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Keyhole-shaped tombs were originally thought to only exist on the Japanese archipelago and to mark the hegemony of the early Japanese Empire. The discovery of keyhole-shaped tombs on the southwestern Korean peninsula in the Yŏngsan River basin reignited the debate on the nature of the relationship between early “Korean” and “Japanese” polities between the fourth–seventh centuries CE. Questions about the identity of those buried in the “Korean” keyhole-shaped tombs became a hot topic: Were they Paekche? Japanese or Wa? Or Mahan? These tombs only appeared for a single generation in the late fifth–early sixth century in a region that was quickly adopting influences from Paekche and the Japanese archipelago until the region was absorbed by Paekche by the early sixth century. Based on the limited textual evidence, I argue that Paekche’s move south in 475 and the instability of the Yamato court in the late fifth and early sixth centuries created opportunities for the local elites in the Yŏngsan River basin to make connections with both Paekche, Yamato, and other regional elites in northern Kyushu to create an eclectic and multicultural environment that gave rise not only to keyhole-shaped tumuli but also to other burial innovations in the Yŏngsan River basin.

金石文에 대한 기존의 연구는 주로 명문기록과 문헌기록과의 비교에 집중되었고, 그 연구 성과도 대체로 정치 사의 영역에 집중되었다. 기존 연구의 또 다른 방법상의 한계는 개별 유물의 성격을 파악하는데 머물러 백제 금석문 자료를 전체적으로 조망하고자 하는 시도가 부족하였다. 이에 본문에서는 기존 연구의 바탕에서 백제 금석문 전체를 조망하고자 했다. 먼저 백제의 한문자 유입과정과 백제 금석문의 자료를 살펴보았다. 아울러 최근까지 발굴된 금석문 자료를 중 심으로 백제시대의 명문유물을 시기와 재질 또한 명문의 기법과 서체 등에 따라 백제서예의 선결문제를 살피 고 이에 따른 백제 서예문화의 발전과 특징을 고찰하였다. 백제 書藝는 주변문화를 받아들여 이들을 융합하면서도 독자적인 정체성은 잃지 않았다. 그리고 백제 금석문 에 나타난 서예는 크게 두 가지 경향이다. 木簡과 土製품명문은 隨意的이고 자유스러운 가운데 치기어린 미감 이 보인다. 石文과 靑銅⋅철제명문은 대체로 표준적이며 정규적인 엄격한 법도가 있다. 백제의 서예유물은 대부분 내구성이 강한 금석문과 단편적인 土製品과 목간에 남아 유전되고 있다. 종이나 비 단의 서사자료는 아직은 발견되지 않은 상태이다. 물론 그 당시에 사용된 자료는 비단이나 종이 등에 서사된 것이 훨씬 많았을 것이다. 그러나 대체로 인멸되는 등의 원인으로 지금은 볼 수가 없다. 차후에 새로운 자료가 발견된다면 더 깊게 백제 서예를 연구할 수 있을 것이다.

Precedent studies about epigraph have been mainly focused on comparison between inscribed slates and documentary literature, and the results were almost all concentrated on fields of political history. Most of these studies have limits of research methods to be focused on grasping each of characters about remains and were not try to prospect widely. Accordingly the present study purposed to investigate extensively epigraph. Firstly, the present study purposed to look for acceptance of chinese characters and material for Paekche epigraph. In addition, this study considered the prior problems for epigraph in Paekche calligraphy following the periods, qualities of material, techniques and calligraphic styles for inscribed slates focused the discovered data of epigraph in the age of Paekche until a recent. And then this study drew out characteristic following to development of Paekche calligraphy. Paekche calligraphy had been kept their own identities, accepting neighboring cultures. There are two kinds of main trends of calligraphy in Paekche epigraph. Wooden split bamboos and earthenwares are self-centered and free to express, but epigraph and metalwares are mostly standard and strict regularity. Most remains of Paekche calligraphy were not discovered as recordings on paper and descriptions on silk but were left as epigraph with strong durability, earthenwares and wooden split bamboos. Even though things in the former case seem to be used generally at that time, there is nothing to see these days. Consequently, it is looking forward these material to be recovered.

In 538, the Paekche Kingdom moved its capital to Sabi (present-day Puyŏ) and thereafter established over twenty-five Buddhist temples in the area. These temples served not just as sacred spaces, but as political and symbolic landscapes and a national ceremonial area within the new capital. This paper analyzes the spatial and temporal distribution of the temples in the Puyŏ region and elucidates the changes in their construction in relation to both the landscape of the city and to royal authority. The sites selected for these important temples were near royal palaces, defensive installations, and communication routes, and reflect the trend toward engagement with the Buddhist world. Examining the distribution of these temples and their locational changes allows a more dynamic understanding of the visual transformation of Sabi, Buddhist temples as national and religious institutions, and their relationship to royal authority.

This treatise deals with the way the culture of Korea concerned with the totem pole was diffused to Japan. Especially, through the close relation between Paekche and Japan, it tracks down the source of the present Japanese totem pole religion. There are about 660 holy shrines of Great Generals in Japan now. The diffused areas of them are unevenly distributed in partial areas like Kinki and Kyushyu mainly. The totem pole religion of Korea is transmitted in about 611 areas now, and 74% of all the totem poles are chiefly discovered in Chunnam, Chungnam, Kyonggi, and the western areas of Chunbuk. In particular, historically, they centralize in the past land of Paekche like Chungchong and Chunla area. According to historical records, Paekche interchanged people with Japan since around 3rd to 4th century, and deliver Buddhist scriptures, Buddhist statues, almanacs, astronomical books, horses, and so on. In addition to the previous interchange, Japan went to the rescue of Paekche when Paekche was attacked by the allied army of Shinla and Tang, and about three thousands people of Paekche settled down in Japan after the fall of Paekche. The displaced persons of Paekche improved Japanese civilization, and was appointed the principal responsibilities of the government. Especially, among the imported family name of ancient Japan, the number of Paekche-oriented family name accounts for two-thirds of all, and it overwhelms the number of Shinla-oriented or Kokuryo-oriented. With the holy shrine of Great Generals of Japan, it has close relations with that of Paekche. In case of the holy shrine of Great General Seo-Ha-Moo built in the early seventh century, the principal god is a woman of Paekche, and a tutelary deity, who defends the northern area of the palace. In addition, the holy shrine of 8 Great Generals, which was built in the late 8th century, deifies the 8 Great Generals of Taoism imported from Korea, and primarily protects against evils. The statues of gods in the holy shrine hold swords in their right hands, and the images of them are similar to that of Whangdori, Dangjinkun, Chungnam. In a way, the holy shrine of Great General Samjo(三條) in Kyoto is Shinla-oriented in the name of the major god, and the god is originally the cow-head god who descended from the heaven, expanded the land, and drove away large snakes or gods. In another hand, the Emperor KanMoo(桓武王), who moved the above-mentioned holy shrine or built it himself, was the great grandson of the Emperor Tenji(天智王) who went to the rescue of Paekche at the time of the fall of the dynasty. His mother was Paekche-oriented, and in his childhood he was brought up in the house of his mother's parents. And also he made the previous holy shrine of Great General the guardian god of the palace. In the end, the religion of Japanese totem pole was handed down in sixth to seventh century by Paekche-oriented people, and later settled by the Emperor KanMoo(桓武王). And now this religion is handed down disproportionately in the place where Paekche-oriented people mainly live. Especially, the totem pole religion of Korea is chiefly transmitted in the areas of ancient Paekche. Therefore, it can be said that this religion of Japan was transmitted from ancient Paekche.

잘 알려져 있듯이 신라 法興王은 재위 8년째 되던 해인 521년에 백제를 통하여 중국 남조인 梁에 사신을 파견하였다. 이와 같은 사실을 두고 적잖은 연구자들이 당시 신라는 自力으로 외국에 사신을 파견할 수 없는 가장 뒤떨어진 국가로 인식하였으며 심지어는 신라의 無文子觀까지 출현시켰다. 또한 법흥왕의 재위기간인 6세기 초·중반의 한반도 정세를 이해하는 데 있어서 신라의 역할을 무시한 채 단순히 羅濟同盟(혹은 제라동맹)이라는 시각에서 일률적으로 파악하고 있어 신라사 연구에 걸림돌이 되고 있다. 그러나 법흥왕대를 돌아보면 신라의 향배는 한반도 정세의 흐름에 큰 영향을 주었기 때문에 신라의 대외관계 역할을 낮추어 설명할 수 없다. 그리고 법흥왕이 백제를 통하여 양에 사신을 파견한 것은 여러 가지 의도가 있었을 것인데, 양의 무제가 使僧 元表를 신라에 파견한 것으로 보아 법흥왕의 의도가 어느 정도 성과를 거두었음을 반증하는 것이라 할 수 있다.

It is widely acknowledged that King Po˘phu˘ng of Silla dispatched an envoy to Chinese dynasty of Liang through Paekche. It had been recognized, amongst researchers of related fields, that Silla was the least advanced nation among the three countries in Korean Peninsula which cannot dispatch an envoy on its own. Furthermore, in understanding the political situation of Korean peninsula in mid 6th century, a role played by Silla was often neglected, and the emphasis solely laid on the alliance between Silla and Paekche had helped to reinforce this idea, resulting in a major impediment to the studies on the history of Silla. In the reign of King Pophung, however, Silla had played an important role in the political situation of the peninsula, thus the influence Silla had imposed on the international relationship amongst East Asian countries then can in no way be negligible. King Pophung had sent an envoy to Liang through Paekche with intent to demonstrate, to both domestic and foreign alike, the fact that Silla had already developed into a nation equivalent to Paekche or Koguryo˘. Liang’s dispatch of a Buddhist monk Wonpyo can be suggested as a example that King Po˘phu˘ng had more or less accomplished what he had intended.

This manuscript considers Kakinomoto Hitomaro, who has been respected by generations as a master poet and is the representative poet of the Manyoshu, the oldest and greatest Japanese poetry anthology. It also considers his relationship with the Paekche, which was part of the Three Kingdoms in Korea--the Koguryo, the Paekche, and the Silla. Consequently, Kakinomoto Hitomaro is possibly a poet of Paekche origin; he is definitely the offspring of people of Paekche origin who moved to and lived in Japan. (In those days, Japan was called "Wae.") The following is the basis for this conclusion. First, during the time of the Emperor Bitatsu(he was the 30th emperor of the dynasty and reigned from 572-585 A.D. according to the Nihonshoki), it is presumed that people of Paekche origin collectively dwelled in the royal court. This was called the Paekche Daejong. During the time of the Emperor Bitatsu, there were persimmon trees (gamnamu) around the house gate, so they were called Gambon because of their association with the trees (Yamoto Dynasty, 815 A.D., according to the Shinsenshyojiroku). The relationship between Gambonsshijok, the Paekche, and the Emperor Bitatsu cannot be directly explained ; however, we can somewhat infer the relationship between Kakinomoto Hitomaro and the Paekche. Second, we can infer that Hitomaro was a poet of Paekche origin because of the relationship between his birthplace and the Paekche. Namely, the emperor's royal court was of Paekche origin, and there were definitely many people of Paekche origin living there. It is possible that Paekche Daejong and Yamoto Prefecture Hirosegun Paekche were the same place. (Today, it is called Nara Prefecture Kitakatsuragi-gun Koryocho Paekche.) There are two things to consider. First, Hitomaro's birthplace was in the same area, and second, it is next to Kitakatsuragi-gun Shinocho Kakinomoto. There are many possibilities, among them that Hitomaro was born in a family of Paekche origins. Third, like Kakinomoto Hitomaro, the ending -maro appeared in many ancient Japanese names, but its origin is from ancient Korean. The Paekche had an especially close relationship with that ending, and the people who moved to Japan (Dowaein: 渡倭人) often had the endings -maro or -maru in their names. We cannot deny the relationships between Hitomaro and the Dowaein and that between Hitomaro and the Paekche. Fourth, Hitomaro's wife, Yosamino-otome was originally of Paekche lineage. She grew up in the Nara region. Considering the relationship between Hitomaro and Yosamino-otome, we can infer that Hitomaro was possibly born in the Yamoto(Nara) region and was a poet of Paekche origin and offspring. Fifth, Hitomaro not only writes about individual expression of emotion, but he also writes about the reality of sorrow and about following the lost. This can be seen in his representative works in which we can find the secrets of his life and career (Omi Poetry, vol. 1, no. 29～31, related works Omi Poetry, vol. 3, no. 264～266.) Also, he wrote about the special impression and emotion of the greatest political and historical event in ancient Japan­the Jinshin Rebelion of 672 A.D. At that time, the exiles of the Paekche worked very hard. Hitomaro himself felt a close identity with the Omi reign because the Omi reign gave preferential treatment to the Paekche. However, as a result of the Jinshin Rebellion, the Omi reign collapsed, and the Paekche scattered. Hiramoto's poetry captures the reality and sorrow of the exiles, and he empathizes with the exiles in his poetry. According to the preceding information, I have concluded that Kakinomoto Hitomaro, the ancient master poet of Japan, was a poet of Paekche origin. He was definitely the offspring of people of Paekche origins who moved to Japan.

필자는 칠지도 연구의 가장 첨예한 쟁점이 되는 연호와 제작일을 길상구설 의 문제와 함께 살피고자 하였다. 특히 본 명문의 연호를 ‘奉元’으로 석독하고, 본 칠지도를 전지왕 4년(408) 11월 16일에 제작하였음을 확인하였다. 또 한 본 명문의 주요 쟁점 가운데 ‘丙午 正陽’ 및 ‘奇生’의 의미를 살피고, 칠지 도가 『周易』의 ‘奇生’의 원리에 바탕하여 양의 기운이 생성하는 동짓날을 택 하여 제작된 것이었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 이에 동 명문상의 ‘마땅히 후왕에 게 준다(冝供供侯王)’거나 ‘백제 왕세자가 倭王을 위하여 旨를 내려 만들었으 니 후세에 전하여 보이라(爲倭王旨造傳示世)’고 한 것은, 괘상에서 乾과 坎의 강건함은 백제이고, 坤과 离의 유순함은 왜를 지칭한 것을 반영한 것으로 보 았다. 나아가 명문 ‘百練銕七支刀’의 ‘七支’가 불교의 전륜성왕 칠보 가운데 象寶의 특징을 묘사한 것이라는 점에서, 칠지도 제작에 있어서 전륜성왕 이념 의 투영 가능성을 상정하였다.

I tried to elucidate the prodcution date and the equivalent era name of the Seven-branched Sword (K. Chiljido) with the issue of an auspicious sign theory. In particular, it was confirmed that the era name indicated in the inscription engraved on Chiljido as ‘Bong-won (Ch. 奉元),’ and that this sword was produced on November 16, the 4th year of King Jeonji's reign (408). In addition, the meaning of '丙午 正陽' and '奇生' among the main issues related to the inscription was examined. Through this process, it was figured that Chiljido was produced on the winter solstice day when the energy of Yang (Ch. 陽) was generated based on the principle of ‘奇生’ from the Book of Changes. Therefore, it analyzed the meaning of 'giving it to a feudal lord(Ch. 冝供供侯 王) ' or 'the crown prince of Paekche issued an edict to make the sword for the king of Japan, so give it to future generations.' The meaning seems to reflect that the robustness of trigrams of the sky (Ch. 乾) and water (Ch. 坎) in the trigrams from the Book of Changes is Paekche, and the meekness of trigrams of the earth (Ch. 乾) and fire (Ch. 离) refers to Japan. Furthermore, given that ‘seven branches (Ch. 七支)’ included in the phrase ‘Seven-branched Sword of 100 times tempered iron (Ch. 百練銕七支刀)’ describes the characteristics of ‘the Jewell of Elephant’ among the Seven Treasures of Chakravarti of Buddhism, the possibility of projecting the ideology of Chakravarti in the production of Chiljido was assumed.

A History of the Early Korean Kingdom of Paekche (together with an annotated translation of The Paekche Annals of the Samguk sagi).

This article explores the utilization of Buddhist artwork as political symbolism during the Later Paekche period (892–936). Despite its brief duration, Later Paekche produced diverse styles of Buddhist artwork throughout its reign. After emerging victorious from a battle in 920 that conferred legitimacy upon his claim to the reestablished throne of Paekche, Kyŏn Hwŏn (甄萱, 867–936 CE) created a stone stūpa very similar in appearance to a Paekche-era stūpa. However, after plundering the capital of Silla in 927 and challenging Koryŏ for supremacy, Kyŏn Hwŏn shifted his political goals and proclaimed a new identity as the rightful ruler of a unified Korean peninsula. At that time, all the Later Three Kingdoms of the Korean Peninsula were based on the culture of Silla; thus, after 927, Later Paekche created Buddhist artwork based on the style and technology of Silla as a cultural symbol to unite the Later Three Kingdoms.

This article aims to examine that many of writings during traditional ages showed the different cognitions of Paekche dynasty. There was a cognition that Goguryeo and Silla dynasties regarded Paekche as a rival dynasty but both of them had realized that Paekche had to be unified into each dynasty. Both of them left a kind of bitter interpretations about Paekche dynasty. People of those days issued the critical views about some difficulties of the inside and outside situations that Paekche dynasty confronted then. In the <Hunyo> of Taejo, the first King of Goryeo dynasty, it showed the discriminating cognitions about Paekche dynasty. Many of records in the age of Goryeo showed a cognition that Paekche was destined to defeat from competition of Samguk and it was the poorest backward state among three states. Samguksagi, Samgukyusa and Jewangungi published in the age of Goryeo coherently indicated causes of the dawnfall as the mistakes of flunkeyism and the king, Uija's misgovernment. Those showed a cognition that Byeonhan leaded to Paekche relating to the connection between Samhan and Samguk. It brought into some views of lacking in the understanding of Paekche history. This cognition of Paekche was succeed to the early Choson. In the early Choson, since Kwon geun displayed a cognition that he understood of Silla dynasty as a central axis in relations of Samguk and the followings offered many of severe comments to Paekche. There was not any differentiation among records written by Kim Bu-Sik and Kwon Geun and Samguksajeolyo. In the Dongguktonggam, it was added that a view of moralism and a principles of righteousness stressed that some factors like a luxurious lives and arrogant pride, King's disability and faulty policies brought into the downfall of Paekche dynasty. In the mean times, records written by official authorities were interested in the connection between SamHan and Paekche. In many of historical records and geographies including Sejongsillokjiriji, there was a cognition that those had accepted Jiksan as a captal of the early Paekche dynasty. But this view leaded to the underestimating view of growth of the early Paekche. By the way, the private historical records showed respective cognitions about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. Those contained some changes but those still accepted generally a cognition of Paekche originating from Donguktonggam. Since researchers of historical geography had approached to observe Paekche dynasty with academic interests in the 17th century, it came some changes of historical cognitions of Paekche. Especially since Han Baek-Gyeom offered a new view of SamHan, he brought into some the changed cognitions of histories of traditional states. First of all, it was a view of connecting Mahan to Paekche. There was an intellectual Yoo Hyung-Won that leaded to the same view with Han Baek-Gyeom. Yoo Hyung-Won regarded Paekche as the bigger state than Silla and he understood that Paekche area had advantage over vigorous come-and-go than Silla area. In many of historical records of the early Chosun, it commonly appeared a cognition that Paekche was not a warlike state but an advanced state than other state. This tendency succeeded to the following. Historical geographers like Lee Se-Goo and Lee Ee-Myung of the 17the century and Shin Gyung-Joon,Ahn Jung-Bok, Lee Man-Woon and Lee Geung-Ik of 18th century were more interested in the moving the seat of the capital than the moral analysis about the rising and falling of Paekche dynasty. But Most of the followers of JUJA still adhered to apply moral principles toward Paekche. They criticized Paekche as governed by political mischief, non-legitimacy and militarism. There were three viewpoints as the related cognitions of Paekche dynasty in the 19th century. Firstly, the historical geographers like Han Jin-seo and Kim Jeong-ho focused to research the process of geographical transition free from a view of moralism. The other most...

이 글에서는 6세기 전엽경 왜양식 전방후원분이 축조되기 이전인 5세기 후엽경에 이미 백제와 왜국 사이의 외교적 연대 강화를 시사하는 고고학적 자료가 존재하였음을 분명히 하였다. 이 주장의 주요한 고고학적 자료는 5세기 후엽경 백제 서남부지역 수장묘들의 분구를 장식하기 위해 채택된 왜양식 원통형 토기들이다. 백제 서남부지역 수장묘에 보이는 백제 중앙양식 방형 분구와 왜양식 원통형토기의 혼용은 백제 중앙에 의한 지방세력 우대정책과 친왜정책을 상징하는 고고학적 자료이다. 5세기 후엽경 백제와 왜국 사이의 외교적 연대 강화를 시사하는 또 하나의 유력한 고고학적 자료는 백제 서해안 항로상에 위치하는 부안 죽막동 제사유적에서 발굴되었다. 백제 중앙이 국가적 해안 제사가 거행되던 이곳에서 왜인들에 의한 왜양식 제의 거행을 허용한 것은 이 시기 강화된 백제의 친왜정책을 시사한다. 한편 6세기 전엽경 왜국 중앙의 정치적 동향을 고려하면, 백제 서남부지역 왜양식 전방후원분 축조로 상징되는 무령왕 정권기의 친왜정책 강화는 이 시기에 등장한 새로운 친왜파에 의해 주도되었을 가능성이 존재한다. 고구려에 의한 서울지역 백제 수도 함락 사건과 공주 천도 후에 일어난 연속된 권력구조 변동 사건 속에서 백제 중앙은 친중국남조 정책과 더불어 지방세력 우대정책과 친왜정책 강화를 선택하였던 것으로 보인다. 5세기 후엽~6세기 전엽경 백제 서남부지역 수장묘 묘제에 보이는 재지 묘제와 중앙양식 묘제, 왜양식 묘제의 변화 양상은 이러한 백제 중앙의 정치전략 채택 과정을 명료하게 시사한다.

This paper clearly presents the existence of archaeological evidence implying the consolidation of diplomatic ties between Paekche and Wa already around the late 5th century, before the construction of Wa-style keyhole tombs in the 6th century. The major archaeological data of this argument is the Wa-style flowerpot-shaped clay cylinders selected to decorate the burial mounds of leaders from the southwestern region of Paekche around the late 5th century. The mix of square-shaped burial mounds in the style of central Paekche and Wa-style flowerpot-shaped clay cylinders reflected in the tombs of leaders from the southwestern part of Paekche symbolizes, in archaeological terms, the preferential policies on local powers and the pro-Wa policies pursued by central Paekche Another convincing archaeological evidence that suggests a strong diplomatic bond formed between Paekche and Wa in the late 5th century was found at the Chungmakdong Ritual Site in Buan, located in the sea route by the west coast of Paekche. To allow Wa-style rituals to be performed by the Wa people at a place where national seaside rituals were conducted by the central government of Paekche signifies the pro-Wa policies of Paekche especially reinforced at the time. Meanwhile, considering the political orientation of central Wa during the early 6th century, it is highly likely that a pro-Wa group that newly emerged at the time led the consolidation of the pro-Way policy of King Muryeong’s regime, represented by the construction of Wa-style keyhole tombs in the southwestern region of Paekche. Amidst the continuously changing power structure following the fall of Paekche’s capital in the Seoul area due to attacks by Goguryeo and the transfer to its new capital Gongju, central Paekche seemingly chose to consolidate its preferential policies on the local powers and pro-Wa policies, along with its amicable policies toward the Southern Dynasties of China. The changes of local tombs, tombs in the style of central Paekche, and Wa-style tombs that we can note from the tombs of leaders from the southwestern area of Paekche during the late 5th century to the early 6th century clearly demonstrates this trace of political strategies chosen by central Paekche.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the diplomatic records of Paekche and Northern Wei in 472, and to grasp the direct background of King Gaero(蓋鹵王)-led Paekche-Northern Wei Diplomacy that requested Northern Wei to attack Koguryǒ(高句麗). First of all, I analyzed the records of Samguk-sagi(三國史記) and Weishu(魏書; the Records of Northern Wei) related to Paekche- Northern Wei diplomacy. As a result, I found that it is difficult to link the direct background of Paekche-Northern Wei diplomacy to the crisis of Paekche caused by frequent Koguryǒ invasion and the confusion of Koguryǒ's internal situation. After conducting these analyses, I confirmed that the direct background of Paekche- Northern Wei diplomacy is related to the conflicts surrounding the marriage issue between Koguryǒ and Northern Wei in the late 460s, and also verified that diplomacy was a result of Paekche's attention to the conflict between the two countries. In the late 460s, Empress Wenming(文明太后)[Empress Feng(馮太后)] of Northern Wei demanded royal marriage to King Jangsu(長壽王) of Koguryǒ. However, Koguryǒ finally rejected considering that 'Feng Shi(馮氏)'[Northern Yan(北燕)] was destroyed after marrying Northern Wei in the 430s, and that caused a dispute between Koguryǒ and Northern Wei. The fall of 'Feng Shi' in the 430s brought conflicts between Koguryǒ and Northern Wei, which cut off the relationship between the two countries for a while. And Empress Wenming who took power in the late 460s was also the granddaughter of Feng Hong(馮弘), the last king of 'Feng Shi' who was killed by King Jangsu of Koguryǒ. it is believed that Paekche has planned and implemented diplomacy with Northern Wei in earnest, paying attention to the fact that the past disputes related to 'Feng Shi' were highlighted again in the 460s. This seems to be closely related to the fact that the Diplomatic document sent to Northern Wei by Paekche in 472 is emphasizing the facts related to the fall of 'Feng Shi' that caused conflict between Koguryǒ and Northern Wei.