Earticle

이 연구는 고려 인종 때 벽골제 증축과 훼손의 원인과 그 역사적 의미를 고찰한 연구이다. 1143년(인종21) 증축된 벽골제는 3년이 지난 1146년(인종24) 훼손되었 다. 인종 때 벽골제 증축은 다음과 같은 역사적 의미가 있다. 인종은 이자겸과 묘 청의 난 등 내란을 극복한 후 김부식 등 유교 관료집단과 함께 유교 정치이념에 입 각해 민생 안정을 위한 여러 정책을 시행했다. 벽골제 증축은 인종이 시행한 권농 정책의 산물이었다. 또한 12세기 이후 농업기술의 발전과 농업 생산력의 증대라는 사회경제적인 변화와도 관련이 있다. 벽골제 증축은 농업생산 증대를 위해 수리시 설을 본격적으로 정비하는 계기가 되었다. 벽골제가 증축된 인종 21년(1143) 전국 에 걸쳐 군현 개편이 있었다. 벽골제 소재지인 김제현을 주현으로 승격하고 주변의 영세한 속현을 김제현에 소속시켜 김제현의 현세를 보강해 그 위상을 크게 높였다. 이러한 군현 개편은 김제현의 위상을 높여 이 지역을 개발해 농업생산의 거점지역 으로 삼아 왕조 재정의 주요한 근원으로 삼으려는 정책이었다. 인종 때 벽골제 증 축의 또 다른 의미는 여기에 있었다. 한편으로 벽골제 증축은 많은 인력이 동원된 국가적 규모의 대규모 사업이었다. 그 과정에서 무리한 노동력 징발로 인해 많은 민원이 발생했다. 완공 후에도 수리 시설의 혜택을 둘러싸고 계층과 지역 사이의 갈등과 분쟁은 필연적이었다. 벽골제 가 증축된 후 3년 만에 훼손된 것은 이러한 대립과 갈등 때문이었다.

Byeokgolje reservoir which was located in Gimje-si, Jeollabuk-do was constructed at 330 AD. This reservoir was the largest reservoir during the premodern Korean history. Byeokgolje was repaired and extended in period of king Injong(r. 1122-1146) of Goryeo dynasty. The repair and extension was influenced by the development of agricultrural technique and productivity. The repair and extension of Byeokgolje was the turning point to begin to construct the irrigation facilities nationwide hereafter. Byeokgolje was destroyed three years after in 1146 since the repair. The government requisitioned the labor from the lower classes and didn’t recompense to the loborers after the construction. The government couldn’t endure the public resentment, and then destroyed the reservoir. The Goryeo government promoted to a higher status of Gimje area locating in Byeokgolje reservoir and wanted to supplement the financial revenue through the developing Gimje area.

이 논문은 하서 김인후가 사후에 조선 성리학의 정통 학맥을 계승하는 존재로 위상이 부여되고 추숭되는 과정을 추적하였다. 그리고 이와 같은 형상화의 과정을 근거로 과거 인물의 생애를 다룬 다양한 자료가 상호간에 어떤 방식으로 영향을 주거나 배제하면서 인물형상화의 과정을 거치는지 확인해 보고자 하였다. 하서의 어린 시절 생애는 김인후와 군주 인종의 굳건한 관계를 부각하기 위해 새로이 배치되었다. 김인후는 당시 사림들에게는 깊은 상처이자 풀어야 할 시대적 과제로 인식되고 있던 기묘사림의 복권이라는, 그 당시 가장 중요하고도 첨예한 문제를 제기한 사람이고, 인종은 기묘사림의 복권을 실현한 군주였기 때문이다. 이것은 무엇에도 흔들리지 않는 굳건한 절개와 충심을 가진 선비로서의 하서의 상을 세우는 데 결정적인 기여를 했다. 조선 후기에서는 중앙 조정의 서인과 군주 정조의 주도 하에 하서에 대한 추숭이 이루어졌다. 우선 17세기는 서인들이 김인후의 생애를 다룬 자료들을 다방면으로 수정하고, 김인후의 문집을 교정하여 간행했다. 이것은 당시 서인들이 추진하고 있던 서인계열의 학통 수립, 학문의 정통성 확보라는 목표 하에서 이루어진 것이었다. 그에 따라 율곡 이이를 비롯한 서인계 학자들에 대한 추숭과 병행되었다. 마지막으로 18세기에 이르러 하서는 문묘에 종향되면서, 조선에서 가장 앞선 성리학자이자 海東正學으로서의 위상을 부여받았다. 그 과정에서 우리는 정조가 군왕으로서 정치적으로 한 국가의 수장일 뿐만 아니라, 한 국가의 정통의 학문에 대한 책임을 자부하는 師表로서 자기의 위상을 확고히 하려는 욕망을 읽을 수 있다.

This study looked into the process by which Haseo(河西) Kim In-hoo(金麟厚:1510~1560), a neo-confucian scholar of mid Joseon Dynasty, was recognized and adored as an inheritor of traditional academic genealogy of neo-confucianism of Joseon Dynasty. I intended to examine the process of personal embodiment affected or excluded in certain manners by various materials covering the lifetime of bygone persons based on the process of such embodiment. The part related to childhood of Haseo was arranged newly to highlight solid relationship between Kim In-hoo and King Injong(仁宗). That was because Kim In-hoo raised the issue of loyalty and fidelity, one of the most important and most contentious issues at that time, in connection with reinstatement of GimyoSarim(己卯士林, progressive political faction with young officials), and King Injong was the king who reinstated Gimyo Sarim. That played a decisive role in establishing the image of Haseo, a classical scholar with unwavering integrity and loyalty. During the Late Joseon Dynasty, canonization of Haseo was made under the leadership of King Jeongjo(正祖) and Seoin(西人) in royal court. In the 17th century, Seoin scholars revised the materials related to lifetime of Kim In-hoo in various way and proofread and published the collection of literary works by Kim In-hoo. That aimed to establish scholastic system associated with Seoin and legitimacy of study as pursued by Seoin. This made progress with adoration towards scholars affiliated with Seoin, including Yulgok(栗谷) Lee Yi(李珥). Finally, King Jeongjo showed strong intention to take the lead as sovereign in the process while Haseo was canonized into national academy in the 18th century. That came from the desire to solidify his status as a teacher who took pride in taking responsibility for the dynasty's authentic study, as well as the king heading the dynasty politically.

본 연구에서는 고려 인종대 대금 진봉의 구체적 양상과 그 정치ㆍ외교적 함의를 분석하는 데 목적을 둔다. 기존 연구가 진봉을 상국(上國) 에 대한 의례적인 조공 또는 형식적 외교 행위로 이해한 것과 달리, 본 고에서는 이를 고려와 금 양국 간의 상호적 외교 행위로 재조명하였다. 인종대에는 거란(요)과 북송의 붕괴 이후 금이 동북아시아의 새로운 패 권 세력으로 부상한 시기로, 고려는 진봉을 통해 외교적 긴장 완화와 국 경 안정, 자주적 외교의 지속을 도모하였다. 진봉은 단순한 공물 전달이 아닌, 국왕의 정통성 확보와 권신 세력에 대한 견제 등 대내 정치와도 밀접히 연관된 외교 전략이었다. 아울러 금은 고려의 자발적 진봉을 통 해 종주권의 정당성을 강화하고, 황제권의 권위를 공고히 하였다. 진봉 과정에서 금에 제공된 방물은 고려의 경제력과 문화 수준을 보여주는 외교적 상징물이자, 실질적 기능을 갖춘 교섭 수단으로 기능하였다.

This study aims to analyze the specific aspects of Goryeo’s tribute missions to the Jin dynasty during King Injong’s reign, as well as their political and diplomatic implications. Unlike previous studies that have understood these missions as one-sided tributes or merely formal diplomatic acts, this paper reinterprets them as reciprocal diplomatic activities between Goryeo and Jin. During King Injong’s era, following the collapse of the Khitan Liao and Northern Song, the Jin dynasty emerged as the new hegemonic power in Northeast Asia. Goryeo utilized tribute missions to ease diplomatic tensions, stabilize its borders, and maintain an independent foreign policy. These missions were not simply the delivery of tribute goods but were closely tied to domestic politics, including securing royal legitimacy and checking the power of influential aristocrats. Furthermore, the Jin dynasty sought to reinforce the legitimacy of its suzerainty and the authority of the emperor through Goryeo’s voluntary tribute. The tribute items presented to Jin served not only as symbols of Goryeo’s economic and cultural development but also as practical tools of negotiation.

본 연구에서는 조선조 12대 왕이었던 인종의 독서력을 살펴보기 위하여 實錄을 통해 원자시절부터 세자시절 25년 동안 서연에서 실시한 독서일정 등을 상세하게 조사하였다. 따라서 인종이 실시한 서연제도와, 그 제도에 따라 읽었던 독서자료, 독서행태 및 독서환경 에 장애가 된 원인 등을 밝혔다. 그 결과 인종이 세자시절에 읽었던 책은 ｢小學｣, ｢大學｣, ｢論語｣, ｢十九史略｣, ｢孟子｣, ｢通鑑節要｣, ｢中庸｣, ｢大學衍義｣, ｢周易｣, ｢綱目｣, ｢宋鑑｣ 등 총 11종으로 강독 및 독서토론에 참여한 서연관은 80명이었으며, 독서저해요인은 본인 의 신체적인 문제, 내부적인 사건 등으로 나타났다.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the reading history of King Injong in the Joseon Dynasty by examining the records of the Sillok (實錄). The schedules of his reading and learning at the Seoyeon(書筵) for twenty five years before he became a king was investigated in detail. Major findings are as follows: What he read during those days were 11 titles which included Sohag(小學), Daehag(大學), Noneo(論語), Maengja(孟子), Jungyong(中庸), Daehagyeonye (大學衍 義), Juyeog(周易), Sibgusalyag(十九史略), Gangmog(綱目), and Songgam (宋鑑). Eighty people participated in his reading and discussion at the Seoyeon(書筵). His physical problem and internal incidents hindered his reading.

조광조를 포함한 기묘사림은 성리학을 배우고 배운 것을 정치에 투영하는 왕도정치(도학정치)를 구현하기 위해 『소학』을 교육의 표준으로 삼고 향약을 전국적으로 시행하려고 하였지만, 사화로 목숨을 잃고 개혁은 물거품이 되고 말았다. 이러한 기묘사림의 이상을 인종도 세자 시절부터 인지하고서 시강원 빈료의 조언을 수용하고 명서⋅명언을 통해 스스로 숙련을 거듭하였다. 그리고 국왕에 즉위하여서는 지치의 실현이 역사적 사명이라는 점을 알고서 조광조를 복권하고 현량과를 복구하는 등의 조치를 취하였지만, 9개월의 단명으로 그치고 말았다. 인종의 꿈 실현 프로젝트에 퇴계 이황과 하서 김인후도 가세하였다. 퇴계와 하서는 9년의 연배 차이에도 불구하고 성균관과 독서당에서 함께 공부하며 지기로서의 관계를 맺었다. 그리고 시강원에서 세자를 보도하는 일을 함께 수행하였다. 그런 퇴계와 하서에 대해 인종은 도학에 정진하여 왕도정치 구현을 기대하였고, 그에 부응하여 퇴계와 하서는 기묘사림 복권과 소학⋅향약 보급을 주창하였고, 실제 몸소 실천에 나서기도 하였다. 그리고 잦은 징소에도 불구하고 관직에서 물러나 재야에 머물며 성리학 연구에 매진하여 많은 제자를 향성하고 당대 최고의 학자로 남게 되었다.

The Gimyo Sarim including Jo Gwang-jo attempted to set Elementary Learning as a standard of education and implement Hyangak around the nation to realize royal politics(Dohak politics), which is to learn Neo-Confucianism and project what was learned onto politics, but they lost their lives after the Sahwa and had to see their reform go down the drain. Recognizing these ideals of the Gimyo Sarim as a crown prince, King Injong accepted advice from government officials at Sigangwon and continued to hone his skills through fine books and wise sayings. After coming to the throne, he was aware that the realization of Jichi was a historical mission for the country and took a series of measures including the reinstatement of Jo Gwang-jo and the restoration of the Hyeonrayng exam. All of this work, however, came to a halt as he died young after only nine months as king. Toegye Lee Hwang and Haseo Kim In-hu joined in the project to realize King Injong's dreams. Despite their nine-year differences, Toegye and Haseo studied together at Seonggyungwan and Dokseodang and established a relationship as close friends. They also worked together to lead the crown prince in the right direction at Sigangwon. King Injong expected them to devote themselves to Dohak and realize royal politics. Answering his expectations, they advocated the reinstatement of the Gimyo Sarim and the distribution of Elementary Learning and Hyangak and took the lead in their practice themselves. In addition, they retired from their government posts despite the king's frequent Jingsos to stay in the country and taught many pupils by being committed to the study of Neo-Confucianism, leaving their marks in history as the greatest scholars of their time.

고려 인종대 개혁정치라고 할 수 있는 ‘維新政治’와 그 직후에 편찬된 『三國史記』는 개연성이 크다고 할 수 있다. 사실 고려사회에 구축된 儒敎의 진지들은 견고했다고 할 수 있다. 다시 말해 권력적 장치로써 유교가 고려사회에 펼치는 그 위력은 참으로 가공할 만했다. 그런데 유교의 이념적 정체성은 他者에 대한 ‘구별짓기’와 배제를 만들어 낸다. 특히 그것에 기반하고 있는 君主論은 국가나 사회를 동질적이고 통일된 역사적 시간의 틀로 파악한다. ‘維新政治’는 그러한 성격을 가장 극적으로 보여 주는 역사다. 그런 면에서 보면 儒敎의 사회적인 시간구조는 ‘확산’이라는 메커니즘으로 작동한다. 곧 유교가 지배의 거울이 된다. 따라서 중국의 상고시대에 대한 그리움은 고려 정치사회의 절박한 과제였다. 당시 정치인들은 ‘중국의 고대는 이러 이러 했는데, 지금 고려의 정치사회는 엉망이다‘라고 인식하고, 그 이상을 따라가기 위해서는, 우리의 고유한 과거 속에서 중국 三代와 같은 극적 요소들을 찾아내려고 했을 것이다. 따라서 儒敎는 고려에서 선대왕이었던 ‘太祖와 文宗의 나라’를 발견하는 중요한 지렛대가 된다. 결국 김부식은 『三國史記』를 써서 고려도 중국의 三代처럼 되어야 한다고 주장한다. 아울러 김부식은 결국 군주를 위한다하면서도 군주를 제한할 수밖에 없었다. 결국 유교로써 상충적이고도 양극적인 메카니즘을 탄생시키는 것이다. 김부식은 타자로 척결된 親王論者인 묘청을 미워하면서 결국 묘청을 배워간다. 서로를 타자화 하는 정치적 대립구도에도 불구하고, 김부식과 묘청은 維新政治라는, 儒敎政治라는, 親王論者라는 儒敎政治의 연쇄 고리로 한데 묶여 소통했던 것이다. 따라서 역사 논쟁의 텍스트인 『三國史記』는 그 자체에 대한 실증적 이해를 넘어서, 또 다른 정치적인 해석의 여지를 가질 수 있다.

There is a clear probability between ‘Yushin politics’ and 『Samguk Sagi』 born shortly after it during the reign of Injong of the Goryeo Dynasty. In fact, the strongholds of Confucianism built in the Goryeo society can be said to be robust. In other words, the power of ‘Confucianism’ as an authoritative tool exercised over the Goryeo society is really fearful. By the way, the ideological identity of Confucianism produces ‘distinction’ and exclusion for others. In particular, autocracy based on it identifies the development narrative of the country and society as the framework of homogeneous and uniform historical time. ‘Yushin politics’ during the reign of Injong of the Goryeo Dynasty is the history demonstrating such nature the most dramatically. In that sense, the social time structure of Confucianism acts as the mechanism of "spreading". Confucianism becomes a mirror of the ruling. The longing for ancient times in China, indeed, was a imminent challenge of the Goryeo political society. Recognizing ‘This was the way things of the ancient times in China were but the political society of Goryeo is a chaos’ through the conventional self-diagnosis, it becomes a major challenge to find and develop the elements of advancement like Three States in our unique past. Therefore, the ideological identity of Confucianism is an important lever to discover the country of ‘Taejo’ and ‘Munjong’ in our past. Eventually, Kim Bu-sik claims that we can be like ancient Three States in China in his book 『Samguk Sagi』. In addition, though in favor of a monarch, Kim Bu-sik could not help limiting the monarch after all. Finally, the conflicting and bipolar mechanism is born in Confucianism politics in the Goryeo Dynasty. While hating Myocheong, a pro-king theorist eradicated as the other, Kim Bu-sik learns him after all. Despite the political confrontation of othernizing each other, Kim Bu-sik and Myocheong were tied together with a chain ring of Confucian, ‘Yushin politics’, Confucian politics related to the power of king and communicated each other. Thus, 『Samguk Sagi』, the text of historical controversy requires an understanding of the political landscape in the middle of the Goryeo Dynasty when the text has been placed beyond the empirical understanding of itself. In that sense, the margin of historical interpretation of 『Samguk Sagi』 can be said to be full.

This paper analyzes Goryeo’s perception of Jin and the accompanying shifts in self-awareness during the reign of King Injong, focusing on the changes in the diplomatic title “Geumju(⾦主)” used for the rulers of Jin. After the Jurchens founded the Jin dynasty and rose as a hegemonic power in mainland China, Goryeo was forced to make complex choices in establishing diplomatic relations with Jin. Initially, Goryeo referred to the Jin monarch as “Geumju,” emphasizing its own superiority in the hierarchy. However, as Jin’s power expanded and the international situation changed dramatically with the fall of the Liao and Song dynasties, Goryeo adopted a pragmatic diplomatic strategy of suzerainty. This study examines how Goryeo readjusted its identity and diplomatic status through the memorials submitted during King Injong’s reign and the gradual changes in the terminology used to address the Jin emperor. The research aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of Goryeo’s diplomatic agency and practical responses within the international relations of medieval East Asia.

본고는 고려 인종대에 드러난 신료들의 연호 제정 움직임과 그 갈등을 기존의 천하관의 관점에서 벗어나 바라보고자 했다. 궁극적으로 군왕으로서 태조 왕건과 광종의 연호 제정 의지는 인종에게서 찾아볼 수 없었다. 이와 같은 인종의 자세가 급박하게 전개되어 갔던 12세기 국내외 정세에 직면해 이를 컨트롤하는데 한계를 보임으로써, 신료들 사이의 연호관이 개인적 혹은 집단적 이해에 의해 표출됨에 따라 서로 충돌하게 되었다고 하겠다. 결국 고려는 인종대에 이르러 고려의 전통적인 연호관이 흔들렸으며, 제 세력들의 연호 제정에 대한 상반된 움직임과 견해를 제대로 제어하지 못했다. 필자는 고려의 연호관이 흔들리는 시기를, 연호 제정 움직임과 이를 둘러싼 세력 간의 갈등이 표면화되면서 충돌하였던 고려 인종대로 보았다. 귀족사회의 내분과 지역사회의 갈등이 동시에 폭발한 인종대가 이후 고려사회 변화에 적지 않은 영향을 끼쳤음을 염두에 둘 때, 시대 구분에 있어서 고려 왕조의 위상 변화를 읽어내는 데 인종대는 소홀히 지나칠 수 없다. 요컨대, 인종대 제 세력 간의 연호 제정 움직임은 고려의 천하관과 직접 맞닿아 있지 않다. 오히려 연호를 통한 고려의 실리 외교의 한 방편이 국제사회의 변동과 함께 연동하여 흔들리는 국내 정치세력을 완만히 제어하지 못한 소산이었다고 본다. 이것이 고려시대 연호 제정 움직임에 직면한 제 정치 세력의 개입이 표면적으로 드러났던 인종대를 대상으로 삼았던 이유이기도 한다.

This study reviewed establishment of the new era name and related conflicts among Goryeo subjects during King Injong’s reign, getting out of the existing world view. Unlike the first king of Goryeo, Taejo Wang Geon and King Gwangjong, King Injong showed little will to establish the new era name. With rapidly changing domestic and foreign political situations in the 12th century, such attitude of King Injong showed the limits in control, causing conflicts related to the establishment of the new era as the subjects’ different views according to their personal or group interest. Eventually, the traditional view of the era name of Goryeo was swaying during King Injong’s reign and it was impossible to control conflicting opinions related to that between power groups. The study regards the time when the view of the era name of Goryeo was swaying as the period of King Injong’s reign in which showed conflicts related to establishment of the new era name between power groups. Considering that the period of King Injong’s reign when internal conflicts in aristocracy and local community broke out at the same time and had a strong influence on the change of Goryeo society, it is essential to read King Injong’s period to understand the development of Goryeo dynasty in periodization in history. In summary, the movement to institute the new era name among power groups during King Injong’s reign was not direct connected to the world view of Goryeo. It was rather the result of not controlling domestic political power under sway along with changing international situations. It is why the study reviewed the period of King Injong’s reign when intervention of power groups was apparently revealed, facing with the movement to institute the new era name of Goryeo.

This thesis attempts to study the political history during the reign of King Injong after Yi Jagyeom’s Rebellion, and regard the question from the point of view of the government－administration strategy and reform strategy which responded to social changes. While Koryo in the middle period experienced social changes, especially going through Yi Jagyeom’s Rebellion and the diplomatic humiliation by Jurchen, the consciousness of crisis was rising and then political reactions started to appear as the reformist politics. The royal command for revitalizing reform was proclaimed in 1127 after the agreement of reform which was based on the political ideas of Hunyo and Shujing. Then, however, King Injong’s royal cronies joined with the Seogyong Party and tried to monopolize power while leading politics with the reformist policy based on Pungsu－Docham Theory. They proposed the reformist policy which enhanced the prosperity of the dynasty by religious and mystical methods, and pursued the national exploits, for example, the reestablishment as empire and the conquest of the Jurchen. They insisted that Daehwa Palace should be build in Seogyong and their king should go to the palace for national rehabilitation because the destiny of Koryo which had the main capital in Gaekyeong had decayed. They also tried to rationalize their assertions by actively using natural disasters and auspicious omens as support. Looking up to Myocheong, Baek Suhan and Jeong Jisang as saints, they tried to exercise influence all over the politics. However, Seogyong Party's intention of monopolizing power became clear and natural disasters more frequently occurred after building Daehwa Palace. Then bureaucrats who attached much importance to virtues such as humanity and justice in politics got to have power and set in to opposition. Kim Busik and Im Wan viewed natural disasters as the warning of the Heaven and underscored the political thought of Confucianism which stressed on king’s cultivation of morality and benevolent rule. And they enhanced the power of persuasion by offering the historical and empirical evidences about superiority of such politics. It could have been desirable to combine the consciousness of crisis and the desire for reform provided by Pungsu－Docham Theory with the Confucian rationalism. The two parties, however, were in conflict each other due to pursuing monopolizing power. Eventually, it led to Seogyong Revolt. After the war, Kim Busik and his party led politics, and Koryo Munbeol society became stabilized relatively. However, they failed to provide the efficient countermeasures for pending issues of social and economic problems.

This paper examined the background and the meaning of the compilation of Samguksagi during King Injong’s reign of Goryeo dynasty, from the perspective of the transformation of historical consciousness. Compiling Samguksagi (三國史記) was to re-compile National history which substituted Gu-Samguksa (舊三國史), old history of the three kingdoms. It was based on a re-awareness of its own history and a key part was to historically separate Goguryeo(高句 麗) and Goryeo. In Gu-Samguksa , Goguryeo was referred to as "Goryeo" and considered an own dynasty, and Gung-ye(弓裔) was recognized as the founder and published in Bongi(本紀), main annals of the history. Wang-geon(王建) recognized Gung-ye as the former king of the previous generation after he ascended the throne and declared the succession of the project. The inclusion of Gung-ye and the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms(後三國) in Hu-Goryeo(後高麗) part of Samgukyusa (三國遺事) Wangleok(王曆) reflects this historical consciousness. The fact that Hu-Goryeo part of SamgukyusaWangleok included Gung-ye and the unification of the Later Three Kingdoms in the part of King Taejo’s reign reflects this historical consciousness. On the other hand, the exclusion of the national title of Taebong (泰封) was to hide Wang-geon's alleged treason. In response, Samguksagi excluded Gung-ye from the history of Goryeo, denied his status as the king, and incorporated the description of him into Yeoljeon(列傳). The fact that Gung-ye enacted Goryeo, the national title, was deleted and King Taejo's reign was excluded from the chronological timetable. In addition, Pyeongyang(平壤)'s history was diluted with structures. Wang-geon and Gung-ye were spatially divided by deleting the historical site that Gung-ye first designated Cheolwon(鐵圓) as the capital.

The pursuit of Yushin politics and a tendency of political situation in King Injong eraof Goryeo Dynasty

본고는 고려 예･인종대 급제자를 묘주로 한 묘지명을 대상으로 12세기 묘지명을 다시 읽고 그 문학사적 성격과 위치를 구명하는 데 목적이 있다. 현재 예·인종대 급제 묘주 묘지명은 약 30편이 전한다. 재위 기간 대비 비중을 보면 예종대 급제 묘주 묘지명이 인종대의 그것보다 두 배 가량 더 많다. 이들은 통혼·동년과거·좌주-문생 관계, 정치적 협력 등을 통해 복합적인 관계망을 형성했으며, 상당수가 과거 시험관이나 문한직을 담당하여 학문적 영향력과 기억 구성의 매개 역할을 했다. 인물상에는 문학적 능력, 관직 경력, 청렴·강직·공평 등 공적 성품을 갖춘 규범적인 유학 관료가 주를 이루고, 도·불 성향, 호협형, 방외인 등 다원적 인물도 병존한다. 문체는 수식이 절제된 사실적·직서적 서술과 典實·典雅의 미의식이 추구되고, 호방·웅위의 풍격도 긍정적으로 평가되었다. 한편, 공적 경험의 서술에서는 천거, 문학·학술, 정치적 사건 서술 등을 통해 개인의 행적을 공공의 맥락 속에서 의미화하고, 집단의 규범과 행동 모델을 제시했다. 노년·죽음 부분에서는 죽음의 자연성을 받아들이는 태도와 담박함의 의경이 부각되며, 유가적 세계관을 토대로 묘주의 사회적 생명을 연장하고자 했다. 다른 시기의 급제 묘주 묘지명과 비교하면, 이 묘지명들은 개인의 개성 서술보다는 동년·좌주–문생 등 과거를 중심으로 한 네트워크와 유학적 이상을 중심으로 묘주의 공적 정체성을 구성하려는 경향이 상대적으로 더 드러난다. 그러면서도 인물상이나 문제 지향에서는 시대적 특성과 사상적 다양성이 반영되어 다원성의 양상도 나타난다. 요컨대, 예·인종대 급제 묘주 묘지명은 당대 지식인 집단이 이상적 인물상을 구성하고 공동의 기억을 확인하는 문학적 장의 역할을 수행하며, 동시에 다원성을 일정 부분 수용함으로써 12세기 묘지명의 독자적인 문학사적 지형을 형성하고 있다.

This study examines epitaphs for civil service examination graduates of the Yejong?Injong period in the Goryeo dynasty in order to reread twelfth-century epitaphs and clarify their literary-historical characteristics and position. Approximately thirty such epitaphs are extant; when considering their proportion relative to the length of each reign, those from Yejong’s reign are about twice as numerous as those from Injong’s reign. These individuals formed complex networks through intermarriage, shared examination cohorts, examiner?examinee relationships, and political collaboration. A considerable number of them also served as civil service examiners or held positions in literary officialdom (munhanjik), thereby functioning as mediators of scholarly influence and the formation of collective memory. In terms of character representation, the epitaphs predominantly portray normative Confucian officials endowed with literary competence, official careers, and public virtues such as integrity, uprightness, and impartiality, while also accommodating plural character types, including figures with Daoist or Buddhist inclinations, chivalric types, and unconventional personalities. Stylistically, the epitaphs favor restrained, factual, and straightforward narration, together with an aesthetic pursuit of canonical precision (dianshi) and elegant propriety (dianya), while qualities such as boldness and heroic grandeur are also evaluated positively. In the narration of public experience, personal careers are endowed with meaning within a public framework through accounts of recommendations, literary and scholarly activities, and political events, thereby presenting collective norms and models of conduct. In sections dealing with old age and death, emphasis is placed on an attitude of accepting the naturalness of death and a sense of composure, grounded in a Confucian worldview that seeks to extend the social life of the deceased. Compared with epitaphs for civil service degree holders from other periods, those from the Yejong?Injong period display a relatively stronger tendency to construct the public identity of the deceased around examination-centered networks?such as shared cohorts and examiner?examinee ties?and Confucian ideals, rather than emphasizing individual achievements or literary personality. At the same time, diversity in character types and stylistic orientations reflects the historical conditions and intellectual pluralism of the period, giving rise to manifestations of plurality within the epitaphs. In sum, epitaphs for civil service degree holders of the Yejong?Injong period functioned as a literary space in which contemporary intellectual groups constructed ideal models of personhood and reaffirmed shared memory, while to some extent accommodating plural values, thereby forming a distinctive literary-historical landscape of twelfth-century epitaph writing.

This article aimed at analyzing complex factors that made Yi Ja-gyeom in power and furthermore tried to find out how Goryeo reflected his unique authority in his position and officialized special power that originated from his authority. Yi Ja-gyeom was the first bureaucrat that was from non-royal family but alive as a grandfather of present king. In the same time, he was a meritorious retainer who enthroned his grandson King Injong by gathering support among aristocratic network members. His exceptional identities were formed by comprehensive combination of marriage rules of the Goryeo royal family, political situation after King Sukjong's accession, marriage strategies of the royal family in mid-Goryeo period, and biological coincidence. Hierarchy between King Injong and Yi Ja-gyeom differentiated according to the public and private spheres. Serious debate on legislative ways to accept their conflicting conditions was proceeded in the early period of King Injong’s reign and as a result the concept of ‘feudal lords with different family names (異姓諸王)’, which had already existed in chinese investiture system, was created in the Goryeo dynasty. Yi Ja-gyeom got the title as Joseongukgong (朝鮮國公), new rank higher than duke (公; gong) of the royal family. This concept and systematic foundation like arrangement of feudal administration office (開府) for it were used continuously until the period of Choi dictatorship. Yi Ja-gyeom went to the stage of referencing regent (知軍國事) as using the public foundation permitted to Joseongukgong. Unlike the case of Joseongukgong, this position of regent able to substitute for the monarchy could never be allowed in the Goryeo dynasty, and that’s why Yi Ja-gyeom failed in the end.

The new establishments of local officials and transfer of the Junior “Sok'hyeon” units, which occurred since the 9th year of King Hyeonjong's reign and up until the Standard Time point, are all reflected in the compiling of the Geography section of 『Goryeo-sa』. Yet some (or more) of them are listed as ‘exceptional’ cases, so there is a possibility that the records could be misinterpreted. In the 21st year of King Injong's reign, Hyeon'ryeong/縣令 prefects were dispatched to many Gun'hyeon units. Records of that dispatch included documentation of previous posting, and this served as a basis to determine whether or not there had been a change in the Managing/Belonging relationship of the area before the Standard Time point. Jang'heung-bu/長興府, which was elevated during King Euijong's reign, was ‘additionally’ included in this record, and that led people to wrongfully believe that it was elevated during King Injong's reign.

본 연구는 고려 인종 대에 금을 사대하는 과정과 금을 사대한 이후로도 한동안 고려 사회 내부에서 금을 사대하는 것을 두고서 갈등과 대립이 있었던 현상을 이례적이며 역사적인 사건으로 부각하였다. 이 과정에서 금에 대한 사대를 둘러싼 고려 사회의 내홍을 딜레마적 상황에서의 일로 파악하였다. 딜레마적 상황인 게, 통상적으로 하던 대로 동아시아 최강국이자 인접 국가인 금을 사대하게 되거나 사대를 유지하면 과거에 고려를 섬겼던 금(여진)을 거꾸로 사대한다고 하는 불만이 터져 나올 것이고, 거꾸로 사대를 행할 수 없다고 해서 금과의 사대를 맺지 않거나 체결한 사대를 도중에 중단하게 되면 금과의 군사적 대결을 피하기는 어렵게 될 것이다. 결국, 고려는 국경을 맞댄 최강국과의 전쟁을 미연에 방지하고자 금을 사대하기로 결정하였으며, 이후에도 금과의 사대를 유지하게 되었다. 이는 거꾸로 금을 사대하는 것에 대한 광범위한 반감을 무릅쓴 결단이었다. 이러한 여건에서 고려 지배층 내부에서조차 거꾸로 금을 사대하게 된 것에 따른 정서적 반감은 지속되고 있었고, 이러한 불만은 묘청 세력의 칭제건원과 금국정벌 주장과 같은 방식으로 분출되기도 하였다. 그러나 금이 더욱 강성해지는 상황 속에서 현상 유지를 깨고 금에 대한 사대에서 탈피하고자 하는 움직임은 시간이 지나면서 약화되어 갔고, 묘청의 난이 실패로 끝나면서 이와 같은 반발 움직임도 사라지게 되었다.

This study highlights the process through which Kory? came to pay tribute to the Jin dynasty during the reign of King Injong, as well as the subsequent internal conflicts and confrontations within Kory? society regarding the continued tribute to Jin. The study interprets the turmoil within Kory? society surrounding the tribute to Jin as a dilemma. If Kory? followed the usual course of action by paying tribute to the most powerful nation in East Asia, Jin (previously Jurchen), which was also its neighboring state, discontent would arise from having to pay tribute to a nation that once submitted to Kory?. Conversely, if Kory? refused to establish or maintain a tributary relationship with Jin, it would become difficult to avoid a military confrontation with the powerful state. Ultimately, Kory? decided to pay tribute to Jin to prevent a war with its powerful neighbor and continued this tributary relationship thereafter. This was a decision made despite widespread resentment against the reversal of roles, requiring Kory? to pay tribute to a former subordinate. Under these circumstances, resentment towards paying tribute to Jin persisted within the Kory? ruling class, and this discontent sometimes erupted through the actions of the Myocheong group, such as their calls for proclaiming Kory? as an imperial state to the outside world and for the conquest of the Jin state. However, as Jin grew stronger, the movement to break away from the status quo and abandon the tributary relationship weakened over time, and with the failure of Myocheong’s rebellion, such resistance also disappeared.