Earticle

본 연구는 개인레슨을 통한 축구동호인의 삶의 질에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 연구대상자는 서울 ․ 경기지역에서 활동하고 있는 축구동호인을 대상으로 하였으며, 현재 개인레슨에 참여하거나 참여하지 않는 대상자 모두를 포함해 220 명을 대상으로 하였으나, 분석에 맞지 않는 설문지를 제외하고 최종 200부의 설문지를 사용하였다. 개인레슨에 참여하는 축구동호인은 123명, 비참여 동호인은 77명으로 구성되어 있으며 이를 통해 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 축구동호 인의 개인레슨 참여 유무가 삶의 질에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석한 결과, 개인레슨에 참여하는 동호인이 비참여 동호인보다 삶의 질의 모든 하위요인인 전반적, 신체적 건강, 환경적, 심리적 건강이 더 높은 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 축구동호인의 개인레슨 참여 빈도가 삶의 질에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석한 결과, 개인레슨 참여빈도가 4회인 경우가 5회이상인 경우보 다 신체적 건강, 심리적 건강이 더 높은 것으로 나타났다. 셋째, 축구동호인의 개인레슨 참여기간이 삶의 질에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석한 결과, 개인레슨 참여기간이 1년, 2년, 그리고 3년 이상인 경우 삶의 질의 하위요인인 전반적, 신체적 건강, 환경적, 심리적 건강 모두에 유의한 영향이 없는 것으로 나타났다. 넷째, 축구동호인의 개인레슨 만족도가 삶의 질에 미치는 영향에 대해 분석한 결과, 개인레슨 만족도가 만족 혹은 불만족인 경우 삶의 질의 하위요인인 전반적, 신체적 건강, 환경적, 심리적 건강 모두에 유의한 영향이 없는 것으로 나타났다.

Effect of quality of life according to experience participating in lessons of soccer club member. The objective of this study was to inform soccer club members of the importance of the soccer lesson participation by figuring out what differences the soccer lesson participation made in quality of life (QOL). The survey was carried out with data collected from 123 male soccer club members attending 20 to 40 ages of soccer club located in Seoul and Gyounggi. Sub-variables consist of experience participating in lessons, age, period of lesson participation ,frequency of lesson participation and lesson participants' satisfaction. And quality of life takes overall QOL, physical QOL, environmental QOL and psychological QOL as sub-variables. Main results obtained from the present study were as follows. First, there were significant differences of QOL in lesson participation. Second, there were significant differences of QOL in frequency of lesson participation. Third, there were not significant differences of QOL in period of lesson participation. Fourth, there were not significant differences of QOL in lesson participants' satisfaction.

문재인정부의 핵심공약 중의 하나가 강력한 지방분권의 추진이었다. 이는 안정적이고 공정한 사회건설을 위해서는 정부내 균형잡힌 권한배분의 제도적 장치가 선결과제라는 문 제의식에 기반을 두고 있다. 권한배분을 위한 기본접근은 민주적 경쟁체재를 갖추는 제도 의 확장이었다. 특히 기존의 정부에서는 중앙정부와 지방정부라는 기관 간의 권한배분에 초점을 두고 있었던 반면에, 문재인정부에서는 대표와 주민 간의 경쟁체제를 갖추어 제도 를 강조했다. 이들 철학과 전략들은 자치분권종합계획에 담아졌고, 지방자치법 전부개정에 주민주권의 확장내용으로 담아졌다. 주요 성과는 지방자치법 전부개정, 지방이양일괄법 제 정, 자치경찰제 도입, 1차 재정분권의 추진 등의 성과로 나타났다. 이러한 자치분권을 추진 하는데 있어서 얻은 교훈은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 정부의 정책의지가 매우 중요하다는 것이다. 특히 대통열의 의지는 더욱 그렇다. 자치분권은 기본적으로 권력의 재배분 문제이다. 그리고 비정형화된 문제이다. 따라서 정 당간 정부부처간 저항이 있기 마련이다. 이를 극복하기 위해서는 관료화된 정부조직문화에 서 최고 의사결정권자의 관심과 의지는 매우 중요하게 작용한다. 둘때, 정책담론의 형성이다. 비정형화된 문제와 권력재배분의 문제는 정책담론의 형성이 정책당위성을 확보하는데 매우 중요하다. 자치분권위원회를 중심으로 본위워, 전문위원, T/F팀운영, 그리고 자문위원 등의 정책담론 형성집단의 역할은 중요했다. 셌때, 적실한 평가도구(추진도구)가 있어야 한다. 자치분권의 성과는 정부부처를 상대로 평가하지만, 대부분의 과제들이 입법과제와 연결된다. 따라서 최종성과는 국회의 몫이 된 다. 그래서 평가체재는 목표달성 평가보다 추진노력을 평가하는 과정평가지표가 더 효과적 이다. 넷째, 자치분권과 관련된 기관들 간의 신뢰유지가 중요하다. 권력배분의 문제는 정부 이 외의 국회정당의 이해관계와 정부내 부처간의 이해관계가 첨예하게 대립되는 성격을 가지 고 있다. 관련된 기관 간의 정보공유와 소통이 그리고 균형잡힌 업무추진이 정책추진의 신 뢰를 형성하는데 필수적이다. 이러한 신뢰유지의 과정은 있을 수 있는 저항을 현저히 저감 시키는데 공헌한다.

A central campaign of President Moon, Jae In’s Government was to make strong progress on decentralization. This was in response to the realization that an institutional mechanism of a balanced distribution of authority is a requisite to establish a stable and fair society. The basic approach for authority allocation is to expand the institutional arrangement for a democratically competitive system. Contrast to past governments where authority allocation’s focus was on the institutional arrangement between the central and local government, President Moon’s Government emphasized an institutional arrangement securing a competitive system between the representative and the residents. The Decentralization Master Plan encapsulated this philosophy and associated strategies. This principle also melted into the contents to expand resident rights within the comprehensive amendment to the Local Autonomy Act. Major achievements of this initiative include (1) the comprehensive amendment to the Local Autonomy Act, (2) the enactment of the Omnibus Regional Transfer Law, (3) adoption of the Local Police System, and (4) implementation of the 1st Stage in Fiscal Decentralization. In pursuing these decentralization activities, the following lessons emerged. First, Government’s political will and intent is extremely important. Particularly, the President’s will is most important. This is because decentralization is fundamentally a problem of power reallocation. It is also an unstructured problem. Thus, pushback occurs from political parties and among government agencies. To overcome this, the most senior decision-maker’s attention and will is extremely important for a bureaucratized government organization culture. Second, formulation of policy discourse is indispensable. For the unstructured problem and the power reallocation problem, policy discourse formulation is extremely important to secure policy appropriateness. The Policy Discourse Formulation Group comprised of main committee members, professional members, operation of a taskforce team, and advisory member all centered around the Presidential Committee on Autonomy and Decentralization played an important role. Third, precise evaluation instrument (implementation instrument) is needed. Although government agencies are subject to decentralization performance evaluations, the majority of the tasks are inseparable from legislative tasks in generating results. Thus, it is more effective to employ an evaluation framework where evaluation is on implementation efforts using a process evaluation index rather than a framework on goal fulfillment. Fourth, it is important to maintain trust among agencies associated with decentralization. Power allocation problem entails sharply opposing interests among political parties in the legislative body and among government agencies outside of the Government. It is vital to communicate and share information among relevant institutions along with a balanced work implementation in order to form trust within policy implementation. The trust maintaining process contributes to mitigating opposition.

한국은 6.25 전쟁으로 나라가 황폐해졌고, 이데올로기 갈등도 겪었다. 그러나 이 모든 어려 움을 이겨내고 경제발전과 정치, 사회적 진보를 이룩한 생생한 경험을 가지고 있다. 이러한 한국의 성공 경험을 유사한 역사를 가지고 있는 캄보디아의 여건과 실정에 맞게 발전시켜 적 용하면 유용한 개발 대안이 될 것이다. 한국의 경험에 비추어 캄보디아의 지속적인 경제발전을 위하여 필요한 프로젝트를 제시해 보면 첫째, 캄보디아는 인센티브 제도 도입을 통해 캄보디아 인구의 대부분이 거주하고 있는 농촌지역을 개발하고 농촌 생활수준을 개선할 필요가 있다. 둘째, 캄보디아 산업화의 근간이 될 중소기업 지원을 위하여 중소기업에 대한 재정적 지원이 필요하다. 셋째, 경제개발을 주도 할 정부 역량을 강화하기 위해 한국의 경제기획원 같은 최고 전문가 집단으로 구성된 중앙집 중적 경제기획부서가 필요하다. 넷째, 빠른 경제개발을 뒷받침해 줄 기능인력 육성을 위해 체 계적인 기술 및 직업교육이 필요하다.

This study adopts a flow theory perspective to investigate the learning engagement levels of 224 Korean high school students during EFL classes and the factors that may relate to differences in their engagement. Engagement was defined as the simultaneous experience of concentration, interest, and enjoyment. The experience sampling method was employed to measure 10th and 11th graders’ appraisals of instructional activities. Each participant was sampled twice randomly during each of three observed lessons. Momentary levels of engagement were examined in relation to students’ appraisals of activity qualities (importance for future goals, difficulty, possessed skills/competence in the area of the activity), and contextual factors (gender, grade, teacher, ability-track). Descriptive analyses, ANOVAs, and t-tests revealed that only 13% of the students were optimally engaged in lessons that were predominantly teacher-centered; increased engagement was associated with students’ appraisals of activity importance for future goals and with feelings of competence; and learner group engagement differed according to who taught them. Some teachers seemed to use an approach more conducive to engagement.

이 논문은 독일 운하의 긍정적 및 부정적인 경제적 측면을 살펴봄으로써 그 발전 과정을 소개하는데 있다. 이 독일 운하는 한반도 대운하 건설 프로젝트에 소중한 교훈이 된다. 우리는 먼저 두 나라의 경제적 상황이 아주 다름을 인식해야 한다. 즉 독일은 여전히 중공업에 기반을 두고 정보 기술에 역점으로 두고 있으나 한국은 현재 정보 기술 산업에 초점을 두고 있다. 둘째, 한국은 광물자원 부족으로 인해 독일과 달리 물동량 수송에 적합하지 않다는 것이다. 셋째, 한반도 운하의 경우, 두 개의 승강기를 포함하는 건설 및 작동 비용뿐만 아니라 높은 유지비용으로 인해 수익을 창출할 수 없을 것이다. 넷째, 운하를 작동하는데 필요한 막대한 수량은 한국의 생태 환경과 균형적인 식수 확보에 부정적인 영향을 미칠 것으로 보인다. 또한, 우리는 대 국책 사업의 수혜적인 측면을 지나치게 과장하고, 잠재적인 비용이나 기회비용 이를 테면, 이 사업으로 인해 "희생될 미래" 즉 납세자인 국민에게 부담을 주는 부정적인 경제 효과도 간과해서는 안 될 것이다. 우리는 애매한 경제성에 의존하는 개발 논리를 앞세운 단면적인 접근을 넘어서서 한반도운하 프로젝트에 대한 철저한 영향 평가가 필요하다.

This paper aims to explain the development of canals in Germany and their effect on the German economy, taking a look at positive and downside economic effects. Thus, it provides valuable lessons for the Pan-Korea waterway project. First, we recognize that the situations between both countries are quite different: the German economy in the past was based on the heavy industry when they launched the canal project. While it has been keeping the importance of the heavy industry, it is moving into the information industry. However, the Korean economy is rather focusing on information technology as the main economic engine. Second, Korea is not suitable to transport the types of goods such as natural resources because of lack of them. Third, the construction and operation cost including two shift lifts would be insurmountable to make a profit, along with the maintenance cost. Fourth, the massive amount of water required to run the waterway is likely to negatively affect the Korean ecosystem environment and the water balance for the security of drinking water. We also should not overlook the negative economic effects which put a burden on the taxpayers, without exaggerating potential benefits of such proposed "mega-projects" and to understate their potential cost, particularly opportunity cost – "future foregone". We thus need to closely examine the impact assessment of the Pan-Korea waterway project beyond the one dimensional approach, the development logic for economic ambiguity.

After the accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant, artificial radionuclides such as radioactive cesium and iodine were released into the environment. It caused great anxiety not only in the vicinity of the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant but also in other regions of the world. Some members of the Japan Health Physics Society (JHPS), a leading academic society in Japan in the field of radiation protection, volunteered to establish a website called “Question and Answer (Q&A) about radiation in daily life” shortly after the accident to help reduce the residents’ anxiety about the health effects of radiation. In August 2011, “Committee for Q&A about radiation in daily life” was established in JHPS, making the website-related activities a responsibility of JHPS. The Q&A website continued to respond to the questions from the general public with expertise and sincerity until February 2013 when the Committee members decided to end the activities because the number of questions received had gradually decreased with the passage of time. This paper aims to introduce the following: the activities of the Q&A website during the two years (2011–2013), the stance chosen for the activities, the information related to the website activities and the analysis of Twitter data. Building on the experience and the knowledge obtained from the activities, it also discusses issues and experiences that can be utilized in the initial response to emergencies for radiation protection experts as well as those in other fields.

Objectives: This study aims to analyze the behavioral factors shaping patients’ intention to accept a co-payment system in Russian healthcare by applying the Theory of Planned Behavior (TPB). It focuses on attitudes, subjective norms, perceived behavioral control, contextual barriers, and facilitators. Methods: A structured questionnaire was administered to 141 Russian patients. Based on the literature and TPB constructs, data were analyzed using SPSS 27.0 to examine the relationships between behavioral variables and intention. Results: Attitude and perceived behavioral control had significant positive effects on intention, whereas subjective norms did not. Higher intentions were found among those with secondary-vocational education and an income of over 50,000 rubles. Age, gender, marital status, health status, and out-of-pocket expenses had no significant effects. Conclusions: Targeted education is needed to address misconceptions regarding co-payment. Clarifying cofinancing and service coverage may increase public acceptance and support sustainable cost containment in healthcare.

Vertical Separation means the functional division by the owner of fixed facilities such as sites, lines, and signals from the transportation service operation using them. The separation has produced some limitations and challenges to reform. The cases of Japan and China show many policy implications. The advantages which accrue from vertical integration are: first, the harmony of construction and management results in not producer-oriented but customer-oriented operations that enhance consumer service and investment efficiency. Second, the enhancing of competitiveness of the railroad industry provides a chance to prepare a logistic hub and gate for East Asian railroad transportation by utilizing south and continental railroad system. Third, the development of station complexes may contribute ultimately to retaining railroad fares due to expanding diverse service projects and create station-centered culture. Finally, this reform also contributes to strengthening national competitiveness by enhancing responsiveness to the expansion of the world railroad market and global trends in the railroad industry.

This article analyzes how China succeeded in creating special economic zones (SEZs) and “opening to the outside world.” Prudent choice over zone location and leadership, institutional arrangements, and local initiatives combined to produce the success of SEZs. China’s SEZs, especially the largest and earliest Shenzhen SEZ, have taken off because of their proximity to and easy connections with neighboring advanced economies, liberal initiatives by able local leadership, administrative and economic arrangements for reform, and a progressive national-opening strategy. In addition, economic freedom at home and peaceful external relations were also necessary for smooth marketization and opening. This lesson may be enlightening for North Korea should it promote SEZs and open up its economy.

Some Lessons from Korean Experience in Anti-Corruption Policies and the Role of NGOs: from 1990s to 2000s Yun, Tae Beom In Korea, the progress of economic development is the diffusion of corruption for a long time. Unfortunately, such Korean economic success has not come without problems. In the process of pursuing government-driven economic development policies in the past, corruption began to mount due to excessive regulation governing the issuance of permits, licenses, and the like. The state of corruption in Korea has not been static. It may be said to have improved or worsened at certain periods. But unfortunately, many people think that the corruption in Korea is very confirmed and hard nut to crack in the future. Most incoming government had made the fight against corruption. But despite these initiatives, most government was embroiled in corruption scandals of its own. As a result, the Korean public became increasingly disillusioned with the government. The turning point in anti-corruption policy in Korea was the enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act(ACA) in 2001 under the Kim Dae-Jung government. ACA was initiated by NGO at the beginning in 1995. Korea Independent Commission on Anti-Corruption(KICAC) was established at the base on this act in 2001. ACA is the first symbol of his government's anti-corruption policies. Roh Moo-Hyun(2003-2007) had stressed and made many anti-corruption system. Roh government had emphasized the good governance, that is the cooperation with NGOs to fight corruption. So there are many activities related to civil society. Many members of NGOs had participated in government advisory committee as a adviser. The K-PACT(Korean Pact on Anti-Corruption & Transparency) is the result of NGOs' suggestion. In 2005, some influential persons, include president, assembly speaker, owners of big enterprises, leaders of NGOs, from the four sectors- public, political, business sectors and civil society- signed the Korea Pact on Anti-Corruption and Transparency. Korea’s corruptions are very complex and structural problems. So the solutions needs mid and long-term approach. But surely a few reform agendas can be done at once. As noted, Korea began to pay attention to the issue of corruption and actually made some efforts to reduce corruption in 1990s. But it is very encouraging that corruption prevention systems and foundations have been established to this extent in such a short period of time, and people expect to see many positive effects. And the effort of civil society and NGOs are very important in preventing corruption. It is impossible to express the anti-corruption policies except NGOs in Korea.

Despite phenomenal growth through the mid 1990s, the1997 foreign exchange crisis led to the collapse of the South Korean economy, which resulted in an In ternational Monetary Fund (IMF) bailout. Since then, South Korea has gone through various reform processes. In this paper, we revisit pre- and post-crisis reform efforts in South Korea to draw lessons for other countries. Lessons drawn from the reform processes in the financial, labor, and corporate sectors in South Korea before and after the crisis are two fold. First, economic policy decisions must be made in accordance with economic interests and needs. Second, the government must have a long-term vision and an appropriate policy blueprint while economic restructuring is being implemented. Otherwise, long-term economic consequences may be greater than the short-term costs accompanied by reform policies.

In this paper we ask what are the transposable and non transposable experiences from the transition from socialism to capitalism. We ask these questions with special reference to the future transition in North Korea. We discuss transposability for three important dimensions of transition: price liberalization, privatization and institutional reform.

New and renewable has the potential to play an important role in providing energy with sustainability to Vietnamese people. Over the past few years, the Vietnamese government has promulgated several policies in an effort to promote the use of new and renewable energy. However, the development of new and renewable energy in Vietnam is still stagnant, the share of new and renewable energy in total commercial energy is insignificant. The study aims to analyze the developments in renewable energy policies and prospects for Vietnam based on the Korean experience in promoting new and renewable energy. By referring to the policy instruments adopted by the Korean government as well as the results of these policy, recommendations and proposals are provided in order to overcome the barriers to the new and renewable development in Vietnam.

What would an armed conflict between the two Koreas look like? The followinganalysis examines this question by drawing lessons from the history of militaryclashes between Israel and its Arab and Palestinian adversaries. Firstly, it suggeststhat an armed conflict on the Korean Peninsula would be limited in its scope. Although qualitatively inferior, the North Korean military could conduct a limitedground maneuver south to the DMZ by employing Egypt’s strategy in the 1973 YomKippur War. A South Korean counterattack would also be limited. Advancing toodeep beyond the DMZ would provoke Pyongyang to go on a nuclear alert andencourage Chinese and American pressure on Seoul to pull back. A South Koreanrefusal to comply could invite foreign intervention, similar to the American interventionin the 1973 War. Secondly, this paper explores the challenge of guerrilla warfare (both above andbelow ground) that ROK forces are likely to encounter if they cross the DMZ. Israel’s experiences in the 2006 Lebanon War and in Operations Cast Lead (2008)and Protective Edge (2014) illustrate that in facing such a challenge, even anindisputably superior force may have to pay a heavy price in casualties. Given thatNorth Korean nuclear deterrence would prevent ROK forces from implementingreunification war plans, South Korea should consider stopping its counterattack atthe DMZ, rather than pursuing the enemy into a terra incognita of topographicaland subterranean traps.

This article discusses the enactment of the Sentencing Reform Act by the United States Congress, the enactment of sentencing guidelines by the South Korean legislature, and the effects of these enactments on the U.S. and on South Korea. The Sentencing Reform Act in the U.S. was the culmination of almost a decade of hearings, committee mark-ups and floor consideration in the U.S. Congress begun in 1976 with the introduction of a bill by Senator Edward M. Kennedy authorizing the appointment of a commission for the purpose of promulgating sentencing guidelines for court consideration. After enactment in 1984, for over twenty years sentencing power was gradually consolidated into the federal prosecutor’s office until in 2005 the United States Supreme Court in a landmark decision deemed unconstitutional the mandatory nature of the sentencing guidelines. However, as the United States Supreme Court was ending the twenty year legislative experiment in mandatory sentencing, the South Korean legislature was beginning the process of enacting legislation that would lead to strict sentencing guidelines for South Korea. The historical background and current approaches of South Korea and the United States in the sentencing guideline area are of interest to prosecutors, the judiciary and public defenders in South Korea. The bulk of the article focuses on the U.S. experience as a guide for the South Korean judiciary, especially due to the current divergence between the U.S. and South Korea in this area. While the United States judicial system is moving decisively towards a system giving greater discretion to the judiciary, South Korea is moving decisively towards a sentencing system giving greater power to the prosecution. In analyzing this divergence, this article presents the original reasons behind mandatory sentencing in the United States, the long debate in the United States as to the efficacy of mandatory sentencing and the current course charted by the U.S. Supreme Court. The article also briefly presents and discusses the history of sentencing guidelines in South Korea, and discusses whether the U.S. experience can be informative in the debate as to whether sentencing guidelines are suitable for the issues currently facing South Korea.