있다. ｢嘉禮｣와 ｢凶禮｣는 황실 구성원과 6품 이상의 고관들을 대상으로 하는데 전자에는 冠禮·婚禮·朝賀·讀時令 등의 의례가 있고 후자는 五服制度·喪禮·葬禮 등의 의례로 구성되어 있다. 『大唐開元禮』의 편찬은 唐 이전 남조·북조에서 제각기 행해지고 있었던 국가의례를 통일하였다는 점, 唐 이후에는 각 왕조 국가의례의 典範 역할을 하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다. 중국·대만·일본 등에서는 『大唐開元禮』의 편찬 과정, 개별 의례와 그 성격에 대한 분석이 이루어져 왔지만 국내의 연구는 많지 않다. 본고에서는 『大唐開元禮』의 편찬과정과 그 내용의 소개를 통해 중국 역사에서 중요한 역할을 했던 唐朝 國家儀禮의 특징을 규명해 보고자 하였다.

The Da Tang Kaiyuan li(大唐開元禮) is the first full dynastic ritual code to have survived in Chiana. It is 150 chapters prescribe in great detail a Confucian ritual programme for the emperor, members of the ninth grade. The Kaiyuan code was compiled by a scholarly commission directed first by Zhang Yue(張說) and then by Xiao Song(蕭嵩). The code groups rituals according to a fivefold division that derives from the Confucian canon. The ‘auspicious rituals’(ji li 吉禮), the first division, concerned offerings to supernatural powers or cosmological agents, mainly on the principal state altar sites at or outside the capital and the rites for the imperial ancestral temple. The second division was for ‘guest rituals’(bin li 賓禮), directives for receiving envoys from outlying territories. The third was for ‘army rituals’(jun li 軍禮) and included ‘military rehearsals’, hunts, and regulations for the report of victories. The fourth, the ‘felicitation rituals’(jia li 嘉禮) dealt mainly with the equivalent of rites of passage, coming of age ceremonies, marriage directives, investitures. Finally a section for ‘rituals of ill omen’(xiong li 凶禮), dealt with rites for death, bad harvests and illness. In this article I'll introduce the compilation process and the contents of The Da Tang Kaiyuan li(大唐開元禮). Through this introduction want to look at the content and historical significance of the national rituals play an important role in Chinese history.

본 논문은 『금광명경』을 소의경전으로 하여 천태 지의(天台智顗)가 제정한 금광명참법(金光明懺法)이 국가진호의식에서 개인구난의식으로까지 확장·변용되어 간 전개 과정을 고찰한 것이다. 『금광명경』은 여래수명설·삼신사상·공사상·참회사상·다라니·사천왕신앙 등을 포괄하는 대승경전으로, 동아시아에서는 특히 호국불교의 대표적 경전으로 수용되었다. 이에 따라 금광명참법 역시 초기에는 사천왕의 호국 서원과 왕권 수호 사상에 기반하여 국가적 차원의 진호의례로 시행되었다. 천태 지의는 기존의 금광명재(金光明齋)와 참회의례 전통을 계승하면서도 천태 교관(敎觀)을 융합하여, 사참(事懺)과 이참(理懺)을 병행하는 독자적 수행 체계로서 금광명참법을 정비하였다. 이 참법은 단순한 죄업 참회에 머무르지 않고, 관법(觀法)을 통해 죄성공(罪性空)을 체득하게 하는 수행 구조를 갖추고 있다는 점에서 천태 수행론의 특징을 잘 드러낸다. 동시에 사천왕·공덕천·대변천 등의 제천신앙 요소를 적극 수용함으로써 국가수호와 현세구난의 기능을 함께 수행하였다. 그러나 송대 이후 금광명참법은 점차 공불재천(供佛齋天) 의례와 융합되면서 의례적 성격의 변화를 보이게 된다. 준식과 지례의 보조의례 단계에서는 여전히 참회 수행의 구조가 유지되었으나, 명·청대에 이르면 제천(諸天)에 대한 공양과 쇄식(灑食), 청소(請召) 등의 요소가 강화되면서 참회수행적 의미는 상대적으로 약화되었다. 특히 『공제천과의』 계통에서는 참회 요소가 축소·삭제되고, 제천 봉청과 공양 중심의 기복의례로 재편되었다. 그 결과 금광명참법은 국가진호의식에서 개인의 재복·치병·재난구제·천도 등을 기원하는 개인구난 중심의 신앙의례로까지 확장되었다. 결국 금광명참법의 전개 과정은 동아시아 불교의례가 시대적·사회적 요구에 따라 어떻게 수용·변용되어 왔는지를 보여주는 대표적 사례라 할 수 있다. 이는 불교의 참회사상과 제천신앙, 호국불교와 개인 구복신앙 간의 상호융합을 거치며 전개된 동아시아 불교의례사의 역동성을 잘 드러낸다.

This study examines the historical transformation and expansion of the Golden Light Repentance Ritual (keumgwangmyeongchambeop, 金光明懺法), established by Zhiyi on the basis of the Suvarṇaprabhāsa-sūtra (Golden Light Sutra, 金光明經), from a state-protection ritual into a rite for individual salvation and worldly benefit. The Golden Light Sutra is a Mahāyāna scripture encompassing doctrines such as the Buddha’s eternal lifespan, the theory of the three bodies of the Buddha, emptiness, repentance, dhāraṇī, and the cult of the Four Heavenly Kings. In East Asian Buddhism, it was especially revered as a representative scripture of stateprotection Buddhism. Accordingly, the Golden Light Repentance Ritual initially functioned as a national ritual grounded in the protective vows of the Four Heavenly Kings and the ideology of royal protection. Zhiyi systematized the ritual by integrating earlier repentance traditions and Tiantai doctrinal contemplation, thereby establishing a distinctive practice combining ritual repentance (sacham, 事懺) and contemplative repentance (licham, 理懺). This ritual did not merely aim at confession and karmic purification, but also emphasized meditative insight into the emptiness of sinfulness (罪性空). At the same time, it incorporated the cults of heavenly deities such as the Four Heavenly Kings, Śrīdevī, and Sarasvatī, thereby combining state protection with practical salvation and worldly benefits. From the Song dynasty onward, however, the ritual gradually merged with the Offering to Buddhas and Heavenly Deities (Gongbuljecheon, 供佛齋天) liturgy, resulting in significant ritual transformation. Although the supplementary ritual manuals compiled by figures such as Zunshi and Zhili still preserved the structure of repentance practice, by the Ming and Qing periods greater emphasis was placed on offerings to heavenly deities, food-scattering rites, and invocation rituals. Consequently, the contemplative and penitential dimensions weakened. In particular, ritual texts such as the Gongjecheongwayi(供諸天科儀) removed or reduced repentance sections and reorganized the liturgy around devotional offerings and invocations to heavenly beings. As a result, the Golden Light Repentance Ritual evolved beyond its original role as a state-protection ceremony into a popular religious rite oriented toward individual salvation, healing, disaster relief, merit-making, and prayers for prosperity. Ultimately, the historical development of the Golden Light Repentance Ritual demonstrates how East Asian Buddhist rituals were continuously adapted and transformed in response to changing social and religious demands. It further reveals the dynamic interaction among repentance thought, the cult of heavenly deities, state-protection Buddhism, and popular religious practices within the broader history of East Asian Buddhist ritual culture.

삼국 통일 후 신라에서 설치한 국가 祭場 중 삼척에 설치된 것은 북쪽 태백산 에서 中祀를 지내기 위해 설치한 祭場, 四海 중 悉直郡 영역 내에 위치한 非禮山 에 설치된 北海 祭場이 있었다. 수도를 제외한 지방에 중사를 지낸 제장이 2곳 있었다는 것은 당시 이 지역이 신라 입장에서 정치ㆍ군사ㆍ경제적으로 매우 중요 한 곳이었다는 것을 보여준다. 태백산에 中祀를 설치한 이유는 신라 입장에서 본다면 태백산에서 발원한 물이 낙동강 발원지가 되어 경상남북도 지역의 농경지를 형성하고 사람이 살 수 있는 물을 끊임없이 제공하기에 그 덕이 매우 커서 설치하였다고 볼 수 있다. 四海 祭場의 위치에 대해서는 『삼국사기』 제사지에 北海 비례산은 오늘날 삼척 시인 실직군에 소재한다고 소개하였다. 현재 신라시대 북해의 제장인 비례산은 삼 척의 어디인지 그 위치를 알 수 없다. 더구나 동해, 서해, 남해의 제장은 海邊인데 반해, 북해 비례산만 산인 까닭에 더욱 혼란스럽다. 그리하여 북해 비례산의 위치 를 추정하는 다양한 논의가 있었는데, 일단 다른 해안지역의 제장과는 달리 山이 라는 점과 삼척에 있다는 사실이다. 여기에 덧붙여 제사를 지낸 산이라면 신령이 좌정할 만한 공간적 특징을 지니면서, 용왕제를 지낼 수 있는 여건 또한 갖추어져 있어야 한다. 이러한 전통을 바탕으로 삼척 비례산에서 행한 제사는 용왕을 위하여 바다에서 의 안전을 도모하는 것이 중요한 목적 중의 하나였다고 볼 수 있고, 이에 비례산 이 어디인가를 추정함에 있어 이를 고려할 필요가 있다.

Of the state ritual sites installed by Shilla after reunification, the one located in Samcheok was a ritual site for jungsa in northern Taebaeksan, the Bukhae Ritual Site in the Bile Mountain in the region of Siljikgun in Seohae. Considering the fact that there were only 2 sites for jungsa other than the one in the capital illustrates its significance for Shilla in politics, military and economy. For Shilla, a jungi was installed in Taebaeksan most likely because the water source of Nakdong River started from this area enabling formation of farmlands in Gyeongsangnamdo and Gyeongsangbukdo and supplied water sufficiently for residents. As for the location of Seohae ritual site, Samguksagi introduced that Bukhae Bile Mountain is located in Siljikgun, Samcheok. It is unclear where exactly Bile Mountain, the ritual site of Bukhae, is located in Samcheok. It is more perplexing because whereas all sites in Donghae, Seohae and Namhae are located along the shore Bukhae Bile Mountain is in a mountain. Naturally, there have been many discussions estimating the location of Bukhae Bile Mountain; the two definitive conclusions were that unlike other sites, this one was located in a mountain and in Samcheok. Moreover, a mountain for rituals must retain spatial characteristics for the gods and also be suitable to hold Yongwangje. Based on such tradition one of the purposes of the ritual held in Samcheok Bile Mountain was to pray to Yongwang for the safety in the ocean. This is an important fact to consider in estimating the location of Bile Mountain.

The Buddhist Ritual of Water and Land was at the center of controversy in fifteenthcentury Chos?n Korea because it received state sponsorship and royal patronage at a time when the state was attempting to reduce the institutional power of Buddhism. I argue that the seemingly inconsistent acts of the early Chos?n kings derived from their view that the state should uphold the ritual traditions of diverse religions regardless of the validity of their doctrinal claims. As the state gradually institutionalized a system of governance based on Confucianism in the mid-fifteenth century, Confucian officials urged the kings to put an end to the sponsorship of the ritual by the state and the royal family. In the second half of the fifteenth century, Confucian scholar-officials put forth the idea that Confucianism could not flourish unless the state banned the practices of other religions. This exclusivist attitude represented a break with the existing tradition in Korea that had been characterized by diversity in terms of religion and customs. The end of state sponsorship of the Ritual of Water and Land in the early sixteenth century signaled the ascension to dominance of Confucian values in Chos?n Korea.

這篇論文, 以前丶後蜀政權的都城成都爲中心, 探討都城史上‘禮儀城市’傳統的繼承與變化. 首先考察了成都發展爲一國都城的趨勢以及具備禮儀空間的過程. 成都城市史的巨大變化發生於876年高騈就任西川節度使之後. 高騈推行了大規模的羅城及城壕工程, 而成都具備了牙城丶子成丶外城的三重城的結構, 並加強了防禦功能. 第二次變化發生於前後蜀時代. 爲了具備皇帝都城的威嚴, 前蜀王建以大唐長安的皇城爲典範, 增修殿閣, 提高名號了. 值得矚目的是體現禮儀城市的特性, 建立了主要禮儀設施. 先設定了正殿會同殿連結於南郊圜丘壇的中軸線, 並以中軸線上的南北禦街爲准, 營造成左祖右社的禮儀空間. 如此, 成都共有皇帝居所宮殿與祭祀天地丶宗廟丶社稷等壇廟, 而正式具備了禮儀城市的規模. 爲了加強政權的正當性, 並解決現實政治的需求, 前丶後蜀政權在成都經常舉行了郊祀丶宗廟丶釋奠等傳統國家典禮. 值得注目的是蜀地本身, 地域意識頗爲鞏固, 而從外進入樹立政權的前丶後蜀, 獲得當地豪族和老百姓的支持, 專心尊重和收容禮儀和信仰所包含的地域性歷史意識. 因此, 屬於中祀的先代帝王丶賢臣丶名山大川等一些國家禮儀, 明顯顯示出區域化的傾向, 劉備和諸葛亮祭祀就是最主要的例證. 總之, 十國時期都城成都的案例看, 雖然都城仍然維持著禮儀城市的傳統性格, 而區域和民間因素的介入, 禮儀城市的傳統裏面已始發生變化.

Even though the Tang imperial house is known to have claimed descent of Laozi and officially sponsored Daoism, Daoism has rarely been taken into account in academic discourses on the Tang state ritual system. Dragon-casting rite (toulong 投龍) might be one exception. A number of stone inscriptions from the period tell us that particularly Wu Zetian and Xuanzong frequently performed this rite. But By misunderstanding this Daoist rite of rather small scale to be an independent rite, previous scholarship failed to provide the liturgical context and accordingly misrepresented the ritual practice of the time. A close examination of Daoist ritual sources informs us that Daoist zhai (齋) normally began with the rite of announcement on the eve of the main performance (suqi 宿啓), repeated the rite of audience with deities (xingdao 行道) including repentance (chanhui 懺悔) and scripture reading (zhuanjing 轉經) for a few days, proceeded to the rite of submitting a memorial (baibiao 拜表), and ended with a jiao 醮 offering to reward related deities. The final procedure to conclude the entire ritual programme was casting dragon figurine and slip (toulong jian 投龍簡), in order to report to the divine realm on the performance. Thus dragon-casting rite was not a ritual to be performed independently, and it should be seen to be a part of zhaijiao of lager scale. The findings from a detailed analysis of Daoist ritual structure make it clear that all the relevant sources relate the fact that Daoist zhaijiao, not merely dragon-casting rite, was frequently performed under the orders of Wu Zetian and Xuanzong. But there is an epigraphical source suggesting that use of Daoist zhaijiao performed in the context of state ritual can be traced back to the reign of Gaozong. When the first Feng and Shan sacrifices at Mount Tai in 666, performed by Gaozong, a dragon figurine was thrown from a precipice by Gaozong's order about one month later. The officials in charge of this rite were holding titles showing that their duty was to supervise the preparation and implement of the Feng and Shan sacrifices. Given that Gaozong was on imperial visit and the preparation must have been necessary, this particular rite is very likely to have been previously planned. This epigraphy therefore indicates that a Daoist zhai or jiao, followed by the dragon-casting rite, was performed as supplement to, or in connection to the Feng and Shan sacrifices. Furthermore, Gaozong attempted to carry out the Feng and Shan sacrifices at all of the five sacred mounts, which implies that all the sacrifices would have been followed by Daoist zhaijiao. Gaozong’s strong interest in and support of Daoism was apparent. He announced a new title for himself in 674, the Heavenly Emperor (tianhuang 天皇), which had strong Daoist overtones and long history as the supreme and primordial ruler of the cosmos. Also when he was planning the second Feng and Shan sacrifices at the Mount Song, he visited the mount and met with Pan Shizheng 潘師正, a Daoist who was then residing there. Pan Shizheng seems to have been deeply involved in the Gaozong’s new attempt. It does not seem a coincidence that deified Laozi appeared in front of Gaozong and Daoist priests at Luoyang, which could be taken as an auspicious sign to encourage the new Feng and Shan sacrifices. All these evidences indicates that Gaozong himself was using Daoism, particularly its ritual to reinforce and manifest his authority. Thus the frequent observances of Daoist ritual during the reign of Empress Wu was in a sense a to be understood to be originated from the reign of Gaozong, and similar approach can be later found in Xuanzong's reign.

본고는 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지에 전하는 신라 祀典이, 동아시아 전통의 三祀 체계에 名山･大川만을 편제하고, 주요한 조상제사나 농경제사를 제외한 까닭을 살피고자 하였다. 아울러 신라 각종 제사의 정비과정을 세 시기, 곧 시조묘와 신궁, 종묘･사직단의 설치를 기준으로 시기를 구분하고 중국 역대 제사와 비교하여 그 성격을 살폈다. 그 결과 신라의 사전에는, 천자의 제례에 상응하는 八蜡祭와 觀稼, 藉田을 각각 八棤祭, 後農祭와 先農祭란 명칭으로 사용하고, 북제･수･당대의 神州에 상응하는 三山을 설정하였음을 알 수 있었다. 한편으로 시조 혁거세묘나 신궁 제사, 사직단, 오묘를 비롯하여 風伯, 雨師, 靈星祭, 日月祭 등은 분명히 당의 三祀 체계에 포함되어야 할 것인데도 전혀 三祀 체계 내에 들어가 있지 않고, 오직 名山大川만을 三祀에 배치하였음을 주목하였다. 이는 ≪삼국사기≫ 편찬시의 신라 사전이 많이 산실된 까닭이겠지만, 신라 祀典이 ≪삼국사기≫ 제사지 신라조와 마찬가지로 편년별로 제사의 置廢를 서술하고 그에 따른 祭日이나 祭場을 명시하였기 때문으로 보았다. 또한 신라의 祀典이 몇 차례에 걸쳐 정비되었고, 당례를 수용하면서도 고유의 天祇 제사 체제를 유지하고 名山大川에 대한 제사만을 唐의 三祀 체계에 맞추어 재정비하였기 때문이라고 여겨졌다.

이 글은 1920-30년대 식민지 조선에서 신사참배문제를 둘러싼 논란을 살피면서 당시 조선에 있었던 서구인들의 신도에 대한 인식을 추적하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 1920년대 일제는 영미협조정책을 추진했기 때문에 조선 내의 모든 사람들에게 신사참배를 강요하지 않았다. 그러나 1930년대 ‘만주사변’, 특히 1937년 중일전쟁발발 무렵에 일제는 후방의 동원을 위해 조선 내의 모든 학교에 신사참배를 강요했다. 당시 기독교계 사립학교를 운영하고 있었던 미국선교사들은 이 문제에 대해 어떤 입장을 취해야했다. 대부분의 선교사들은 조지 맥큔에서 보듯이 ‘신도종교론’적인 입장을 취했다. 이에는 당시 동경제국대학교의 종교학과 법학교수들의 ‘신도종교론’적 입장이 중요한 근거가 되었다. 이들 이노우에 테츠지로나 호즈미 노부시게 등의 황국사관이나 황도법학 등은 반서양적 논리와 일본의 특수성에 호소하는 것이었지만 이들의 주장은 선교사들에 의해 적극적으로 신사참배 반대논리로 활용되었다. 그러나 호래이스 언더우드에게서 드러나듯이 현실적으로 신사예식의 종교적 부분이외에는 얼마든지 신사참배에 참여할 수 있다고 주장한 인물들도 있었다. 특히 미국 외교관들과 대부분의 일본 내 선교사들은 보다 적극적으로 종교상대론적 입장에서 신사참배를 받아들일 수 있음을 시사했다. 신도와 천황제가 긴밀하게 결합되어있었음을 생각할 때 이는 전후 천황제문제의 처리방향에 대해 많은 것을 암시해준다.

This article has an aim to survey the disputes about Japanese shinto and to see how westerners understood this issue in colonial Korea during the 1920-1930s. During the 1920s Japanese government did not enforce shintoism upon all the Koreans because Japan pursued a conciliatory policy toward the UK and the U. S. In the 1930s, especially around the Second Sino-Japanese War, Japan forced all the schools to go to Shinto shrine for war mobilization in Korea. American missionaries, therefore, had to reveal their attitudes towards this issue since they managed mission schools. Majority missionaries assumed the 'shinto-religion' theory, the position that is well shown in George S. McCune's case. The faculty members in Religious and Law Department at the Tokyo Imperial University supported this ideas based upon nationalistic thoughts. While these people such as Inouye Tetsujiro and Hozumi Nobusige resorted to anti-western and Japanese particularism with imperial way of historical thoughts and emperor-based legal theory, western missionaries actively appropriated these nationalistic ideas for their ends: anti-shintoism. However, there is a person like Horace H. Underwood who argued that even christians are able to participate into shinto shrine worship except religious parts in the ceremony. Moreover, American diplomats and several missionaries in Japan would be eager to accept the ceremony based upon religious relativism. Considering the close relationship between shinto and emperor system, these diverse attitudes about shintoism suggests the ways how the emperor system was handled in post-war Japan.

Organization and Characteristics of the State Ritual of the Kory Dynasty

本論文以宗教與國家權力之間的關係為中心，檢討了傳統中國社會裡面佛教的傳播與世俗化趨勢。唐宋時期，佛教附屬神毗沙門天王為戰神･守護神的名目，廣受崇拜。值得矚目的是在唐代後期，毗沙門信仰正式編入到國家祭祀體系，政府官員開始主辦其禮儀活動。政敎關係上皇權佔據絕對優勢的帝國時代，某種信仰入編國家禮典之事，表示着官方的公認及支持，對於信仰的開展方面，宜有積極的影響。所以本論文先考察了"毗沙門戰勝靈驗故事"的出現與密宗的護國佛教化的關係，然後以同樣脈絡下檢討了毗沙門信仰入編國家祭祀體系的過程及其義意。其結果，大略如下: 首先，在唐代後期，"毗沙門戰勝靈驗故事"逐漸流傳，而《毘沙門儀軌》所載的板本可推定為原型。其故事裡面的戰神形象與《大唐西域記》<瞿薩旦那國>條目･和田出土的考古資料以及相關圖像資料綜合考量，可發現其神話故事及圖像起源於國王以毗沙門神後裔自負的于闐建國神話。誇耀神祇超自然力量的靈驗故事，雖然不完全符合于歷史事實，但其內容仍然反映出宗教上的社會需求和背後社會勢力的意圖，值得商榷。經過分析得知，毗沙門神"安西戰勝靈驗故事"的制作及流布與密宗有關，他門利用天寶以後的戰亂局面，以護國勤王宗敎的面貌，試圖强化敎團勢力。 其次，對於密宗信仰的傳播及教團地位的提高，發揮決定性作用的靈魂人物就是佛空。他經常利用多種管道，強調密宗的護國佛教特色，以確立與皇權之間的緊密關係。其中，譯經和灌頂禮儀是不空宣傳密宗的主要手段，連在安史戰亂期間，西北軍事勢力的後援下，他仍然展開着其事業。這種背景下翻譯或編造振作士氣的靈驗故事和佛典是理所當然的。戰神毗沙門的靈驗故事可能在這種背景下形成而流傳。密宗與皇權之間的關係在肅宗･代宗時代達到巔峰。尤其是重新翻譯成強烈包含着護國理念的《仁王經》而定期舉行誦讀講會後，密宗確保了朝廷上的支持。引人注目的是戰神毗沙門的靈驗故事也開始反映這些變化，在故事的結尾部分開始提及"諸道節度所在州府于城西北隅，各置天王象，部從供養"的內容。《儀軌》裡的故事後半部，原本強調禁止殺生的佛教倫理，而現在轉而主張宜在公府奉祀毗沙門神祭祀。靈驗故事裡面的這種變化反映着，入編到國家祭祀系統，以穩定確保朝廷的公認及後援的企圖。 再次，九世紀以後毗沙門信仰進入了新的局面，其變化的重點就是入編國家祭祀系統。貞元･元和年間，歷任太常卿及禮部尙書等高官的權德輿，在德宗貞元17년(801)奏上了<祭岳鎮海瀆等奏議>，值得矚目。他在奏文，相關小祀"諸神祠"的內容中，提到龍神及毗沙門神。並補充禮典上面雖然沒有具體規定，而龍神準五龍壇例，毗沙門神就準四鎮山例，舉辦即可。當然，《大唐開元禮》及《大唐郊祀錄》都記載相關四鎮山的祭日･獻官･齋戒･祭器･犠牲･祭儀･祭文等規定，向後公府的毗沙門祭祀依據這些規定舉行。這種脈絡下，需要注意官方對毗沙門信仰的態度與後援，而在憲宗及穆宗時期的史料中可以發現相關待遇。武宗會昌法難時期，毗沙門信仰也避開撤毀的命運的事，宜與進入祀典而正式成為國家祭祀有關。段成式在《寺塔記》相關大興善寺天王閣的內容中，就提及"今部落鬼神形像墮壞，唯天王不損。"唐代後期，毗沙門信仰在民間社會的全方位發展，基本與為國家權力所公認與支持，密不可分。

이 연구는 지역사회에서 김해 수로왕릉이 권위를 확보하고, 김해지역의 의례 질서와 규범을 만들어가는 데 구심적 역할을 할 수 있었던 중요한 배경이 된 재정에 주목하여 김해 수로왕릉의 재정 기반과 그 운영 실상을 밝히는데 목적이 있다. 숭선전은 가락국 시조인 수로왕과 왕후 허씨의 위패를 모신 전각으로, 1878년(고종 15) 나라에서 내린 전호이다. 이 연구에서는 조선후기 이후 갑오개혁 전까지 국가시조묘인 수로왕릉의 재정기반과 그 운영을 논의하였다. 이 작업은 숭선전에 조선후기부터 1894년 갑오개혁 전까지 김해 수로왕릉의 재정기반과 운영을 보여주는 방대한 기록물이 전승되어 가능하였다. 조선의 역대시조묘 제사는 국가사전체계의 吉禮 中祀로 편재된 중요한 국가제사였다. 이러한 제사는 국가가 일정한 재원을 하사하여 공식적으로 지원하는 한편, 지역사회 차원에서도 재정 기반을 마련하는 방식으로 운영되었다. 김해 수로왕릉의 재정 기반은 크게 물적 자원과 인적 자원으로 구분할 수 있는데, 물적 자원의 핵심은 토지였으며, 인적자원은 양정군과 유생, 그리고 능속 등이 중요했다. 이러한 재정기반의 확보 과정은 김해부의 행정적 지원과 왕실의 점진적인 승인 그리고 무엇보다 후손들의 자발적인 노력이 복합적으로 작용하였다. 특히 김해부 산하 20개 면에서 차등적으로 양정군을 선발한 사실은 수로왕릉이 지역사회 내에서 차지하던 위상과 밀접하게 연관되어 있음을 보여준다. 조선 역대시조묘의 재정기반과 그 실제 운영 양상을 구체적으로 확인할 수 있는 기록이 거의 남아있지 않은 상황을 고려할 때, 김해 수로왕릉의 재정기반과 그 확보과정은 역대시조묘의 재정기반과 운영의 실상을 밝히는 것에도 기여할 것으로 기대된다. 이런 점에서 이 연구는 역대시조묘의 사례 연구로서 매우 큰 의미를 지닌다고 할 수 있을 것이다.

This study aims to examine the financial foundations of the Gimhae Suro Royal Tomb and its modes of operation, focusing on finance as a crucial factor that enabled the tomb to secure authority within the local community and to function as a central force in shaping ritual order and norms in the Gimhae region. Sungseonjeon is the shrine that enshrines the spirit tablets of King Suro, the founder of the Gaya polity, and Queen Heo, and it was designated as a jeonho (official shrine land) by the state in 1878 (the 15th year of King Gojong’s reign). This study investigates the financial base and operation of the Suro Royal Tomb as a state ancestral shrine from the late Joseon period to the period immediately preceding the Gabo Reform of 1894. Such an analysis is made possible by the transmission of a substantial body of records preserved at Sungseonjeon, which document the financial foundations and management of the tomb from the late Joseon period through 1894. In the Joseon dynasty, rites performed at royal ancestral shrines were classified as Jungsa (medium-level rites) within the category of Gillye (auspicious rites) in the state ritual system, constituting important state-sponsored ceremonies. These rites were supported by official state allocations while also relying on financial bases established at the local level. The financial foundation of the Gimhae Suro Royal Tomb can be broadly divided into material and human resources. Land constituted the core of the material resources, while key human resources included yangjeonggun, Confucian scholars, and tomb attendants. The process through which this financial base was secured involved a combination of administrative support from the Gimhae prefectural government, gradual approval by the royal court, and, most importantly, the voluntary and sustained efforts of the descendants. In particular, the differentiated selection of yangjeonggun from the twenty administrative districts under Gimhae demonstrates the close connection between the tomb’s financial organization and its status within the local community. Given the scarcity of surviving records that concretely reveal the financial foundations and actual operation of royal ancestral shrines in the Joseon dynasty, the case of the Gimhae Suro Royal Tomb provides a valuable example for elucidating the realities of financial management and operation at such shrines. In this respect, this study holds significant value as a case study contributing to a deeper understanding of the financial foundations and operational practices of royal ancestral shrines in Joseon Korea.

이 글은 각문이라는 관청의 역할을 의례라는 측면에서 접근하여 고려의 의례 정비 과정에 대한 특징을 살피고자 하였다. 이를 위해 먼저 각문의 직제를 정리하면서 그 도입과 설치 시기에 대해서 살펴보았다. 이에 성종대에 각문이 설치되었으며, 직제도 이때에 대부분이 갖추어졌을 것으로 파악하였다. 무엇보다 각문은 송의 각문, 인진사의 직제를 합친, 곧 관제상 송제의 영향으로 등장한 관사임을 확인하였다. 다음으로 각문의 역할을 의례상 역할과 공간, 건축물로서의 기능으로 나누어 살폈다. 각문의 관원들은 국왕이 임석하는 각종 의례에서 행례관(行禮官)으로 역할을 수행한다. 다른 한편으로 각문이라는 건물 자체는 궁궐 건축의 일부로서, 그 건물이나 뜰은 연회, 상소 등의 정치 행위가 이루어지는 물리적 공간으로 기능하였다. 이 경우는 각문이라는 관사의 역할과는 분명히 구별된다. 각문 관원의 행례관 역할은 국와의 임석(臨席)이 이루어지는 경우에만 이루어져서 국왕과 밀접한 관련을 맺고 있음을 알 수 있다. 이러한 의례 관사로서 각문의 등장 과정은 성종대 이래 송제의 도입 과정에서 비롯하였음도 다시 한 번 확인하였다.

The purpose of this article is to examine the process of reconstructing the ritual of Koryo through the Memorial Reception Staff called Gakmun. First of all, I arranged the official system of Gakmun and looked at the introduction and installation time. Gakmun first appeared during the reign of king Seongjong. This office also confirmed that the imitation system of Song China was established. Next, the role of this office was divided into ritual roles and functions as buildings. The staff of the office appear as ritual officers in various rituals attended by the king. The office's buildings were part of the palace, so the building and its yard had political activities such as banquets and appeals. Finally, I looked at the relationship between the office and the state rituals in terms of their relevance to the king and the process of reorganizing the rituals.

This article mainly examines the revision of state sacrifice ritual for heaven (祭天儀禮) during the Jin Dynasty(lasted from 1115 to 1234). The Jurchen regime, in an effort to build a multi-ethnic Empire, tried to reorganize the traditional Chinese state ritual system. When the Jurchen Jin Dynasty conquered the central plain of China, the nomadic conqueror faced many difficulties in governing the polyethnic society. They, however, overcame the initial difficulties within a relatively short time period and could have a dignity as a Chinese Dynasty. Although the traditional studies on the Jurchen success focused mainly on the so-called ‘sinicization(漢化)’ for the key to their success, the recent researches argue that the Jin Dynasty’s ‘sinicization’ was not just ‘assimilation’ to the Chinese civilization but a kind of smart adoption of the Chinese system for embracing the various ethnic groups in their new territories. Their revision of the state sacrifice ritual system, therefore, could be considered one of their policy orientation toward the foundation of the multi-ethnic Empire. Besides the state ritual system, the multi-ethnic traits of the Jin Dynasty could be found in their institutional and cultural diversity. First of all, they provided new political, governmental and legal systems to cover all diversities of their ethnic groups such as the Jurchen, Han, Bohai(渤海), and Kitan(契丹). In terms of the religion, they also gladly embraced the Chinese religions like Buddhism and Daoism under the premise of their cooperation with the Jurchen rule over the Central Plain. The Jurchen government, in short, pursued the institutional and religious policy that could harmonize the various ethnic groups in their territories. In addition, their revision of the state sacrifice ritual system can be understood in the same context. Among the state ritual system of the Jin Dynasty, this research mainly deals with a couple of state sacrifice rituals for heaven like the worship ritual for the Sun (拜日) and the worship ritual for the Heaven (拜天), which were originated from the Jurchen tribal ritual in common. Although these worship rituals were performed according to the regulations of the Confucian rituals system in principle, the rituals still contained strong feature of the traditional Jurchen ethnic traits in their contents. The process of their being transferred into the Chinese Confucian ritual system became an invaluable precedent for the following nomadic Empires such as the Yuan and the Qing.

Rituals performed nationally during the Joseon Dynasty can be divided into two types; One is the ‘State-based Ritual(Jeongje, 正祭)’, which is a ritual for various gods related to the state and close to the public realm, and ‘Royal-Based Ritual(Sokje, 俗祭)’, which is a ritual for royal ancestors. The characteristics of these two rituals also lead to differences in the food served in each ceremony. The food in the State-based Ritual follows ancient Chinese traditions, while the food in the Royal-based Ritual follows the tradition of Joseon. This paper analyzed the characteristics and types of food for State-based Ritual. In addition, since State-based Ritual adopted the Chinese ritual system, this paper investigated the history of how those food was changed and formed in China. Through this, it is possible to deeply understand the characteristics of State-based Ritual in the Joseon Dynasty.