Earticle

曾國은 지금의 湖北 隨州 일원에 위치한 東周 列國 가운데 하나이다. 증국이 서주 전기에 이지역에 봉건된 이래 戰國 중기에 楚國에 병탄될 때까지 약 700년 동안 그 명맥을 유지한 유서 깊은 국가였다. 이 글은 義地崗墓地群의 棗樹林墓地와 文峰塔墓地에서 출토된, 춘추시대 증국의公室에서 제작된 증공구편종, 내가편종, 증후여편종에 주조된 명문을 통해 증국 공실의 역사 고쳐쓰기 양상을 검토한 것이다. 위의 명문 자료들에는 서로 모순되거나 시대착오적인 내용이 빈번하게 나타난다. 지금까지의 연구는 대체로 그 각각에 나타나는 서술이 모두 ‘사실’이라고 생각하고, 그들 사이에 나타나는 차이를 조화롭게 조정함으로써 증국의 역사를 사실에 가깝게 구축할수 있다고 생각했다. 그러나 필자는 거기에 나타나는 모순이 춘추시대 증국의 역사 고쳐쓰기로말미암아 나타난 현상이며, 따라서 거기에 나타난 모순은 매우 자연스러운 일이라 생각한다. 증국의 역사 고쳐쓰기는 늦어도 역사적 격변기인 춘추시대부터 이미 망각 또는 왜곡을 통해 시작되었다. 그들이 서술하고 있던 역사는 실제 일어난 사건을 충실하게 전달하는 데 목적이 있는 것이 아니라, 현실적 상황에 맞추어 자신들의 권위(또는 권력)을 정당화하고 선전하는 데 그 초점이 놓여있었다. 이 연구는 춘추시대의 다양한 역사서술 주체들이 자신의 역사를 정립해가는 과정에 대한우리들의 이해를 심화시켜 주는 데 보탬이 된다. 이를 통해 전래문헌은 말할 것도 없고, 동시대성과 참신성으로 인해 높은 신뢰성을 부여받는 출토문헌 역시 그 고쳐쓰기의 과정 속에 위치하고 있는 것임을 다시 확인하게 된다.

Zeng vessel state is one of the several nations during the Eastern Zhou period (770-256 BCE) located in Suizhou, Hubei Province. It was a venerable state that maintained its renown for about 700 years, from when it became a Feudal Prince of this area in the early Western Zhou period (11th cent.-770 BCE) until the Chu State army forcibly integrated it in the middle of the Warring States Period (481/403-221 BCE). This article examines the aspect of rewriting the history of the Zeng state's prince family. It is based on the inscriptions on the Zengongqiu Bronze Chime Bell, Naijia Bronze Chime Bell, and Zenghouyu Bronze Chime Bell produced by the prince family of Zeng state. They were excavated from Zaoshulin Cemetery and Wenfengta Cemetery of the Yidigang Ceme tery complex. In the inscriptions mentioned above, contradictory or anachronistic contents frequently appear. Previous studies have generally considered that the descriptions in each of them are 'facts' and that the history of the Zeng state can be built close to facts by harmonizing the differences between them. However, the Zeng state rewrote its history during the Spring and Autumn Period (770-476 BCE), which is how the contradiction came to be. Therefore, it makes perfect sense that there would be contradictions there. Rewriting the history of the Zeng state has already begun through forgetting or distorting since the Spring and Autumn period, which is historical upheaval, at the latest. The history they described did not aim to convey the actual events faithfully but focused on justifying and propagating their authority (or power) following the actual situation. This study helps to deepen our understanding of the process of establishing its history by various historical descriptors of the Spring and Autumn Period. Through it, it is confirmed again that rewriting took place in not only classical but also newly excavated literatures, the latter of which is highly reliable due to its contemporaneity and novelty.

춘추전국시기에 화폐주조지역의 공간발전과정에 대한 연구는 이 시기에 중국화폐경제의 발전에 중요한 의미를 갖고 있다. 중국초기의 금속적인 주폐의 등장 시기는 춘추중기 이후인 것 같다. 전국중기이후부터 진나라 통일까지 널리 유통됐다. 본문에서는 이 시기의 중국화폐주조지역의 발전에 대하여 살폈다. 연구방법상에 있어서 본문에서 고고학의 원리에 따라 중국초기 화폐주조지역을 춘추시기의 원생지역과 전국시기의 차생지역으로 나누었다. 고고를 통하여 발굴된 화폐주조틀의 출토지를 화폐주조지의 유일한 근거로 간주한다. 그리고 하남성 낙양과 산서성 남부지역에서 춘추시기의 많은 화폐주조틀이 출토되었기 때문에 중국초기 화폐주조의 원생지역으로 간주하고 이 지역의 공간범위가 전국중기 이후부터 넓혀졌다. 진나라, 초나라, 위나라, 한나라, 조나라, 연나라, 제나라 등 일곱 나라 지역내에서 화폐주조틀이 많이 출토된 사실에서 중국초기 화폐주조 공간분포의 변화가 남쪽에서 북쪽으로 저위도에서 고위도로 점차 진행되었음을 말해준다. 마지막으로 이 시기의 화폐주조의 자연기초인 동의 분포문제에 대해 살펴보고자 한다.

It has a vital significance to study the space evolution of the coinage region in the Spring and Autumn Period, Warring States time for us to explore the development of the China money economy. The accurate time of the early Chinese metal coinage produced after the Middle Spring and Autumn Period, and its universal circulation should be in the period from the Middle Warring States to the unify of Qin Dynasty. This article has made the discussion to China coinage region development evolution in this time. In the research technique, this article with the aid of the archaeology typology principle, divided the early Chinese coinage region into two big types, namely, the primary region in Spring and Autumn Period and the secondary region in Warring States. And take the unearthed place of coin Fan (Mold) in the archaeology discovery asthe only basis to determine thecoinage place. Further thinks Henan Luoyang and south Shanxi should be regarded as the early Chinese coinage primary region,because in this foundation area unearthed massive Spring and Autumn Period time currency coin Fan. After middle Warring States this region spatial scope obviously expanded, and unearthed massive coin Fan in Qin, Chu, Wei, Han, Zhao, Yan, Qi and so on. It explained the early Chinese coinage spatial distribution change basically has followed by the law from south to north, advances gradually from the low latitude to the high latitude. Finally, this article has also discussed coinage natural foundation in this time -- copper distributed question.

본고는 춘추 초기 晉 지역 청동 편종 『융생편종(戎生編鐘)』으로 의례적 맥락 속에 나타나는 문학적 글쓰기 양상을 살펴보고자 하였다. 『융생편종』이 지닌 역사적 가치는 이미 선행 연구에서 많이 밝혀졌으나 명문 속에 담긴 의성어, 의태어, 상징성이 강한 어휘나 압운 양상은 언급된 사례가 적다. 『융생편종』에서 활용한 문학적 수단으로 춘추 초기 晉의 귀족 계층은 그들의 권위를 강조하고 조상의 업적을 부각시켰다. 이에 본고는 Baxter–Sagart의 상고음 재구와 『시경』 운부 체계를 적용하여 명문 속 압운의 활용 방식을 검토하였다. 아울러 명문의 어휘 중에서 다른 청동기에서도 볼 수 있는 용례를 분석하여 의례적 표현이 문학적 표현으로 형식화되는 과정을 살펴보기 위한 근거를 탐색하였다. 이와 같은 분석을 통해 『융생편종』 명문은 『시경』, 『상서』 등 전래 문헌과 연계될 수 있는 동시에 서주 후기부터 춘추 시기까지 이어지는 문학적 글쓰기의 발전 과정을 보여주는 중요한 자료임을 확인하였다. 나아가 본 연구는 고대 중국 청동기 명문이 역사 기록이면서 동시에 문학적 텍스트로서 연구해야할 필요성을 제기하였다.

This study aims to examine the aspects of literary writing that appear in the ritual context of the bronze chime bells, Yongsheng bianzhong(戎生編鐘), produced in the Jin state during the early Spring and Autumn period. While the historical significance of the Yongsheng bianzhong has already been highlighted in previous research, relatively few studies have addressed the onomatopoeia, mimetic expressions, highly symbolic vocabulary, or rhyming patterns within the inscription. By employing these literary devices, the Jin aristocracy of the early Spring and Autumn period emphasized their authority and highlighted the achievements of their ancestors. Accordingly, this paper applies Baxter–Sagart’s Old Chinese reconstruction and the Shijing rhyme categories to examine how rhyme was utilized in the inscription. In addition, it analyzes lexical items within the inscription that can also be found in other bronze inscriptions, in order to explore how ritual expressions became formalized as literary expressions. Through this analysis, it is confirmed that the Yongsheng bianzhong inscription can be connected with transmitted texts such as the Shijing and the Shangshu, while also serving as an important source that demonstrates the development of literary writing from the late Western Zhou to the Spring and Autumn period. Furthermore, this study raises the necessity of approaching ancient Chinese bronze inscriptions not only as historical records but also as literary texts.

이 글은 신민일(申敏一, 1576~1650)의 『춘추쇄설(春秋瑣說)』과 그에 대한 조익(趙翼, 1579~1655)의 비평을 중심으로 삼아, 조선 중기 『춘추』 해석의 다원적 양상을 규명하고자 했다. 은공의 즉위와 훙거(薨去) 사건은 춘추 시대 종법제의 핵심 원칙과 관련하여 여러 가지 논란을 초래할 중대 사건이었으므로 후대 주석가 및 연구자의 집중 검토 대상이 되었다. 은공의 행태에 대해 『춘추공양전』과 『춘추곡량전』은 정반대의 태도를 보여주는데 그 논점은 두 가지이다. 첫 번째는 종법제의 계위(繼位) 원칙과 효(孝) 사이의 충돌 가능성이며, 두 번째는 은혜 베풂의 사적 성격과 봉건제의 공적 성격 사이의 충돌 가능성이다. 『춘추공양전』은 은공을 옹호하는 기본 관점에서 그의 양국(讓國) 의지는 물론이거니와 그 정세 판단 능력을 높이 평가하였으나, 『춘추곡량전』은 종법제의 계위 원칙과 봉건제의 공공성을 앞세워 은공을 사적 인물로 격하하였다. 호안국의 은공 평가는 대체로 『춘추곡량전』과 부합한다. 그 역시 나라[國]를 사사로이 양위하려 한 은공의 행위를 질타했기 때문이다. 신민일은 호안국의 은공 평가를 비판하면서 은공을 옹호하는 쪽에 섰다. 이때 신민일은 은공의 양국 의지보다도 그가 부친 혜공의 의도에 따르려 했다는 점을 중시하여 효의 원칙을 더 부각했다. 종법제의 계위 원칙과 효가 충돌할 때 후자를 우선시해야 한다는 것이다. 물론 일방적으로 그리해야 하는 것은 아니고 두 원칙을 조정할 “권형”이 필요하며, 또한 “정법(情法)”에 따라 모든 행위가 판단되어야 한다고 그는 주장했다. 이에 비해 조익은 종법제의 계위 원칙과 봉건제의 공공성을 강조하는데 이는 호안국 및 『춘추곡량전』과 부합한다. 사실, 신민일의 “정법” 강조는 주희의 『춘추』 해석에 근거를 두고 있다. 주희 역시 인지상정에 비추어 『춘추』의 어려운 구절을 해석하는 면모를 여러 면에서 보여주었기 때문이다. 이에 비해 조익은 신민일의 “정법” 개념 강조에 대해 우려를 표하였으나, 신민일은 주희에 의해 자신의 방법이 뒷받침될 수 있으리라 내심 자부했을 것이다.

This article attempted to investigate the pluralistic aspects of the interpretation of Spring and Autumn[󰡔春秋󰡕] in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on A Detailed Commentary on Spring and Autumn Annals[春秋瑣說] of Shin Min-il (申敏一) and the criticism of it by Jo Ik(趙翼). Duke Yin[隱公]’s enthronement and death were significant events that caused various controversies regarding the core principles of patriarchal clan system[宗法制] during the Spring and Autumn period, so it was subject to intensive review by later researchers. Regarding Duke Yin’s behavior, Gongyang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals[春秋公羊傳] and Guliang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals[春秋穀梁傳] show the opposite attitude, and there are two issues. The first is the possibility of a conflict between the hierarchical principle of patriarchal clan system and filial piety[孝], and the second is the possibility of a conflict between the private nature of the act of giving favors and the public nature of feudalism. From the basic point of view of defending Duke Yin, Gongyang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals praised his willingness to hand over the country to his younger brother as well as his ability to judge the political situations, but Guliang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals downgraded Duke Yin to a person buried in the private sector. The evaluation of Duke Yin by the Hu Anguo[胡安國] is generally consistent with that of Guliang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals[春秋穀梁傳]. This is because Hu Anguo[胡安國] also criticized Duke Yin’s actions, which had abdicated the country as a private matter. Shin Min-il stood up for Duke Yin, criticizing Hu Anguo’s assessment of Duke Yin. At this time, Shin Min-il emphasized the principle of filial piety more, emphasizing that Duke Yin tried to comply with the intention of his father, Duke Hui[惠公], rather than his will to hand over the country to his younger brother. He saw that the latter should be prioritized when the principle of succession and filial piety conflict. Of course, he argued that it should not be unilaterally done, but a “scale[權衡]” to adjust the two principles is necessary, and all actions should be judged according to the “principle of natural human feelings[情法]”. On the other hand, Jo Ik emphasizes the hierarchy principle of patriarchal clan system and the publicity of the feudal system, which is consistent with Hu Aaguo and Guliang Commentary On Spring And Autumn Annals. In fact, Shin Min-il’s emphasis on “principle of natural human feelings” is actually based on Zhu Xi’s interpretation of Spring and Autumn Annals. This is because Zhu Xi also showed aspects of interpreting the difficult phrases of Spring and Autumn Annals in light of “principle of natural human feelings” in many ways. On the other hand, Jo Ik expressed concerns about Shin Min-il’s emphasis on the concept of “principle of natural human feelings”, but Shin Min-il must have been proud that his method could be supported by Zhu Xi.

본 논문은 춘추시대의 주(周)나라의 권위상실이 『논어(論語)』에 나타나는 군자(君子)의 ‘사회적 지위’에 어떠한 영향을 끼쳤는지를 살펴보았다. 『논어』의 군자는 기존 경전들의 군자와는 차이를 가지고 있다. 기존의 군자들은 높은 ‘귀속지위’를 바탕으로 정치참여의 권리를 지닌다. 하지만 『논어』의 군자는 반드시 정치참여의 권리가 부여되지는 않는다. 또한 부를 초탈해 야 하며 도덕적인 의무가 요구된다. 하지만 이러한 접근 방식은 몇몇 오류를 발생시 킨다. 부는 단순한 사적인 가치가 아니라 정치실현을 위해 필요한 ‘권리행사’나 ‘재 분배’의 필수가치로 해석될 가능성이 있기 때문이다. 몇몇 사람들은 부를 배제하는 『논어』의 주장이 비현실적이라는 주장들을 양산하 기도 한다. 필자는 이러한 충돌이 논리의 모순이 아니며 주나라의 권위 상실로 인해 대다수의 군자가 ‘부에 대한 권리’를 박탈당하는 문제가 발생했기 때문으로 보았다. 부에 대한 권리 박탈은 군자의 사회적 지위를 위협했고 정치참여의 의무를 희석시 켰다. 이러한 가설을 면밀히 살펴보기 위해서는 당시 사회를 구체적으로 살펴보는 작업이 필요하다. 본 논문에서는 일부 사회학의 관점을 통해 군자의 사회적 지위가 무엇 에서 근거하고 있는지 분석해볼 것이다. 특히 주나라의 권위상실이라는 외부 요인이 공자가 생각하는 군자의 자격요건에 어떠한 영향을 미쳤는지 구체적으로 분석했다.

This paper analyzed the loss of authority of Zhou(周) in the Spring and Autumn Period (春秋時代) and studied how it influenced the 'social status' of the Junzi(君子) appeared in 《The Analects》(論語). Junzi(君子) of 《The Analects》(論語) differs from the ruler of the existing scriptures. Previous Junzi(君子) has the right to participate in politics based on 'ascribed status'. However, Junzi(君子) of 《The Analects》(論語) is not necessarily given the right to participate in politics. Also, wealth must be transcend and moral obligations are required. However, this approach creates some errors. This is because wealth is not just a private value, but it is likely to be interpreted as an essential value of "exercise of a right" or "redistribution" needed for political realization. Some people even raise claims that Confucius(孔子) claim to exclude wealth is unrealistic. I believe that this conflict is not a contradiction in logic, and that the loss of Zhou(周) authority has caused the majority of Junzi(君子) rights to wealth to be forfeited. The deprivation of rights to wealth threatened social status of Junzi(君子) and diluted his duty to participate in politics. To take a closer look at these hypotheses, it is necessary to take a closer look at the society of the time. In this paper, we will analyze from some sociological perspectives what the social status of Junzi(君子) is based on. In particular, it was analyzed in detail how external factors such as loss of authority in Zhou(周) affected Junzi(君子)qualifications in what Confucius(孔子) thinks.

This paper examines the various aspects of the wars during the Spring and Autumn period based on the war-related records in the Spring and Autumn Annals and Zuo Zhuan. That is, It analyzes how wars were triggered and spread, what the terminology used in Spring and Autumn Annals reveals about the features of these wars, what the causes and purposes of the Spring and Autumn wars were, the perception of ritual propriety(li, 禮) among the people of the Spring and Autumn period during warfare, and the factors that determined victory or defeat in these wars.

The Spring and Autumn period was the one that the way of establishment of the newly political community was very chaotically found in the state of political anomie commenced with the collapse of Western Zhou’s political world and its view. Both the ruling and the ruled in that period had undergone the mess of all values such as moral corruption. And disorderly pervaded was the newly political trial both that included the political experience of western Zhou and that had never been undergone before. Therefore the political way of thinking becoming rougher and cruder but more realistic had been developing rather than had the delicate way of thinking called as political thought. Because this political way of thinking had been commanded by the political actor undertook the governing in real politics, the intensify of the directness with political world is mightier than that of the political thought occurred after the Spring and Autumn period. This poltical way of thinking seems to be diversity as much as the numbers of political actors and it seems to be more or less difficult to clearly calssify it, but near to Warrior-State period can be divided governing-centered political way of thinking attached significan to utility, which represents as Ba(覇) and the lizheng(禮政)-based political way of thingking, which combines li(禮) and min(民), averting the orientation toward the scale of politics. However these two political way of thinking had not only existed with the maintenance of the state of conflict or tension. Other way of political thinkig such as tatic and naked power-centered political way of thinkig had also co-existed with them, and found their own way to justify their own significance in real politics. All of them show the nature of real politics in the Spring and Autumn period. The significance of that period can be found in showing the steady flow of the way of political thinking to Warrior-State period, and in suggesting the mirror of the self-reflection of politics arranged after Warrior-Sate period. On the one hand the Spring and Autumn period can be defined as chaotic, on the other hand, as opend to all possible political trials. The politics of that period is onward.

위료옹(魏了翁, 1178~1237)은 남송(南宋) 시대에 유명한 이학가․사상가․경학가․교육가․문학가이자 촉학(蜀學)의 완성자로 송나라의 학술 역사에서 중요한 지위를 차지하고 있다. 당나라(唐代) 중후기 이후 경학의 학술은 창조적인 요소들이 나타났다. 담조(啖助, 724~770)․조광(趙匡, ?~?)․육순(陸淳, ?~806) 세 명의 학자는 경서의 해석 양식을 새로이 창립하여 송나라의 춘추학에 관한 연구에 영향을 미쳤으며 송나라의 의경 사조(疑經思潮)의 선두가 되었다. 송나라의 경학은 한당(漢唐) 시기에 훈고하고 주석하는 전통에 벗어나 스스로의 관점에서 경문을 해석하는 경향이 짙다. 그러나 위료옹은 송학을 반성하였으며, 고전 문서의 해석과 선유(先儒)의 주석을 매우 중시하였다. 그의 경학 사상은 한나라와 송나라의 사상을 견지하며, 유교 고전을 근거로 삼고 송나라 유교 의리를 기본으로 하기에 경학의 발전이라는 측면에서 중요한 의미를 가진다. 송나라 시기에는 춘추학에 관한 연구가 가장 성행하였는데, 위료옹은 평생에 걸쳐 많은 저술 활동을 펼쳤다. 그의 작품 『구경요의(九經要義)』는 유교의 다양한 해석들을 수집하여 비교하고 의리를 중점적으로 논술했다. 그 가운데서 『춘추좌전요의(春秋左傳要義)』는 두예(杜預, 222~284)와 공영달(孔穎達, 574~648)이 주석한 내용을 중심으로 고전 문서의 본의를 존중하는데, 상당히 주목할 만한 고전이다. 본 논문은 『춘추좌전요의』를 중심으로 위료옹의 춘추학 사상의 특징을 고찰하고자 한다.

Wei Liaoweng was a famous Neo-Confucianist, thinker, classicist, educator and writer in the Southern Song Dynasty. His Confucian classics were based on the Han and Song dynasties, and the foundation of Song Confucianism was the foundation, which was of great significance to the development of Confucian classics at that time. Wei Liaoweng does not abandon the annotations of Du Yu and Kong Yingda, but respects the textual meaning of the original texts of the classics. It is a classic worthy of attention and study. This article takes "The Essentials of Zuo Chuan in the Spring and Autumn Period" as the center, in order to investigate the characteristics of Wei Liao Weng's thought of Chunqiu.

The purpose of this paper is to make a critical review of Chong Yakyong's theory of “the Old Rule of Xia and Shang period(夏商之舊法)” expressed in his “Complementary Commentary on the Official Divinatory Records of the Spring and Autumn Period(春秋官占補註)” Basically, My critical viewpoint will be based on the newly excavated materials. The newly excavated materials from chinese tombs have forced us to take a new look at the traditional studies which have dominated the Chinese classics for over two thousand years. The “Complementary Commentary on the Official Divinatory Records of the Spring and Autumn Period(春秋官占補註)” which is a part of Chong Yakyong's Zhouyisijian(周易四箋: Four Methods of. Exposition on the Zhouyi) was written in order to analyze the official records of the divination practised during the Spring and Autumn period. Those divinatory instances are very important in that they show the traces of the old method of divination of the Spring and Autumn period. Chong Yakyong devoted himself to the study of those divinatory instances because it was decisively important to solve the problem of yaobian(爻變). In general, those instances make it a rule to change only the one yao. But there are some cases in which it is exceptionally permitted to change more than one yao. Chong Yakyong insisted that the divinatory rule of the Zhouyi was to allow the change of only the one yao with the exception of yongjiu(用九) and yongliu(用六) which should permit the change of all six yaos. If there are instances of using more than one line except the above mentioned cases, they should be counted as belonging to the divinatory rule of the Lian Shan(連山) and Gui Cang(歸藏) which were believed to have existed during the Xia(夏) and Shang(商) period. Chong Yakyong's view is based on the views of Du Yu(杜預) and Wei Zhao(韋昭) who were the early commentators on the Classics of the Zuozhuan(左傳, The Commentary of Zuo) and the Guoyu(國語). Although their books had been traditionally the most respected authority among the commentarial works on the Classics of the Zuozhuan and the Guoyu, some contemporary scholars such as Li Xueqin(李學勤) and Li Ling(李零) set forth a claim that the Lian Shan and Gui Cang could not have existed before the Zhouyi. Their insistences are based on the newly excavated Gui Cang. If their views could be proved to be true, Chong Yakyong's contention that the divinatory cases of the change of multiple yaos in the Zuozhuan and the Guoyu should belong to the Xia and Shang period should likewise be challenged.

In ancient Chinese philosophy, the discussion of ‘Tian-Ming(天命)’ has been developed in various ways throughout the times. In particular, the greatest characteristic of the idea of Zhou(周)’s ruler during the period of the replacement Yin(殷) by Zhou(周) was ‘Virtue(德)’, and it was presented as the only condition that only the virtuous king could receive ‘Tian-Ming(天命)’. As the West-Zhou(西周) became debilitated, the ‘Tian-Ming(天命)’ was lost day by day, and the spirit of resentment·regret·abuse of Heaven(天) came to emerge. This fundamental doubt naturally led to the change of the Viewpoint of Tian-Ming(天命觀), and the secular meaning of ‘Ming-Yun(命運)’ was added to ‘Tian-Ming(天命)’ concept. In ‘Tian-Ming(天命)’ theory of Confucius(孔子), the contents of the ‘Dao-De-Tian(道德天)’ and ‘Ming-Yun-Tian(命運天)’ are intrinsically embedded, and it emphasizes ‘Knowledge of Tian-Ming(知命)’. Confucius, on the one hand, accept the need to inherit ‘This culture(斯文)’ as Tian-Ming(天命), and on the other hand, a man accept what he could not do like as ‘Life and Death(生死)’ In particular, the academic meaning of the creation of the idea of 'Ming-Yun(命運)' is as follows. First, ‘Dao-De-Tian(道德天)’ is a government-level politics, while ‘Ming-Yun-Tian(命運天)’ is a human life science related to the individual's luck. Second, it provides theoretical clues that distinguish between Politics Confucianism(政治儒學) and Moral nature Confucianism(心性儒學). Third, the concept of ‘Ming-Yun(命運)' promote the development of rational rationalism determined by morality, and at the same time promote the development of celestial determinism, such as the knowledge of Tian-Ming(天命) through the change of heaven. Fourth, the objects of Tian-Ming(天命) were moved ‘from emperor to people·from nation to individual, and the contents were regulated in categories such as ‘life and death·riches and honors’ which greatly influenced the formation of later Tian-Ming(天命) theories.

這篇文章是推論西周, 春秋, 戰國時期的住居地與交通路的. 這篇文章中分析了『中國考古學年鑒』(1990~2011), 『中國考古學』 夏商卷, 兩周卷, 『先秦城市考古學研究』的1,800餘西周, 春秋, 戰國時代的遺址. 其結論如下. 1) 西周時代遺址分布的特徵: 陝西→河南→山東的東西一線的遺址占有最多, 河南→河北→遼寧的南北一線的遺址占有其次, 陝西→漢水→湖北→安徽→江蘇的南部與浙江的北部一線的遺址占有最下. 2) 春秋時代遺址分布的特徵: 河南發現的遺址是最多, 其次, 以河北, 內蒙古, 山東, 安徽, 湖北, 湖南, 浙江, 江蘇順遺址分布了. 相比之前的西周時期, 知道了河南的遺址分布更多. 而且比東西一線的遺址分布, 南北一線(① 河南-河北-北京-遼寧, ② 河南-湖北-江蘇南部, 浙江北部, ③ 河南-湖北-湖南)的遺址分布相對增加了. 3) 戰國時代遺址分布的特徵: 相比之前的春秋時期, 東西一線的遺址分布比南北一線的遺址分布顯著增加了. Ⅲ章, 結合分析了‘西周’,‘春秋’,‘戰國’,‘東周’,‘周’分期的考古遺址分布資料. 其結果每個省的遺址占有率如下. 河南(18.33%), 湖北, 山東, 河北(10-9%), 湖南(6.66%), 安徽, 重慶, 山西, 陝西, 內蒙古(4%), 江蘇(3% 초반), 浙江, 四川(2%), 寧夏, 甘肅, 雲南, 遼寧, 廣東, 江西(1%), 天津, 貴州, 北京, 福建, 吉林, 黑龍江, 上海, 廣西, 海南, 靑海, 新疆이(1%以下). 遺址的河南集中分布現象是由于两种原因. 第一, 西周, 春秋, 戰國時期的黃河與濟水之間的三角洲是沼澤與湖水, 因爲人們在這地區里不可以居住. 第二, 江蘇的大部分地域是大海與沼澤, 因爲人們在這地區里不可以居住. 第三, 河南的東部是山脈. 由于这些原因, 西周, 春秋, 戰國時代, 除山東的太山鄰近, 關中平原, 山西平原外, 長江北部的平原中河南與湖北一部地域只可以居住與交通.

Based on Mr. Wang Li's theory of the preposition of the object of "Shi", this article examines "Shang Shu" (Xi Zhou), "Shi Jing" (Xi Zhou), "Zuo Zhuan" (Chun Qiu), "Guo Yu" (Chun Qiu), "Lun Yu" (Chun Qiu and Zhan Guo), "Meng Zi" (Zhan Guo), "Xunzi" (Zhan Guo). 668 cases of corpus were extracted from several documents, and they were divided into general object preposition, redirect object preposition and redirect subject preposition by "Shi" sentence pattern. The syntactic structure of these three types of object prepositions, referential situations, and tightness issues are examined, and the process of alternating use of the three types is also examined from a diachronic perspective.

According to all kinds of historical records, most aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period had high cultural attainments. The reason that can form a high cultural accomplishment is that must have a relatively fixed source of knowledge. Taken together, there are three main sources of knowledge for aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period: first, the fumu (i.e. the female teacher) with profound cultural attainments; second, the parents, aunts, and sisters; third, the jiugu (that is, the father-in-law and mother-in-law). The knowledge structure of aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn is relatively complete, and they are familiar with the literature such as Book of Songs, Book of Documents and Book of Change that men study. Because they are familiar with historical facts and classical literature, they can quote Book of Change to predict the good and evil of fate, but also know rites in daily life. In the Spring and Autumn Period, aristocratic women not only participated in politics but also in the creation and dissemination of the literature, played an extremely important role in the Spring and Autumn.

“公子”、“公孫”是春秋時期對各諸侯國國君的兒子及孫子的稱謂。通過≪左傳≫中大量公子、公孫活動記載的考察，可知當諸侯國國君君位代代自然傳承時，其兒子和孫子即貴族的數量在自然遞增而其貴族等級身份在自然遞減。如果從周天子到諸侯及大夫，嫡長子繼承的封建宗法制度不能嚴格執行，又部分人基於血緣身份可上可下時，必然有其本人及其利益同系者共謀改變。由“公子”、“公孫”參與的從天子之位到諸侯之位甚至到大夫之位的爭奪，正是春秋社會解體的重要原因。

Kung-zi and Kung-sun is the Spring and Autumn Period vassal state of the king's son and grandson. Through the Zuo Zhuan a lot Kung-zi, Kung-sun activities recorded, we can see when the Princes natural heritage from generation to generation, his son and grandson of the natural increase in the number of aristocrats and their aristocratic class as the natural decline. If the king to the nobility, the eldest son inherited the feudal patriarchal system entropy can not be strictly enforced, and some people can be based on kinship as could be the next time, and their interests must have its own complicity with the system by trying to change.By Kung-zi and Kung-sun in the bit from the emperor to the princes of the place of battle, it is Spring and Autumn Period another important reason for social unrest.

본 연구는 중국 춘추시대의 미학사상이 형성되는 과정에 대한 기초적인 의문에서 출발했다. 춘추시대는 중국의 격변기이자 동양사회에 막대한 영향을 준 제자백가가 출현한 시대였다. 이 시기 미학사상의 형성은 서양의 세계관과 차별화된 시각에 근거하여 인간의 ‘희노애락’을 담아 철학적 배경을 가지게 되었다. 본 연구는 이 점을 착안하여 동양철학이 바라보는 춘추시대의 미학적 세계관을 탐구하여 학문의 경계를 축으로 한 후속 연구에 긍정적으로 기여하고자 했다. 이를 위해 본 연구는 유의미한 1차 자료로 세 가지 고전에 집중하였다. 먼저, 『周易』에 대한 학술적으로 접근한 「易傳」을 통해 천인합일 사상을 조사하고, 수사적 사유방식을 살펴보았다. 또한 음양화생과 생명의식에 관한 미학적 논의 과정에서 『周禮』「考工記」의 미학사상과 어떤 연관성이 있는지 탐색하였다. 나아가서 『禮記』의「樂記」에 나타난 춘추시대의 미학사상을 조사하여 인간 본연의 심성에 관한 선현들의 의식과 체득을 이해하기 위해 문헌조사법을 통해 접근하였다. 본 연구는 춘추시대의 특수한 상황에 주목하여 미학사상의 태동을 분석하는 질적 연구로써 학술적 의의가 있을 것이다. 이 과정에서 우리는 실생활에 유용한 것과 부가가치로 환산되는 것에만 주목하는 이 시대에 과연 우리가 잃고 지낸 것이 무엇이며, 삶에 궁극적인 의미를 조명할 수 있는 척도가 무엇인지를 간헐적으로나마 가늠할 수 있을 것이다.

This study started with the basic question of how aesthetics thoughts were formed during the Spring and Autumn period in China. The Spring and Autumn period was the era of upheaval in China, and it was also the period that Jejabaekga which influenced Oriental society tremendously emerged. During this period, they established aesthetical thoughts grounded on the West’s view of the world and differentiated perspective, and they took human ‘Huinoaerak (happiness, anger, sorrow and pleasure)’ as their philosophical background. Considering this point, the researcher tried to explore the aesthetic view of the world during the Spring and Autumn period to examine Oriental philosophy and contribute to follow-up research taking the borders of sciences as its axis positively. To attain the goal, the study looked into 『Yizhuan』 as its ground material to examine Cheoninhapil thoughts and investigated the rhetorical ways of thinking found in it. Next, the researcher examined aesthetic approaches about Eumyanghwasaeng and consciousness of life and then analyzed how they were associated with aesthetical thoughts found in 『Kaogongji』. Also, by examining aesthetical thoughts in the Spring and Autumn period found in 『Leji』, the researcher attempted to approach academically ancestors’ acquisition of consciousness about how human true nature was organized. This study has its academic significance as a qualitative research that focuses on the specific situation of the Spring and Autumn period and analyzes the birth of aesthetical thoughts. In this process, we will be able to find out what we have lost living in this age that we only focus on what is useful for life and what can be converted to added value and also figure out what can be the scale with which we can see the ultimate meaning of life.

A comprehensive review of the early Spring and Autumn Period records, the sites of the Bronzewares, and the inscriptions in the Bronzewares revealed that the southern part of the early Spring and Autumn Period was a mixture of new and old orders. The old order secured a base based on the family, expanded a new area based on the secured base, and distributed it to their blood relatives, especially their sons, to expand their vines one by one. At the same time, one country attempted to secure safety by marrying another country as a supplement to maintain blood-related order. However, the traditional clan order of maintaining and expanding their own businesses, handing them over to their descendants, and forming and maintaining them could no longer guarantee safety. The country in charge of the new order in the southern part of the early Spring and Autumn Period was chu(楚). They destroyed their conquered nations unlike before, when they subdued their opponents if they won the war and forced them to participate in the association they led. And they either took the monarchs of the country they fought and won into their territory, or they took them to a relatively new area that they conquered. They sent a new ruler to the conquered country, who they called Gong(公). And in the early days of the conquest, they let the aristocrats of the conquered countries take part in the rule of the conquered countries. However, after a certain period of time, the ruling class of the conquered area was transferred to other parts of the country. They actively took advantage of the others they conquered and began to embrace them as their system. And this gradually led to the birth of a new political system called bureaucracy.

This study aims to demonstrate that acts of bao (報) - that is, revenge or retaliatory campaigns conducted in the form of warfare and punitive expeditions - recorded in the Chunqiu (春秋) and its three commentaries (Zuozhuan 左傳, Gongyang zhuan 公羊傳, and Guliang zhuan 穀梁傳) during the Spring and Autumn period were not mere eruptions of private emotion but actions recognized and regulated within a publicly sanctioned ritual framework (禮制). To this end, the paper extracts four interlocking evaluative elements - correct designation of status (C1 正名), compliance with ritual procedure (C2 程序), proper choice of timing (C3 擇時), and observance of proportional limits (C4 守度) - and reconstructs the mechanism by which a retaliatory act could be transformed from “private grievance” into “public adjudication” as a form of “ritualized procedural justice.” The study indexes roughly twenty cases explicitly marked “to avenge/repay X campaign” (以報…之役) across the Chunqiu corpus and the three commentaries, and classifies them through close philological reading alongside a simple coding of the scribal evaluations (e.g. use or omission of entries, laudatory vs. critical wording). The findings show that only a minority of cases fully satisfy all four elements, and these tend to conclude in covenant-making and enmity-dissolving (會盟·釋怨), whereas cases lacking even one element are either omitted from the record (不書), treated with depreciatory phrasing, or escalate into further conflict. This indicates that the ritual system of the Spring and Autumn period did not abolish revenge but rather domesticated it within the matrix of status, declaration/covenant, timing, and scale, thereby incorporating it into the language of public justice. At the same time, it concretely illustrates how the classical Ruist political idea of “supplementing punishment with ritual” (以禮輔刑, Liji, “Quli shang”) was actually operated in early China.

This study examines how feudal lords in the Spring and Autumn period independently exercised or were delegated sacrificial authority—conceptualized as “receiving the Mandate of Heaven” (受天命)—and ruling authority, expressed as “awesomely managing the Manxia” (虩事蠻夏). First, among feudal states with non-Ji surnames (異姓諸侯國), Chuzi (出子, r. 703–698 B.C.) of Qin (秦) is interpreted as seeking to legitimize his succession. During the reign of Duke Jing of Qin (秦景公, r. 576–537 B.C.), while continuing the political legacy of Duke Mu (穆公), Qin required renewed legitimacy both to integrate the Manxia (蠻夏) region and to counter the hegemonic order dominated by Jin (晉). Shuyi (叔夷), a descendant of Duke Mu of Song (宋穆公) and the paternal uncle of Duke Ling of Qi (齊靈公, r. 581–554 B.C.), likewise emphasized his legitimacy by tracing his lineage back to Cheng Tang of the Xia–Shang dynastic transition, thereby claiming a pedigree that even surpassed that of King Wen of Zhou as the recipient of the Mandate (文王受命). Next, among the Ji-surname states (姬姓諸侯國), Duke Wen of Jin (晉文公, r. 636–628 B.C.) proclaimed that he personally inherited the Mandate of Heaven upheld by his imperial ancestor, Duke Tang (皇祖唐公), who had assisted his father, King Wu of Zhou (周武王). On the occasion of Jin’s establishment of hegemony (晋霸), Duke Wen further asserted to the surrounding feudal lords his legitimacy to succeed to the “Great Mandate” (大命), which had been severed with the fall of King You of Zhou. Through these cases, this study analyzes both the objects and motivations behind invocations of the Mandate of Heaven by individual feudal states during the Spring and Autumn period. In particular, it identifies a pronounced tendency—especially among non-Ji-surname states—to retroactively extend ancestral genealogies in order to construct political and ritual legitimacy.

This paper aims at presenting Tasan茶山Cheong Yagyong丁若 鏞’s view on the official record of milfoil divination during the spring and autumn period. In Supplemental Annotations of Official Divination during the Spring and Autumn Period春秋官占補註, Cheong Yagyong held that the divinatory cases in the Zuozhuan左傳“ ”and the Guoyu國語“” belonged to the divinatory method of Lianshan連山or Guicang歸 藏which he called as Old Method of Xia-Shang Period夏商之舊法. Cheong Yagyong’s assertion is based on the views of Du Yu杜預and Wei Zhao韋昭. However, Cheong Yagyong as well as Du Yu and Wei Zhao was confined in the limits because they could not have seen Lianshan or Guicang. In order to assess Cheong Yagyong’s contention that the divinatory cases of the change of multiple yaos in the Zuozhuan and the Guoyu belonged to the Xia and Shang period should be judged in the light of the newly excavated materials. Especially, the recently excavated numerical diagrams gives valuable informations regarding the divinatory method of the ancient China. However, there have not been found any evidences indicating that the excavated numerical diagrams had anything to do with the divinatory method of Zhouyi. On the contrary, it is probable that the numerical diagrams could have been linked to the divinatory method of Lianshan連山or Guicang歸藏.