Earticle

We consider a three receiver state dependent multilevel broadcast channel (BC), where the state information is known non-causally at the encoder as well as all the decoders. This is an extension of Nair and El Gamal’s three receiver multilevel BC (Nair and El Gamal, 2009), wherein two of the receivers decode only a common message while a third receiver decodes a private message as well. The objective is to characterize the rate tuples that are simultaneously achievable while ensuring negligible probability of error at each of the receivers. We characterize the capacity region of this setup in the paper.

본 연구는 사회자본과 국제개발협력의 관점에서 개발도상국의 다양한 사회문제를 해결하기 위해서 정부는 어떠한 역할을 해야 하며 정부개입의 정도는 어떻게 해야 하는지를 울콕의 사회자본론을 바탕으로 분석하고자 하였다. 수원국 정부의 정책수행 역량을 거시적, 미시적 관점에서 배태성(embeddedness), 자율성(autonomy) 그리고 정부의 능력(state capacity)이라는 사회자본 측면에서 접근함으로서 다양한 형태로 지원되고 있는 원조사업의 효과적인 운영에 기여할 수 있는 함의를 모색해 보고자 한다. 연구방법는 울콕의 사회자본이론을 한국의 농촌개발정책이라는 사례에 적용하여 이론적 배경을 설명하는 해석적 접근에 뿌리를 두는 정책사례연구의 형태를 취하고 있다. 본 연구는 1970년대 한국의 농촌개발정책인 새마을개발정책을 미시적 수준의 통합성과 연계성, 그리고 거시적 수준에서는 정부의 완전성과 상승작용이라는 울콕의 사회자본 구성요소를 기준으로 각각 분석하였다. 또한 정책집행을 수행하는 방법으로서 하향식-상향식개발접근을 미시적-거시적 관점으로서 사회자본을 분석하였다. 분석결과를 바탕으로 농촌(지역)개발 공적개발원조사업을 집행함에 적용할 수 있는 시사점을 아래와 같이 제시하고 있다. 공적개발원조사업을 추진함에 있어 거시적 수준에서 사회자본을 구축할 수 있는 방안은 일차적으로 정부 내부의 완전성을 강화하여 정책의 응집력과 일관성을 바탕으로 자율성을 확보하는 것이다. 그리고 정부 이외의 시민단체 혹은 정부기관들과 상호 네트워크를 형성함으로서 정책 간 혹은 부처 간 정책수행의 시너지 효과를 얻을 수 있어야 한다. 이러한 정부의 응집력과 상승효과는 거시적 수준에서 형성될 수 있는 사회자본을 의미하며, 정부가 주도적인 역할을 함으로서 가능할 수 있다는 것이다. 미시적 수준에서 수원국 정부는 마을 공동체의식을 강화할 수 있는 방안을 모색하는 것이 매우 중요하다. 또한 주민들의 역량개발을 위해서 외부와의 느슨한 개방과 다양한 정보공유의 기회를 제공할 수 있어야 할 것이다. 이러한 미시적 수준에서의 사회자본 강화는 주민의 참여를 용이하게 하고 지속가능한 개발의 필수적인 요소라고 할 수 있다.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the theory of social capital of theWoolcock(1998) which suppose to solve the various problems of developing countries. This research analyzed the Saemaul development policy based on the integration andlinkage as micro level, integrity and synergy effects as macro level. Top-down andbottom-up implementation approach is also examined in terms of macro and micro levelof social capital. Based on the analyzing results from the Saemaul development policy,some suggestions are offered. The conclusion of this research suggests to secure the autonomy based on thecoherence and consistency of public policy by guarantee an internal integrity of thegovernment. Securing of synergy effects is also important by networking the internal andexternal organizations, civil groups and various government agencies. If the situations ofdeveloping countries similar to S. Korea in the 1970's, many developing countries needto secure the synergy effects and coherence of government policy at the macro levelfirst. And same time, it is crucial to seek for empowering the sense of community in themicro level, it is also important to give opportunity liking village to village to buildcapacity of villagers. Enforcement of social capital in micro level will make easy toparticipate villagers and is an essential part of sustainable development. Empoweringsocial capital in macro and micro level will make easy to mitigate hardness of manydeveloping countries and increase the effectiveness of program of the internationaldevelopment cooperation.

2012년 3월 4일 이미 예견되기는 했으나, 푸틴은 63.6%의 득표로 또 다시 재집권에 성공했다. 그의 화두는 “강한 러시아”와 “안정적 개혁”이었다. 푸틴의 재집권은 1990년대 초 체제전환기의 국내적 불안정과 국제적 불확실성에 대한 러시아인들의 감정과 생각을 그대로 반영했다고 볼 수 있다. 이미 ‘강한 러시아’와 ‘안정과 질서’를 외치면서 2000년 집권했던 푸틴은 당시 러시아 국민들의 요구와 시대정신을 잘 파악하고 있었다. 그러나 탈소비에트 초기의 무정부상태에 가까운 취약한 국가는 규모가 크건 작건 사회 대부분의 영역에서 다양한 부패가 성장할 수 있는 이상적인 조건을 창출했고, 부패는 푸틴시기까지 발전, 진화하고 있다. 집권 1-2기 동안 푸틴은 러시아의 국위를 선양하고, 경제를 발전시키는 등 많은 성과를 이룩했지만, 탈소비에트 전 시기를 통해 여전히 높은 수준을 유지하고 있는 부패 문제와 조직범죄(러시아 마피아) 문제는 여전히 해결되지 않은 채로 남아있다. 특히 부패문제는 푸틴 스스로도 인정했듯이, 그가 재임기간 중 가장 다루기 어렵고 힘든 일이었다. 본 논문은 우선 국제투명성기구(TI)의 부패인식지수(CPI)를 통해 지난 15년 동안(1996-2011)의 러시아의 전반적인 부패현상을 분석할 것이다. 다음으로, 이런 부패현상을 뿌리 뽑고자 했지만 한계에 부딪혀 성과를 내지 못한 푸틴 집권 1-2기 동안의 개혁에 대해 살펴볼 것이다. 푸틴은 중앙집권화와 강제력의 독점을 통해 질서와 안정을 공급하고, 개혁(에너지 분야, 예를 들면 가즈프롬의 재국유화 등)을 통해 경제의 효율성을 제고하고자 했으나 오히려 불확실성과 보호의 공백을 제공함으로써 부패에 대한 필요성(의존성)을 증대시키는 외부적 환경적 요인을 제공했다. 결국 푸틴의 개혁의지에 비해 러시아 국가의 능력이 부족했고, 권위주의적 경향은 오히려 부패척결에 도움이 되지 못했다. 따라서 부패문제는 여전히 재집권한 푸틴의 집권 3기의 중대한 과제로서 남아있다. 재집권한 푸틴의 정치적 의지는 부패를 줄이는 가장 중요한 변수 중 하나이다. 푸틴은 집권 1기에 부패척결에 대한 정치적 의지를 보여주었지만 국가적 능력은 제한되어 있었다. 집권 2기에는 국가적 능력이 증가한 반면 핵심 어젠다는 외교정책 등과 같은 다른 곳에 있었다. 부패 문제 해결은 새로 집권한 푸틴의 태도와 능력에 결정적으로 의존할 것이다. 그러나 지금까지의 러시아의 부패 경향이나 추세로 볼 때, 사회 전체에 만연된 부패 문제는 재집권한 푸틴의 풀기 어려운 숙제로 여전히 남아있다.

As predicted, on 4 March 2012 Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin won the 2012 Russian presidential elections in the first round, with 63.6 % of the vote. His catch phrase were “Strong Russia” and “Stable Reform”. As in 2000 elections, his reelection of 2012 reflected Russian emotion and thinking about domestic unstability and international uncertainty of 1990s. The near anarchy and weak state of the early post-Soviet period, however, coupled with a disastrous economic situation, created ideal conditions for the growth of most types of corruption, in both large and small scale, all over the society. The corruption has been developed until now on. While Vladimir Putin(his first and second Presidency, 2000-2008) did achieve much, including a marked improvement in Russia’s selfimage and economy, there were also a number of real problem areas such as the fight against corruption and organised crime, which have had consistently high levels throughout the post-communist period. In fact, Putin described corruption as ‘the most wearying and difficult to resolve’ of all Russia’s problems while he was president. This analysis, first of all, provides a critical overview of the data(Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index) available on corruption in Russia(1996-2011), and an analysis of the medium-term trends. And Putin's failed Reform Programmes on corruption will be analysed. Indeed, Putin tried to ensure order and stability through the centralization and monopoly of force, to improve the efficiency of the economy by way of renationalization of key energy corporate such as Gazprom. But, he have provided, rather, external environmental factors of corruption by providing uncertainty and a space of protect. After all, Putin's commitment to reform lacked the state ability, and authoritarian tendencies did not help to protect state from corruptions. Thus, corruption still remains one of the major challenges of President Putin(third presidency, 2012-2016). One of the most important variables to the future of corruption in Russia will be the political will of the reelected Russian President Putin. In his first presidency(2000-2004), he lacked the state capacity available to the war against the corruptions. His second presidency(2004-2008) had another interest, such as foreign policy. In the end, solving the corruption problem in Russia will depend crucially on the attitude and ability of the President Putin. However, given that the roots and tendency of corruptions in Russia were so far and so deep, the war against corruption will not be easy for Putin.

소비에트 붕괴의 즉각적인 여파로, 러시아의 조직범죄는 전성기를 맞았다. 탈소비에트 초기의 무정부상태에 가까운 취약한 국가는 조직화되었던 아니든 대부분의 범죄 형태가 성장할 수 있는 이상적인 조건을 창출했고, 푸틴시기까지 발전, 진화하고 있다. 부패문제 또한 지난 10년 동안 러시아에서 국가형성의 첫 단계에서는 아주 드물게 많은 관심을 끌었다. 1990년대 초 변혁기 동안 개혁가들은 주로 사회주의 시스템을 해체하고 민주주의와 시장경제의 새로운 토대를 마련하는 데 촛점을 맞추었다. 그러나 시장경제가 기능하기 위해 필수적인 새로운 법률시스템의 형성은 부상하는 엘리트들의 새로운 자기이윤 획득 가능성을 열었다. 본 논문은 푸틴시기 러시아의 조직범죄와 부패현상을 입수 가능한 각종 통계자료와 국제적 부패지수, 즉 국제투명성기구(TI)의 부패인식지수(CPI)와 Freedom House의 이행기국가지수(Nations in Transit)를 통해 분석해 볼 것이다. 아울러 러시아의 부패와 조직범죄에 대한 중기적 경향들을 분석해 볼 것이다. 그리고 이런 조직범죄와 부패현상을 뿌리 뽑고자 했지만 한계에 부딪혀 성과를 내지 못한 따라서 강제력의 독점을 통해 질서와 안정을 공급해야 할 국가가 오히려 불확실성과 보호의 공백을 제공함으로써 이런 문제들에 대한 필요성(의존성)을 증대시키는 외부적 환경적 요인을 제공했던 푸틴의 개혁(에너지 분야의 재국유화 renationalization), 러시아 국가 능력의 부족, 권위주의적 경향 등도 살펴볼 것이다. 마지막으로, 조직범죄와 부패가 통상 상호 연계되어 있고 서로 상승관계에 있다는 주장이 있고 또 수용되고 있는데, 러시아의 경우를 통해 살펴볼 것이다. 결론적으로 정치적 의지는 부패와 조직범죄율을 줄이는 필요조건이지 충분조건은 아니다. 푸틴은 자신의 집권 1기에 일정부분의 정치적 의지를 보여주었지만 국가적 능력은 제한되어 있었다. 집권 2기에는 국가적 능력이 증가한 반면 시선은 다른 곳에 있었다. 부패와 조직범죄라는 현상의 미래는 러시아의 새로운 지도부의 태도와 능력에 분명 적지 않게 의존할 것이다. 그러나 지금까지의 경향이나 추세로 볼 때, 소비에트 시절 이래 관료사회에 만연된 부패와 쿨락에 뿌리를 두고 10여년간 체계화된 조직범죄의 문제는 푸틴에 이어 메드베데프 정권의 풀기 어려운 숙제로 여전히 남아있다.

In the immediate aftermath of the collapse of Soviet power in Russia, organised crime appeared to grow like mushrooms after the rain. The near anarchy and weak state of the early post-Soviet period, coupled with a disastrous economic situation, created ideal conditions for the growth of most types of crime, including organised. While Vladimir Putin did achieve much, including a marked improvement in Russia’s self-image and economy, there were also a number of real problem areas such as the fight against corruption and organised crime. The former was one of the few relative failures Putin acknowledged. Indeed, he described corruption as ‘the most wearying and difficult to resolve’ of all Russia’s problems while he was president. In fact, Russia does appear to have had consistently high levels of corruption throughout the post-communist period This analysis provides a critical overview of the data(Rosstat statistics, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index, Freedom House's Nations in Transit ect.) available on corruption and organised crime in Putin’s Russia, and an analysis of the medium-term trends. In the case of organised crime, the opportunities for increased activity are enhanced as globalization spreads and boundaries become ever more permeable — suggesting an increase in such activity. As far as Russia is concerned, it is accepted that organised crime and corruption are interactive. A corrupt state is seen to encourage, or at least facilitate, organised crime. Two closely related variables common to the future of both corruption and organised crime will be the political will of the new Russian leadership, as well as the state capacity available to the new president. But the war against corruption and organised crime will not be easy.

본 연구는 피부의 각질층에 분포되어 있는 유지질의 변화 상태를 조절하는 구조체계에 대해 고안한다. 피부구조에 유지질 성분이 어떻게 진행되는지 형태학으로 구성하였고, 주어진 세포사이와 세포횡단의 조건으로 기계적으로 조절되는 형태를 구성하였으며, 구조적인 기능으로 조절기능의 변화 상태를 확인하였다. 유지질 성분에서 피부의 모형을 구성하여 각층에 따른 유기질 상태의 피부 임피던스를 피부의 측정 임피던스 시스템으로 구성하여 진행하였다. 측정 임피던스는 λ-Lip-RSC, λ-Lip-RSL, λ-Lip-CSG, λ-Lip-CSS 와 λ-Lip-RSB로 형성하였고, 세포사이와 세포횡단의 조건으로 변화의 차가 있고, 변환을 제어하는 전달시스템을 구성과 변환모델을 세분화하여 구축하였다. 앞으로 유지질 상태에서 피부의 기능적 효능조절이 가능한 유지질 성분의 조절시스템을 구성하여 지속적인 피부의 개선효과가 진행 될 것으로 예상된다.

We are designed to control the lipoid variation of the structure system with the stratum corneum on the skin. The skin structure is consisted of a morphology how to use the lipoid component, and the given skin structure is consisted of the mechanical shapes of the intercellular route and transcellular route, and is confirmed to control the variation state of the structure capacity. The skin impedance is appeared to result the value of measurement such as shapes of λ-Lip-RSC, λ-Lip-RSL, λ-Lip-CSG, λ-Lip-CSS and λ-Lip-RSB. The condition is showed to the alteration difference value of the intercellular route and transcellular route. And, composition condition is established to separate the division parts for conversion system that is constructed with the alteration modeling. We will be possible to progress the improvement effectiveness of the continuous skin control system on the skin.

This study attempts to find an answer to the question of whether China during Deng's era can be labeled as a developmental state through an analysis of state autonomy and state capacity. Given that China at the beginning of Deng's era inherited a sufficiently high degree of state autonomy, this study divided state capacity into two different levels, that is, autonomy-sustaining capacity and goal-achieving capacity. As a result of the analysis, it was found that China during Deng's era successfully sustained its autonomy from civil society, but not from domestic enterprises. Moreover, even though the aim of industrial policy during Deng's era was to attain balanced growth among diverse sectors, the Chinese state failed to achieve it since the state did not have sufficient capacity to curb exponentially growing light industry and processing industry. In conclusion, this study found that, Deng Xiaoping's China, not having sufficient autonomy-sustaining capacity and goal-achieving capacity, cannot be labeled as a developmental state.

We analyze the effect of state capacity on poverty in Africa. We consider two proxy variables for state capacity: the government effectiveness index, capturing administrative capacity, and the political stability index, a proxy for coercive capacity. Using the system-GMM technique with four-year average panel data from 53 African countries over the period 1995-2014, we find that each of the state capacity variable significantly reduces poverty rate. However, administrative capacity appears to be the most important aspect of state capacity for poverty reduction. The results also suggest that cereal yield, a proxy for agricultural productivity, would be a channel through which state capacity affects poverty in Africa.

In late 2003, the “theory of scientific development” (kexue fazhanguan) was espoused by the fourth generation of Chinese Communist leadership, led by Hu Jintao. It calls for people-centered development and promotes harmonic development of the economy, society, and human beings. Its effective implementation is considered crucial for achieving sustainable growth and building a moderately prosperous society. Viewing the theory of scientific development as a new policy paradigm advocated by the central policy elites, this article explores the capacity of the Chinese state to institutionalize the shift from the well-entrenched paradigm of all-out development (GDPism) to a new paradigm based on a balance between economic growth, social development, and environmental protection. It argues that while the formulation of the new policy paradigm demonstrates the relatively high capacity of Chinese central policy elites for policy learning, its institutionalization has been a complex and protracted process due to the weakness of societal actors in the policy subsystem, which has resulted mainly from the existing central-local politics, and underdeveloped civil society, and weak links between the state and society in China.

This study investigates the relationship between democratization and state capacity by exploring the origins and processes of the South Korean government’s failed management of the 1997 Asian financial crisis. While most literature points to the obsolete developmental state under globalization or the government’s ill-considered policy of liberalization as the primary source of the demise of state capacity, it examines the internal organizational aspects of Korea’s bureaucracy and its relationship with the government’s political branch to show how the changes to politics and bureaucracy in new democracies have a detrimental effect on the state’s capacity to manage a crisis. The breakdown of political-bureaucratic coordination, the internal cohesiveness of the bureaucracy, and the lack of systemic overview, all of which led to the failed management of the crisis, illustrate that the developmental state in Korea had already been severely dismantled from the inside due to the rapid democratic transition when the Asian financial crisis hit. The case of South Korea’s bureaucratic implosion provides lessons for new democracies, as building and securing a capable officialdom that can successfully manage internal and external crises is critical in the process of democratic transition for new democracies.

This paper examines how inequality produced by globalization undermines the confidence of citizens that the government can resolve their problems, incubating growing anti-establishment sentiment. Applying the latest data from Asian Barometer Survey (ABS), the authors found that anti-establishment attitudes can be best explained by citizens’ perceptions of a lack of state capacity and the state’s persistently weak political performance. Analysis using multilevel modeling suggests that income inequality and weak economic growth further aggravate anti-establishment tendencies. This phenomenon, however, is most apparent in the countries of East Asia. Countries in Southeast Asia are generally less affected because they continue to enjoy rapid economic growth due to latecomer advantage in the global economy.

This study examines how structural components?state capacity, social structure, and political context?shaped land reform in North Korea and North Vietnam. In Korea, Japan’s direct and centralized colonial rule established a modern land registration system and subordinated the landlord class to the colonial state. As a result, the communist regime could clearly identify landlords and redistribute land based on existing records, encountering minimal social resistance. In contrast, the French employed indirect colonial rule in Vietnam and exercised weak infrastructural power, leaving cadastral records underdeveloped and individual property rights ill-defined. The landlord class, empowered by colonial authorities and hostile to the Vietnamese Workers’ Party, retained significant influence. Consequently, land reform cadres had to simultaneously implement land redistribution and state centralization. Lacking reliable data to distinguish landlords from middle peasants, they implemented radical central directives to purge perceived class enemies, leading to disastrous outcomes.

In the 2000s, financial exclusion of low-income people emerged as a major social problem in South Korea. Microcredit business was first introduced by NGOs to help the poor overcome poverty while the Korean government soon chose to initiate microcredit policies to assist financially marginalized low-income people as a key policy measure to alleviate social inequality and revitalize economy. Unlike the initial expectation that state intervention in microcredit industry would be more effective, the outcome has been much less impressive. This paper aims to examine the poor performance of state-led microcredit in South Korea during the period of Lee Myung-bak administration by employing the concepts of state autonomy and capacity. It finds that the state autonomy, a key characteristic of a develop- mental state, was high in the sense that the funds had been raised in the face of strong resistance from private financial institutions. Lack of state capacity such as low technocratic expertise and politicization of microcredit policy, however, turned out to be a major stumbling block to the state-led microcredit in South Korea. This study shows that although the Korean government still has strong willingness to intervene in the financial market even in the face of interest groups’ opposition, the eventual success of state action largely depends on its capacity to effectively implement financial policies.

This study examined transportation grants provided to states under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA). Some states acquired more grants and utilized them in a timelier manner than others. This study examined why this is the case, utilizing the concept of Government Capacity and related data. Human resource and financial resource capacities were viewed as the principal drivers of success and studying this managerially controllable variables underpin the analysis. There are two research questions, aligned with the two stages: (1) what factors affect state governments in the acquisition of competitive grants? (2) what factors affect state governments in the implementation of competitive and formula grants? Government Capacity consists of four components, namely human resources, financial resources, general management, and experience. Overall, the regression test results showed that three dimensions of government capacity played a significant role to varying extents with respect to ARRA: human resource, financial resource, and experience. The study concluded that specific aspects of Government Capacity were thus relevant predictors of the acquisition and the implementation of ARRA grants

Global market and technological developments in the telecommunications sector have created challenges for the Korean state in governing this dynamic sector. This paper begins by examining arguments related to the regulatory state and economic governance of the telecommunications sector, and concludes with a research framework to analyze the success and failure of regulatory reform in the Korean telecommunications sector. Market liberalization’s two key aspects?the relaxation of foreign investment regulations and the introduction of pro-competitive institutions?provide the two analytical sites on which arguments around the state and regulatory capacity in the Korean setting may be examined. This paper raises an issue often ignored in scholarly discourse on regulatory reform?introducing pro-competitive market institutions requires the active involvement of the state, albeit in a new capacity. In the context where stakeholders have different motives and gains with respect to the end result of reform,the state must have the authority and credibility as the interpreter, articulator, and enforcer of the new rules. This paper therefore points to the importance of the state’s aptitude for capacity building, in particular in relation to substantive legal/juridical expertise and a respect for due process, which are the requisites of the regulatory state.

SSD의 FTL에서는 호스트로부터 요청된 논리적 페이지 번호를 실제 기록된 플래시 메모리 페이지 번호로 매핑하는 작업을 한다. 매핑 정보를 관리하기 위해서 사용되는 RAM의 용량을 줄이는 것은 매우 중요하다. 기존의 요구기반 FTL에서는 매핑 정보도 플래시 메모리 페이지에 기록하고 그들의 주소만 RAM에 테이블로 관리하는 2단계 방법을 적용하였다. 그러나 SSD의 용량이 수십 테라바이트 수준으로 늘어나고 있으므로 이 방법만으로는 충분하지 않다. 본 논문에서는 소요되는 RAM의 용량을 획기적으로 줄이기 위해서 매핑 정보를 3단계로 관리하는 방법인 ML-FTL을 제안하고 그 성능을 평가하였다. 캐시를 적절히 활용함으로써 기존의 2단계 방법에 비해서 오버헤드가 늘어나는 정도가 미미하다는 것을 확인하였다.

The flash translation layer(FTL) of SSD maps the logical page number requested from the host to the actual recorded flash memory page number. It is very important to reduce the amount of RAM used to manage the mapping information. In the existing demand-based FTLs, two-level method is applied in which mapping information is also recorded in flash memory pages and only their addresses are managed as a table in RAM. As the capacities of SSDs are growing to tens of terabytes, the amount of RAM for mapping table becomes too large. In this paper, ML-FTL was proposed as a method of managing mapping information in three levels to reduce the amount of RAM required drastically. From an evaluation, the increase in overhead was minimal compared to the conventional two-level method by properly utilizing cache.

This study aims to investigate the determinants of citizens’ preferences for policy instruments. In particular, this study examines the impacts of social trust, government capacity, and the statesociety relationship on citizens’ preferences for policy instruments. To test the relationships among those variables, the study utilizes data from the ISSP (International Social Survey Program) Environmental III 2010, which includes 32 countries. The results show that regardless of policy target groups, social trust makes citizens prefer market-based policy instruments most, and a high level of government capacity leads citizens to favor indirect policy instruments over regulation. The influence of the state-society relationship is contingent on the social construction of the policy target groups except in the case of East Asian countries, which have a strong preference for suasive policy instruments.

In this paper, we studied the state of charge (SOC) estimation algorithm of a high-capacity lithium secondary battery for electric vehicles (EVs) considering temperature characteristics. Nonlinear characteristics of high-capacity lithium secondary batteries are represented by differential equations in the mathematical form and expressed by the state space equation through battery modeling to extract the characteristic parameters of the lithium secondary battery. Charging and discharging equipment were used to perform characteristic tests for the extraction of parameters of lithium secondary batteries at various temperatures. An extended Kalman filter (EKF) algorithm, a state observer, was used to estimate the state of the battery. The battery capacity and internal resistance of the high-capacity lithium secondary battery were investigated through battery modeling. The proposed modeling was applied to the battery pack for EVs to estimate the state of the battery. We confirmed the feasibility of the proposed study by comparing the estimated SOC values and the SOC values from the experiment. The proposed method using the EKF is expected to be highly applicable in estimating the state of the high-capacity rechargeable lithium battery pack for electric vehicles.

Electric power quality in power transmission/distribution systems has deteriorated considerably with the increase in the number and the capacity of inverter-based distributed generators (DGs). This is caused by inverters, connecting DGs to conventional power grids, tend to generate harmonic currents and voltages due to the switching operations of their transistors and diodes. Therefore, this paper presents new methods to adopt harmonic filters to an inverter-based DG, considering a system consisting of both an inverter-based DG and harmonic filters. In order to prove that the system proposed in this paper can be used generally, this paper describes the simulation results obtained by using PSCAD/EMTDC: the relationship between the total harmonic distortion (THD) of the output current and the output power of a DG, and the harmonic mitigation ability of passive and active filters. Furthermore, the system is obliged to satisfy the regulations made by Korea Electric Power Corporation (KEPCO). In the regulations, DG power factor needs to be maintained between 0.9 and 1 in a grid-connected mode. Thus, this paper suggests two methods for the system to control its power factor. First, the power factor should be controlled by the DG inverter rather than an active filter because this brings a dramatic decrease in the capacity of the active filter. Second, the DG should absorb reactive power only in the low output power range in order to prevent a useless increase in the inverter capacity. This method is expected to result in a variable power factor of the system according to its output power. With these control methods, the proposed DG system can successfully operate in a grid-connected mode with an optimally-reduced capacity of active harmonic filters and DG inverters while satisfying the regulations in terms of voltage variation, power factor, and THD.

기초지반의 거동은 선형탄성이 아니며, 완전소성상태도 아닌 비선형 응력-변형률의 거동을 보이며, 지반 물성은 하중조건 및 상태에 따라 상이한 값을 나타내게 된다. 기존 기초 지지력 산정방법의 대부분은 기초지반 특성치의 대표값을 적용하고 있어, 응력상태에 따른 지반특성의 변화를 고려하지 못하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 상재하중을 받는 얕은 기초를 대상으로 지반의 상태의존적 변화특성을 고려하며 현장시험결과인 콘지지력값들 적용할 수 있는 얕은 기초의 지지력 산정에 대한 연구를 수행하였다. 이를 위해 상태의존적 응력-변형률 거동 모델을 적용한 비선형 유한요소해석과 콘지지력해석을 수행하였으며, 이를 토대로 콘지지력의 함수로 표시되는 얕은 기초의 지지력 산정방법을 제안하였다. 보다 일반화된 결과를 도출하기 위해 다양한 범위의 상대밀도, 기초의 근입심도 및 크기 등을 고려하여 유한요소해석을 수행하였으며, 이를 통해 얻어진 하중-침하량 곡선을 토대로 콘지지력 값으로 정규화된 얕은 기초의 지지력값은 도출하였다. 상재하중이 적용된 지반에서 기초의 근입심도에 따른 정규화 극한 지지력의 차이는 비교적 작은 것으로 나타났으나, 상대밀도에 의한 차이는 큰 것으로 나타났으며, 상대밀도가 증가할수록 얕은 기초의 정규화 지지력은 감소하는 것으로 나타났다.

The use of the bearing capacity equation is subjected to several uncertainties. In this study, estimation of the bearing capacity of footings based on the cone resistance q$_{c}$ is investigated. Non-linear finite element analyses based on a state-dependent stress-strain model were performed to obtain the load-settlement responses of axially loaded circular footings. Various soil and footing conditions, including different relative densities, depths of embedment, and footing diameters were considered in the analyses. Based on the finite element results, load-settlement curves were obtained and used to determine the unit limit bearing capacity in terms of the cone resistance q$_{c}$ for footings subjected to surcharge. Values of the unit bearing capacity for different embedment depths were in a narrow range, while considerable variation was observed with relative density D$_{R}$. It was observed that the unit limit bearing capacity normalized with respect to q$_{c}$ decreases as D$_{R}$ increases for a given surcharge.